At 2 P.M. we walked to General Longstreet's camp, which had been

removed to a place three miles distant, on the Fairfield road. General

Longstreet talked to me for a long time about the battle. He said the

mistake they had made was in not concentrating the army more, and making

the attack yesterday with 30,000 men instead of 15,000. The advance had

been in three lines, and the troops of Hill's corps who gave way were

young soldiers, who had never been under fire before. He thought the

enemy would have attacked had the guns been withdrawn. Had they done so

at that particular moment immediately after the repulse, it would have

been awkward; but in that case he had given orders for the advance of

Hood's division and M'Laws's on the right. I think, after all, that

General Meade was right not to advance--his men would never have stood

the tremendous fire of artillery they would have been exposed to. Rather

over 7000 Yankees were captured during the three days;--3500 took the

parole; the remainder were now being marched to Richmond, escorted by

the remains of Pickett's division. It is impossible to avoid seeing that

the cause of this check to the Confederates lies in the utter contempt

felt for the enemy by all ranks.

Waggons, horses, mules, and cattle captured in Pennsylvania, the solid

advantages of this campaign, have been passing slowly along this road

(Fairfield) all day: those taken by Ewell are particularly admired. So

interminable was this train that it soon became evident that we should

not be able to start till late at night. As soon as it became dark we

all lay round a big fire, and I heard reports coming in from the

different generals that the enemy was _retiring_, and had been doing so

all day long. M'Laws reported nothing in his front but cavalry videttes.

But this, of course, could make no difference to General Lee's plans:

ammunition he must have--he had failed to capture it from the enemy

(according to precedent); and as his communications with Virginia were

intercepted, he was compelled to fall back towards Winchester, and draw

his supplies from thence. General Milroy had kindly left an ample stock

at that town when he made his precipitate exit some weeks ago. The army

was also encumbered with an enormous waggon-train, the spoils of

Pennsylvania, which it is highly desirable to get safely over the

Potomac.

Shortly after 9 P.M. the rain began to descend in torrents. Lawley and I

luckily got into the doctors' covered buggy, and began to get slowly

under way a little after midnight.

[61] The Napoleon 12-pounders are smooth-bore brass guns, with chambers,

very light, and with long range. They were invented or recommended by

Louis Napoleon years ago. A large number are being cast at Augusta and

elsewhere.

* * * * *

_5th July_ (Sunday).--The night was very bad--thunder and lightning,

torrents of rain--the road knee-deep in mud and water, and often blocked

up with waggons "come to grief." I pitied the wretched plight of the

unfortunate soldiers who were to follow us. Our progress was naturally

very slow indeed, and we took eight hours to go as many miles.

At 8 A.M. we halted a little beyond the village of Fairfield, near the

entrance to a mountain-pass. No sooner had we done so and lit a fire,

than an alarm was spread that Yankee cavalry were upon us. Several shots

flew over our heads, but we never could discover from whence they came.

News also arrived of the capture of the whole of Ewell's beautiful

waggons.[62] These reports created a regular stampede amongst the

waggoners, and Longstreet's drivers started off as fast as they could

go. Our medical trio, however, firmly declined to budge, and came to

this wise conclusion, partly urged by the pangs of hunger, and partly

from the consideration that, if the Yankee cavalry did come, the crowded

state of the road in our rear would prevent our escape. Soon afterwards,

some Confederate cavalry were pushed to the front, who cleared the pass

after a slight skirmish.

At noon, Generals Lee and Longstreet arrived, and halted close to us.

Soon afterwards Ewell came up. This is the first time I ever saw him. He

is rather a remarkable-looking old soldier, with a bald head, a

prominent nose, and rather a haggard, sickly face: having so lately lost

his leg above the knee, he is still a complete cripple, and falls off

his horse occasionally. Directly he dismounts he has to be put on

crutches. He was Stonewall Jackson's coadjutor during the celebrated

valley campaigns, and he used to be a great swearer--in fact, he is said

to have been the only person who was unable to restrain that propensity

before Jackson; but since his late (rather romantic) marriage, he has

(to use the American expression) "_joined the Church_." When I saw him

he was in a great state of disgust in consequence of the supposed loss

of his waggons, and refused to be comforted by General Lee.

