1698-1782.
Metastasio was of obscure origin. He owed his prosperity, in the first
place, to the talents with which nature had endowed him; and, in the
second, to singular good fortune; while his amiable disposition and
excellent character gave a scope to the course of felicitous
circumstances; which, among men of genius, is frequently checked by
their impetuosity and thoughtlessness, or by the proud sense of
independence attendant upon their organisation. The name of the poet's
father was Felice Trapassi, a citizen of Assisi. His poverty had forced
him to enter into the Corsican regiment of the pope; and he added to his
slender means by acting as copyist. He married Francesca Galasti, of
Bologna; by whom he had two sons and two daughters. Later in life, he
saved money enough to enter into partnership in a shop of _l'arte
bianca_,--a sort of chandler, where maccaroni, oil, and other culinary
materials, are sold. His younger son, Pietro, was born at Rome, on the
13th of January, 1698. The child gave early indications of genius; and
his father resolved to bestow on him the best education in his power;
and placed him, at a very early age, with a watchmaker, that he might
learn a respectable art.
But the boy was born to pursue a nobler career. He was already a poet;
and, when only ten years old, attracted an audience in his father's shop
by his talents as improvisatore. It happened, one summer evening, that
Vincenzo Gravina, a celebrated jurisconsult, and renowned for his
learning and love of letters, was walking with the poet Lorenzini in the
streets of Rome. Passing by Trapassi's shop, he was attracted by the
childish voice of the juvenile poet, who was in the act of reciting
extempore verses. He joined the audience; and, being perceived by
Pietro, the little fellow introduced some stanzas in his praise into his
effusion. Gravina, charmed by his talent and prepossessing appearance,
offered him money, which the child refused. The lawyer continued to
question him, and was so satisfied by the propriety and spirit of his
answers, that he immediately proposed to adopt him as his son; promising
to give him a good education, and to facilitate his career in the same
profession as himself. No objection could be raised to so generous and
beneficent an offer. The boy was not to be taken from his native town,
nor were his duties towards his parents to be interfered with.
One of Gravina's first acts was to change his adopted son's, name from
the ignoble one of Trapassi to the better sounding appellation of
Metastasio, which was a sort of translation of his paternal name into
Greek. Gravina did not delay to cultivate the boy's understanding, so as
to fit him for a literary career. Being an idolater of ancient learning,
his first care was to initiate his pupil in the languages of the writers
of Greece and Rome, and then to imbue him with a knowledge of their
works. Metastasio showed himself an apt scholar: at the age of fourteen
he wrote a tragedy, which, in a letter written in after years, he freely
criticised. "My tragedy of 'Giustino,'" he says, "was written at the age
of fourteen, when the authority of my illustrious master did not permit
me to diverge from a religious imitation of the Greek models; and when
my own inexperience prevented me from discerning the gold from the lead
in those mines whose treasures were but just opened to me." The tragedy,
written thus in strict imitation, is necessarily frigid; nor does the
language bear the stamp of the ease and grace which so distinguished
Metastasio's after writings.
He still continued to improvisare verses in company. This attractive art
renders the person who exercises it the object of so much interest and
admiration, that it is to be wondered that any one who has once
practised it, can ever give it up. The act of reciting the poetry that
flows immediately to the lips is peculiarly animating: the declaimer
warms, as he proceeds, with his own success; while the throng of words
and ideas that present themselves, light up the eyes, and give an air of
almost supernatural intelligence and fire to the countenance and person.