I joined Longstreet again, and, mounted on Lawley's venerable horse,

started at 3 P.M. to ride through the pass. At 4 P.M. we stopped at a

place where the roads fork, one leading to Emmetsburg, and the other to

Hagerstown. Major Moses and I entered a farmhouse, in which we found

several women, two wounded Yankees, and one dead one, the result of this

morning's skirmish. One of the sufferers was frightfully wounded in the

head; the other was hit in the knee: the latter told me he was an

Irishman, and had served in the Bengal Europeans during the Indian

Mutiny. He now belonged to a Michigan cavalry regiment, and had already

imbibed American ideas of Ireland's wrongs, and all that sort of trash.

He told me that his officers were very bad, and that the idea in the

army was that M'Clellan had assumed the chief command.

The women in this house were great Abolitionists. When Major Fairfax

rode up, he inquired of one of them whether the corpse was that of a

Confederate or Yankee (the body was in the verandah, covered with a

white sheet). The woman made a gesture with her foot, and replied, "If

it was a rebel, do you think it would be here long?" Fairfax then said,

"Is it a woman who speaks in such a manner of a dead body which can do

no one any harm?" She thereupon coloured up, and said she wasn't in

earnest.

At 6 o'clock we rode on again (by the Hagerstown road) and came up with

General Longstreet at 7.30. The road was full of soldiers marching in a

particularly lively manner--the wet and mud seemed to have produced no

effect whatever on their spirits, which were as boisterous as ever. They

had got hold of coloured prints of Mr Lincoln, which they were passing

about from company to company with many remarks upon the personal beauty

of Uncle Abe. The same old chaff was going on of "Come out of that

hat--I know you're in it--I sees your legs a-dangling down," &c. When we

halted for the night, skirmishing was going on in front and rear--Stuart

in front and Ewell in rear. Our bivouac being near a large tavern,

General Longstreet had ordered some supper there for himself and his

Staff; but when we went to devour it, we discovered General M'Laws and

his officers rapidly finishing it. We, however, soon got more, the

Pennsylvanian proprietors being particularly anxious to propitiate the

General, in hopes that he would spare their live stock, which had been

condemned to death by the ruthless Moses.

During supper women came rushing in at intervals, saying--"Oh, good

heavens, now they're killing our fat hogs. Which is the General? which

is the Great Officer? Our milch cows are now going." To all which

expressions Longstreet replied, shaking his head in a melancholy

manner--"Yes, madam, it's very sad--very sad; and this sort of thing has

been going on in Virginia more than two years--very sad."

We all slept in the open, and the heavy rain produced no effect upon our

slumbers.

I understand it is impossible to cross the lines by flag of truce. I

therefore find myself in a dilemma about the expiration of my leave.

[62] It afterwards turned out that all escaped but thirty-eight.

* * * * *

_6th July_ (Monday).--Several horses were stolen last night, mine nearly

so. It is necessary to be very careful, in order to prevent this

misfortune. We started at 6.30, but got on very slowly, so blocked up

was the road with waggons, some of which had been captured and burnt by

the enemy yesterday. It now turned out that all Ewell's waggons escaped

except thirty-eight, although, at one time, they had been all in the

enemy's hands.

At 8.30 we halted for a couple of hours, and Generals Lee, Longstreet,

Hill, and Willcox had a consultation. I spoke to ---- about my

difficulties with regard to getting home, and the necessity of doing so,

owing to the approaching expiration of my leave. He told me that the

army had no intention at present of retreating for good, and advised me

to stop with them and see what turned up; he also said that some of the

enemy's despatches had been intercepted, in which the following words

occur:--"The noble but unfortunate army of the Potomac has again been

obliged to retreat before superior numbers." I particularly observed the

marching to-day of the 21st Mississippi, which was uncommonly good. This

regiment all wear short round jackets, a most unusual circumstance, for

they are generally unpopular in the South.