The audience--at first curious, then pleased, and, at last, carried away
by enthusiastic delight--feel an admiration, and bestow plaudits, which,
perhaps, no other display of human talent is capable of exciting. The
youth, the harmonious voice, and agreeable person of Metastasio added to
the charm: yet, fortunately, he gave up the exercise of his power before
it had unfitted him for more arduous compositions. He gives an account
of his success, and his quitting the practice, in a subsequent letter to
Algarotti. "I do not deny," he writes, "that a natural talent for
harmony and rhythm displayed itself in me earlier than is usually the
case; that is, when I was about ten years of age. This strange
phenomenon so dazzled my great master. Gravina, that he selected me as
soil worthy to be cultivated by so celebrated a man. Until I was
sixteen, he brought me forward to improvisare verses on any given
subject; and Rolli, Vanini, and Perfetti, then men of mature years, were
my rivals. Many people tried to write down our effusions while we
extemporised, but with no success; for, besides that they were no adepts
in short-hand, it was necessary to deceive us cleverly, otherwise the
mere suspicion of such an operation would have dried up my vein. This
occupation soon became burdensome and injurious to me; burdensome,
because I was perpetually obliged, by invitations which could not be
refused, to task myself every day, and sometimes twice a day,--now to
gratify some lady's whim, now to satisfy the curiosity of some high-born
fool, and now to fill up a blank in some grand assembly,--losing thus
miserably the greater part of the time necessary for my studies. It was
injurious, because my weak and uncertain health suffered. It was
perceptible to every one that the agitation attendant on this exercise
of the mind, used to inflame my countenance and heat my head, while my
hands and extremities became icy cold. Gravina consequently exerted his
authority to prohibit me from making extempore verses,--a prohibition
which, from the age of sixteen, I have never infringed, and to which I
believe that I owe the remnant of reasonable and connected ideas that
are to be found in my waitings." He goes on to state the evils that
result to the intellect perpetually bent on so exciting a proceeding;
when the poet, instead of selecting and arranging his thoughts, and then
using measure and rhyme as obedient executors of his designs, is obliged
to employ the small time allowed him in collecting words, in which he
afterwards clothes the ideas best fitted to these words, even though
foreign to his theme: thus the former seeks at his ease for a dress
fitted to his subject; while the latter, in haste and disturbance, must
find a subject fitted to his dress.
On withdrawing his pupil from the exercise of this fascinating art.
Gravina became aware that his education could not be carried on with
success amidst the pleasures and idleness of his life at Rome; and he
sent him to study under his cousin Camporese, who lived near the ancient
Cortona, a town of Magna Græcia, famous in antiquity for its schools of
philosophy. Metastasio was very happy at this period of his life; and,
in a letter written at an advanced age, he recurs to it with yearning
fondness. "Of how many dear and pleasing ideas, my friend," he writes to
Don Saverio Mattei, "you have awakened the recollection, by causing me
to go over in my thoughts the happy time I spent, not less usefully than
delightfully, between boyhood and adolescence, in Magna Græcia. I saw
again as if they were present all those objects which pleased me so much
at that time. Again I inhabited the little chamber, in which the sound
of the breakers of the neighbouring sea so often lulled me into the
sweetest sleep; and, by force of my imagination, I revisited in my boat
the shores of neighbouring Scalea; and the names and aspects of many
places recurred to me, before forgotten. I heard again the venerable
voice of the renowned philosopher Camporese; who, stooping to instruct
one so young, led me, as it were, by the hand among the vortexes of the
then reigning Descartes, of whom he was a strenuous advocate, and
attracted my boyish curiosity, by showing me in wax, as if in a game,
how globules were formed from atoms, and filling me with admiration of
the bewitching experiments of philosophy. It seems to me as if I again
saw him labouring to persuade me that his dog was formed upon the same
principle as a watch; and that the trinal dimension is a sufficient
definition of solid bodies. And I behold him smile, when, having kept me
long plunged in a dark reverie, by forcing me to doubt of every thing,
he perceived that I breathed again, on his assertion, 'I think,
therefore, I am;' the invincible proof of a certainty which I had
despaired of ever again attaining." Camporese died, unfortunately, in
the midst of these studies, and Metastasio returned to Rome.
[Sidenote: 1718.
Ætat.
20.]