At 12 o'clock we halted again, and all set to work to eat cherries,

which was the only food we got between 5 A.M. and 11 P.M.

I saw a most laughable spectacle this afternoon--viz., a negro dressed

in full Yankee uniform, with a rifle at full cock, leading along a

barefooted white man, with whom he had evidently changed clothes.

General Longstreet stopped the pair, and asked the black man what it

meant. He replied, "The two soldiers in charge of this here Yank have

got drunk, so for fear he should escape I have took care of him, and

brought him through that little town." The consequential manner of the

negro, and the supreme contempt with which he spoke to his prisoner,

were most amusing. This little episode of a Southern slave leading a

white Yankee soldier through a Northern village, _alone and of his own

accord_, would not have been gratifying to an abolitionist. Nor would

the sympathisers both in England and in the North feel encouraged if

they could hear the language of detestation and contempt with which the

numerous negroes with the Southern armies speak of their liberators.[63]

I saw General Hood in his carriage; he looked rather bad, and has been

suffering a good deal; the doctors seem to doubt whether they will be

able to save his arm. I also saw General Hampton, of the cavalry, who

has been shot in the hip, and has two sabre-cuts on the head, but he was

in very good spirits.

A short time before we reached Hagerstown there was some firing in

front, together with an alarm that the Yankee cavalry was upon us. The

ambulances were sent back; but some of the wounded jumped out, and,

producing the rifles which they had not parted with, they prepared to

fight. After a good deal of desultory skirmishing, we seated ourselves

upon a hill overlooking Hagerstown, and saw the enemy's cavalry driven

through the town pursued by yelling Confederates. A good many Yankee

prisoners now passed us; one of them, who was smoking a cigar, was a

lieutenant of cavalry, dressed very smartly, and his hair brushed with

the greatest care; he formed rather a contrast to his ragged escort, and

to ourselves, who had not washed or shaved for ever so long.

About 7 P.M. we rode through Hagerstown, in the streets of which were

several dead horses and a few dead men. After proceeding about a mile

beyond the town we halted, and General Longstreet sent four cavalrymen

up a lane, with directions to report everything they saw. We then

dismounted and lay down. About ten minutes later (being nearly dark) we

heard a sudden rush--a panic--and then a regular stampede commenced, in

the midst of which I descried our four cavalry heroes crossing a field

as fast as they could gallop. All was now complete confusion;--officers

mounting their horses, and pursuing those which had got loose, and

soldiers climbing over fences for protection against the supposed

advancing Yankees. In the middle of the din I heard an artillery officer

shouting to his "cannoneers" to stand by him, and plant the guns in a

proper position for enfilading the lane. I also distinguished Longstreet

walking about, hustled by the excited crowd, and remarking, in angry

tones, which could scarcely be heard, and to which no attention was

paid, "Now, you don't know what it is--you don't know what it is."

Whilst the row and confusion were at their height, the object of all

this alarm at length emerged from the dark lane in the shape of a

domestic four-wheel carriage, with a harmless load of females. The

stampede had, however, spread, increased in the rear, and caused much

harm and delay.

Cavalry skirmishing went on until quite dark, a determined attack having

been made by the enemy, who did his best to prevent the trains from

crossing the Potomac at Williamsport. It resulted in the success of the

Confederates; but every impartial man confesses that these cavalry

fights are miserable affairs. Neither party has any idea of serious

charging with the sabre. They approach one another with considerable

boldness, until they get to within about forty yards, and then, at the

very moment when a dash is necessary, and the sword alone should be

used, they hesitate, halt, and commence a desultory fire with carbines

and revolvers.

An Englishman, named Winthrop, a captain in the Confederate army, and

formerly an officer in H.M.'s 22d regiment, although not in the cavalry

himself, seized the colours of one of the regiments, and rode straight

at the Yankees in the most gallant manner, shouting to the men to follow

him. He continued to distinguish himself by leading charges until his

horse was unfortunately killed. I heard his conduct on this occasion

highly spoken of by all. Stuart's cavalry can hardly be called cavalry

in the European sense of the word; but, on the other hand, the country

in which they are accustomed to operate is not adapted for cavalry.

---- was forced at last to give up wearing even his Austrian forage-cap;

for the last two days soldiers on the line of march had been visiting

his ambulance in great numbers, under the impression (encouraged by the

driver) that he was a Yankee general. The idea now was that the army

would remain some days in or near its present position until the arrival

of the ammunition from Winchester.

[63] From what I have seen of the Southern negroes, I am of opinion that

the Confederates could, if they chose, convert a great number into

soldiers; and from the affection which undoubtedly exists as a general

rule between the slaves and their masters, I think that they would prove

more efficient than black troops under any other circumstances. But I do

not imagine that such an experiment will be tried, except as a very last

resort, partly on account of the great value of the negroes, and partly

because the Southerners consider it improper to introduce such an

element on a large scale into civilised warfare. Any person who has seen

negro features convulsed with rage, may form a slight estimate of what

the result would be of arming a vast number of blacks, rousing their

passions, and then allowing them free scope.

* * * * *

_7th July_ (Tuesday).--Lawley, the Austrian, and I drove into

Hagerstown this morning, and General Longstreet moved into a new

position on the Williamsport road, which he was to occupy for the

present. We got an excellent room in the Washington Hotel on producing

greenbacks. Public opinion in Hagerstown seems to be pretty evenly

divided between North and South, and probably accommodates itself to

circumstances. For instance, yesterday the women waved their

handkerchiefs when the Yankee cavalry were driven through the town, and

to-day they went through the same compliment in honour of 3500 Yankee

(Gettysburg) prisoners whom I saw marched through _en route_ for

Richmond. I overheard the conversation of some Confederate soldiers

about these prisoners. One remarked, with respect to the Zouaves, of

whom there were a few--"Those red-breeched fellows look as if they could

fight, but they don't, though; no, not so well as the bluebellies."

Lawley introduced me to General Stuart in the streets of Hagerstown

to-day. He is commonly called Jeb Stuart, on account of his initials; he

is a good-looking, jovial character, exactly like his photographs. He

has certainly accomplished wonders, and done excellent service in his

peculiar style of warfare. He is a good and gallant soldier, though he

sometimes incurs ridicule by his harmless affectation and peculiarities.

The other day he rode through a Virginian town, his horse covered with

garlands of roses. He also departs considerably from the severe

simplicity of dress adopted by other Confederate generals; but no one

can deny that he is the right man in the right place. On a campaign, he

seems to roam over the country according to his own discretion, and

always gives a good account of himself, turning up at the right moment;

and hitherto he has never got himself into any serious trouble.

I rode to General Longstreet's camp, which is about two miles in the

direction of Williamsport, and consulted him about my difficulties with

regard to my leave. He was most good-natured about it, and advised me

under the circumstances to drive in the direction of Hancock; and, in

the event of being ill-treated on my way, to insist upon being taken

before the nearest U.S. officer of the highest rank, who would probably

protect me. I determined to take his advice at once; so I took leave of

him and of his officers. Longstreet is generally a very taciturn and

undemonstrative man, but he was quite affectionate in his farewell. His

last words were a hearty hope for the speedy termination of the war. All

his officers were equally kind in their expressions on my taking leave,

though the last sentence uttered by Latrobe was not entirely

reassuring--viz., "You may take your oath he'll be caught for a spy."

I then rode to General Lee's camp, and asked him for a pass to get

through his lines. We had a long talk together, and he told me of the

raid made by the enemy, for the express purpose of arresting his badly

wounded son (a Confederate Brigadier-General), who was lying in the

house of a relation in Virginia. They insisted upon carrying him off in

a litter, though he had never been out of bed, and had quite recently

been shot through the thigh. This seizure was evidently made for

purposes of retaliation. His life has since been threatened, in the

event of the South retaliating for Burnside's alleged military murders

in Kentucky. But few officers, however, speak of the Northerners with so

much moderation as General Lee; his extreme amiability seems to prevent

his speaking strongly against any one. I really felt quite sorry when I

said good-bye to so many gentlemen from whom I had received so much

disinterested kindness.