It was soon after his lot to lose his adopted father, Gravina. He
expresses, both in letters written at the time, and in after years, his
deep grief on the death of his benefactor. Gravina kept his word, of
considering him as his son; and, with the exception of a legacy to his
mother, left him heir to all that he possessed, to the amount of about
fifteen thousand crowns. Finding himself thus independent, and even rich
in his own eyes, Metastasio gave himself up to the study of poetry.
Hitherto the rules of Gravina had limited his reading: now he emerged
into freedom; and, having been before allowed only to peruse Ariosto,
among the Italians, he read the "Jerusalem Delivered" for the first
time. He was enchanted by the order and majesty of a single action,
conducted with art, and terminated with dignity. The grandeur of the
style, the vivid colouring and fervid imagination of Tasso, transported
him with delight. Ovid was also an especial favourite; and it is
recorded that he regarded Marini with an approbation which that poet,
indeed, deserves, but of which, as the original corrupter of the Italian
style, and the leader of the degenerate Seicentisti, he is usually
deprived.
Unfortunately, independence and youthful thoughtlessness led Metastasio
into other deviations from Gravina's lessons, less praiseworthy than
reading Tasso. The poet was warm-hearted, hospitable, and gay. He was
surrounded by companions ready to share the pleasures and luxuries which
his money procured; while he believed his future prospects secured by
the promises he received from influential protectors. Two years had not
passed before he was undeceived. He had squandered the greater part of
his fortune; he had made many enemies, and his friends fell off. With a
firmness worthy of his education, he stopped short of actual ruin; and,
disgusted with the society of Rome, and the treatment he had suffered,
he changed, on a sudden, his whole plan of life, following up his new
designs with zeal and perseverance.
"There lived at Naples," says his biographer, Venanzio, "a rough incult
lawyer, called Castagnola, covered with rust and dust, and an enemy to
every thing that was not allied to forensic struggles and turmoils."
Wishing to place a barrier between his will and his inclinations,
Metastasio went to Naples, and chose this man for his master, believing
that his asperity and detestation of poetry would serve to guard him
against having again recourse to an art towards which nature impelled
him. For nearly two years he submitted to the control of Castagnola, and
devoted himself to the severest study. But he was well known at Naples,
and his talents were appreciated. He was perpetually solicited to
compose epithalamiums, theatrical pieces, and occasional verses. He
resisted the temptation as long as he could: at last, commanded by the
viceroy, he consented to write a drama, to celebrate the birthday of the
empress Elizabeth Christina, wife of Charles VI. He, however, obtained a
promise of secrecy, and hoped to conceal his crime from his master. To
accomplish this, he was obliged to steal for his work the hours usually
devoted to sleep; but his natural vein, checked for some time, flowed
with such felicity, that he accomplished his task before the appointed
time. The "Orti Esperidi" charmed his august employer, who bestowed on
it the highest praise, and presented the author with a purse containing
two hundred ducats.
The success of this interlude on the stage confirmed the judgment of the
viceroy. It was admirably set to music, and the decorations were most
splendid. All Naples flocked to the representation--all Naples resounded
with its praises, and every one was eager to thank and applaud the
author. But Metastasio, reluctant to quit his legal studies, shrank from
the censures of his master, and continued to preserve the concealment he
had at first adopted: he even angrily denied the charge when he was
accused of being the writer, and put enquiry to fault; till at last the
discovery was made by the prima donna, Marianna Bulgarelli, usually
called La Romanina, from her native city. She had received the greatest
applause in the character of Venus, in this drama; and her gratitude and
admiration made her eager to learn to whom she owed her success. Despite
all his efforts, she discovered that Metastasio was the author, and she
lost no time in spreading the report throughout Naples.
Castagnola was highly indignant. He treated his pupil with severity and
disdain; while, on the other hand, the Romanina used every argument to
inspire him with self-confidence, and to induce him to follow the career
for which he was formed by nature. He consented at last: he quitted the
angry lawyer, who refused even to listen to his farewell; and, at the
earnest invitation of his new friend, took up his abode at her house.
Marianna Bulgarelli had a society around her of distinguished men and
accomplished artists, and among these Metastasio found every
encouragement to pursue his new career. He studied the science of music
under Porpora, the first composer of the day, and acquired a knowledge
of the art which greatly assisted the melody of his verses; so that, he
tells us, he never wrote any lyrical poetry without imagining an
accompaniment at the same time, which regulated its cadences and
modulated the sounds. His natural inclination led him to desire to write
tragedies; but, on reflection, he found that it was not sufficient that
tragedies should be written, if there were no actors to represent them,
nor an audience which could take interest in the representation. His
association with musical people, and a prima donna, led him to consider
the opera as the natural drama of Italy. Operatic dramas owed their
origin to Florence, the birthplace of so much that is great and
admirable, and were first brought forward in 1594. After that time they
fell into disrepute, till Apostolo Zeno, choosing in ancient mythology
and history the groundwork of his plots, brought out pieces that
acquired great popularity. To this species of composition Metastasio
accordingly turned his thoughts. Marianna encouraged him to proceed;
and, when he received the commission to furnish the Neapolitan theatre
with an opera for the carnival of 1724, she suggested the subject of
"Didone Abbandonata," or the desertion of Dido. In this, she filled the
part of the unfortunate queen; and her dignity, pathos, and musical
powers imparted an attraction to the piece, which filled the audience
with enthusiasm, while her heart warmed with gratitude towards the poet,
whose admirable conception and execution gave a scope to her talents,
before denied to them. The reputation of Dido spread through Italy:
during the carnival of the following year, it was acted at Venice, la
Romanina being still engaged to fill the principal part. Metastasio
accompanied his friend, and wrote, while in that city, another opera,
called "Siroe."
This was the last appearance of Marianna on the stage: she was no longer
young, and retired from her profession. She took up her residence at
Rome, and with some difficulty persuaded her friend to return to his
native city. The two families resided under the same roof--Marianna and
her husband--Metastasio with his father, elder brother, and two sisters.
The relations of the poet were indigent; but he possessed some property,
and his friend was comparatively rich. The household was in common;
Marianna acting as steward and housekeeper, while she still kept her
station beside the poet; encouraging him in moments of despondency;
suggesting subjects for his muse; and displaying, at all times, that
active and generous affection which so distinguished her.
Metastasio did not, however, meet with the encouragement at Rome which
hailed his first exertions. He wrote his drama of "Cato," which was
acted in 1727: but it was not attended with his accustomed success. The
austere character of the Roman hero--the cold loves--and disastrous
ending--displeased the morbid tastes of the spectators, who were unable
to appreciate the simplicity of the plot, or the grandeur of the
sentiments. Metastasio had a true tragic bias for an unhappy
catastrophe; but his audience did not relish it, and, subsequently, he
adapted himself better to their tastes, and his operas have usually the
happy ending, then supposed more consonant to the inherent lightness of
musical dramas, or, probably, to the talents of the singers: as, in our
days, the sublime acting of Pasta has induced composers to bring forward
tragedies of the deepest dye, "Medea" and "Otello," as the subjects best
fitted for their art.
Metastasio was discouraged: he was poor, and he had many enemies at
Rome, who prejudiced the pope against him, and rendered his abode very
disagreeable. At this moment, fortune came to his aid, and his whole
future life became prosperous and stable. In November, 1729, he received
a letter from prince Pio of Savoy, director of the imperial theatricals,
inviting him to become the court poet of Vienna. Apostolo Zeno was at
that time poet laureate to the emperor Charles VI.; but he also, with
praiseworthy liberality, seconded the emperor in his wish to invite
Metastasio to his court; and the way was opened to him by the absence of
envy in one, who might have looked on him as a rival, but who generously
preferred regarding him as a fellow-labourer, or rather, successor, to
his own exertions. Metastasio at once accepted the offer with many
expressions of gratitude. He was allowed to delay his journey to Vienna
till the spring of 1730, and to fulfil his engagement of supplying the
Roman theatre with two pieces for the carnival. These were "Alexander in
India," and "Artaxerxes." The latter was a favourite from the first: the
poet considered it the most fortunate of his productions, and was
accustomed to say that he owed it more obligations than any other of his
dramas; since, even when set to indifferent music, it never failed to
meet with success.