I am now about to leave the Southern States, after travelling quite

alone throughout their entire length and breadth, including Texas and

the trans-Mississippi country, for nearly three months and a half,

during which time I have been thrown amongst all classes of the

population--the highest, the lowest, and the most lawless. Although many

were very sore about the conduct of England, I never received an uncivil

word from anybody, but, on the contrary, I have been treated by all with

more than kindness.[64] I have never met a man who was not anxious for a

termination of the war; and I have never met a man, woman, or child who

contemplated its termination as possible without an entire separation

from the _now_ detested Yankee. I have never been asked for alms or a

gratuity by any man or woman, black or white. Every one knew who I was,

and all spoke to me with the greatest confidence. I have rarely heard

any person complain of the almost total ruin which has befallen so many.

All are prepared to undergo still greater sacrifices,--they contemplate

and prepare to receive great reverses which it is impossible to avert.

They look to a successful termination of the war as certain, although

few are sanguine enough to fix a speedy date for it, and nearly all

bargain for its lasting at least all Lincoln's presidency. Although I

have always been with the Confederates in the time of their misfortunes,

yet I never heard any person use a desponding word as to the result of

the struggle. When I was in Texas and Louisiana, Banks seemed to be

carrying everything before him, Grant was doing the same in Mississippi,

and I certainly did not bring luck to my friends at Gettysburg. I have

lived in bivouacs with all the Southern armies, which are as distinct

from one another as the British is from the Austrian, and I have never

once seen an instance of insubordination.

When I got back to Hagerstown, I endeavoured to make arrangements for a

horse and buggy to drive through the lines. With immense difficulty I

secured the services of a Mr ----, to take me to Hancock, and as much

farther as I chose to go, for a dollar a mile (greenbacks). I engaged

also to pay him the value of his horse and buggy, in case they should be

confiscated by either side. He was evidently extremely alarmed, and I

was obliged to keep him up to the mark by assurances that his horse

would inevitably be seized by the Confederates, unless protected by

General Lee's pass in my possession.

[64] The only occasion on which I was roughly handled was when I had the

misfortune to enter the city of Jackson, Mississippi, just as the

Federals evacuated it. I do not complain of that affair, which, under

the circumstances, was not to be wondered at.

* * * * *

_8th July_ (Wednesday).--My conductor told me he couldn't go to-day on

account of a funeral, but he promised faithfully to start to-morrow.

Every one was full of forebodings as to my probable fate when I fell

into Yankee clutches. In deference to their advice I took off my grey

shooting-jacket, in which they said I was sure to be taken for a rebel,

and I put on a black coat; but I scouted all well-meant advice as to

endeavouring to disguise myself as an "American citizen," or to conceal

the exact truth in any way. I was aware that a great deal depended upon

falling into the hands of a gentleman, and I did not believe these were

so rare in the Northern army as the Confederates led me to suppose.

* * * * *

_9th July_ (Thursday).--I left Hagerstown at 8 A.M., in my conductor's

good buggy, after saying farewell to Lawley, the Austrian, and the

numerous Confederate officers who came to see me off, and wish me

good-luck. We passed the Confederate advanced post at about two miles

from Hagerstown, and were allowed to pass on the production of General

Lee's authority. I was now fairly launched beyond the Confederate lines

for the first time since I had been in America. Immediately afterwards

we began to be asked all sorts of inquisitive questions about the

rebels, which I left to my driver to answer. It became perfectly evident

that this narrow strip of Maryland is entirely Unionist.

At about 12 o'clock we reached the top of a high hill, and halted to

bait our horse at an inn called Fairview. No sooner had we descended

from the buggy than about twenty rampageous Unionists appeared, who told

us they had come up to get a good view of the big fight in which the

G----d d----d rebels were to be all captured, or drowned in the Potomac.

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