Metastasio thus made his appearance at Vienna, surrounded by the halo of
a recent triumph. He left Rome with pleasure; but he quitted his family
with regret: more than all he must have lamented his separation from his
generous and affectionate friend, Marianna, the encourager of his
youthful timidity, the chief promoter of his fortunate choice of a
profession, and his unwearied comforter during adverse circumstances. He
went to new scenes and to a new people, and adapted himself at once to
the change. He was kindly received by the emperor, and his heart
overflowed with gratitude for his condescension and beneficence.
It is a strange fact, how little we are contented with negative
qualities in our fellow-creatures; and, indeed, how amiability, and even
generosity, become slight in our eyes, if unaccompanied by energy,
independence, and pride. Metastasio was the most amiable of men: his
disposition was affectionate and constant; yet he was derided in his own
time for his courtier-like qualities, and the gratitude he naturally
evinced towards his imperial benefactors; and censured for a coldness of
heart of which we can find no trace in his writings or actions. There is
one circumstance that renders posterity more just, and, in particular,
induces those who write his biography to regard him with a favourable
eye: this is the publication of his letters. We possess a series from
the age of thirty to that of eighty-four, when he died, which let us
into the secrets of his heart, and display his good sense, his friendly
disposition, his justice, and the ready sympathy that he afforded to
those to whom he was attached, in a more undisguised manner than could
be known to his contemporaries. These letters prepossess the reader in
his favour; and, while the biographer finds few events to record, and
little of misfortune or error to mark his pages with high-wrought
interest, he may envy the tranquil career of the fortunate poet, and
wish that fate had made him the friend of such a man.
Metastasio entered on his employments at Vienna in the year 1730, at the
age of thirty-two. He took up his abode in the house of Niccolo
Martinetz, who held a place in the court of the apostolic nuncio, and
with whom he remained to the end of his life. The dramas that he brought
out during the year succeeding to his arrival were eminently successful.
These were "Adriano," and "Demetrio;" and, during the three following,
he wrote the "Olimpiade," "Demoofonte," and "Issipile." Each, as it
appeared, excited still renewed admiration and applause. After the
representation of "Issipile," the emperor broke through his habitual
majestic reserve, and expressed his satisfaction to the poet, who was
enraptured by the unusual condescension. His imperial master soon after
testified his approbation in a more solid manner, by bestowing on him
the place of treasurer to the province of Cosenza in Naples, worth
annually 350 sequins. Unfortunately, the war of the Spanish succession
deprived him of this income, after he had enjoyed it but for a few
years.
The poet's heart and soul were in his profession, and his operas were
written with that fervent and exalted spirit which marks the
compositions of genius; while his modesty engendered doubts concerning
their reception, which were delightfully dissipated by the triumph of
their success. His feelings are all ingenuously expressed in his letters
to Marianna Bulgarelli, who, together with her husband, still remained
at Rome with the poet's family. "I did not believe," he writes, "that I
should have been able to send you the good news I now give--I was so
entirely prepared for the contrary. My _Demetrio_ was brought out last
Sunday, and with so great success, that the old people here assure me
they never witnessed such universal applause. The audience wept at the
Addio--my august master was not unmoved--and, notwithstanding the
respect paid to the imperial presence, the public could not restrain
themselves from giving marks of applause. My enemies have become my
applauders. I cannot express my surprise, for this opera is so
delicately touched, without any of that strong colouring that strikes at
once, that I feared that it was not adapted to the national taste. I was
mistaken--every one seems to understand it, and passages are recited in
conversation, as if it were written in German." While composing the
"Olimpiade," he thus addresses his friend:--"Here is a moral sonnet
which I wrote in the midst of a pathetic scene, that moved me as I wrote
it: so that, smiling at myself, when I found my eyes humid from pity at
a fictitious disaster, invented by myself, I expressed my feelings in
the sonnet I send. The idea does not displease me; and I did not choose
to lose it, as it will serve as an incitement for my piety." The thought
of the sonnet is, that, while he smiles at himself for weeping over
dreams and fables of his own invention, he may remember that every thing
that he fears and hopes is equally fictitious,--that all is false, his
existence a delirium, and his whole life a dream;--and it ends with a
prayer that he may awaken and find repose in the bosom of truth.
Again, he writes, "Will you suggest the subject of an opera? Yes or no?
I am in an abyss of doubt. Oh! do not laugh, and say that the disease is
incurable; for indeed; the choice of a subject merits all this
inquietude and scepticism. It is my lot to be forced to make a choice;
and I cannot avoid it; otherwise I should continue to doubt until the
day of judgment; and then begin again. Read the third scene of the third
act of my 'Adrian;' remark the character which the emperor gives of
himself, and you will see my own.[47] From this you may conclude; that I
know my faults; but not that I can correct them. This pertinacity in a
fault; which torments me without the recompence of any pleasure; and
which I clearly perceive; without being able to remedy; makes me often
reflect on the tyranny which the body exercises over the mind. If my
understanding is convinced, when reasoning calmly, that this excess of
indecision is a troublesome, tormenting, and useless vice, and an
obstacle to the execution of any design, why do I not get rid of it? Why
not abide by a resolution, so often taken, to doubt no more? The answer
is clear; that the mechanical constitution of the soul's imperfect
habitation gives a false colouring to objects before they reach it, as
rays of the sun appear yellow or green or red, according to the hue of
the substance which they traverse to meet our eyes. Hence it is clear,
that men for the most part do not act from reason, but from mechanical
impulse, subsequently adapting, by the force of their understanding,
their reason to their actions, so that the cleverest frequently appear
the most reasonable. Do not get weary, because I play the philosopher
with you; I have none else with whom to play it; and doing it thus by
letter, I call to mind conversations of this kind, which made us spend
so many happy hours together.--O, how much more matter for such has my
experience in the world given me!
[Footnote: July 4.
1733.]
We will again talk on these subjects, if fortune does not, through some
caprice, entangle the thread of my honourable but laborious life."
A few months after fortune cut, rather than entangled, the thread of
these prospects; Marianna died, and, true to her feelings of
friendship[48] to the end, she left the poet heir to her possessions, to
the amount of thirty thousand crowns. Metastasio writes thus to his
brother, on receiving this sad intelligence:--
"In the agitation I feel from the unexpected death of the poor and
generous Marianna, I cannot long dilate. I can only say, that my honour
and my conscience have both induced me to renounce her bequest in favour
of her husband. I owe it to the world to undeceive it from a great
mistake,--that of fancying that my friendship was founded on avarice and
interested motives. I have no right to take advantage of the partiality
of my poor friend to the injury of her husband, and God will by some
other means make up for what I now renounce. I need nothing for myself;
I possess sufficient at Rome to maintain my family in decency, and if
Providence preserves to me my property in Naples, I will give my
relations other marks of my affection, and think seriously of you in
particular. Communicate my resolution to my father, as I have not time
to write to him. Assure him of my intention always to contribute as
heretofore to his comfort, and even to increase my assistance, if my
Neapolitan income does not fail me. In short, make him enter into my
feelings, so that he shall not imbitter them by disapproving of my
honest and Christian determination.
"You will continue to live with signor Bulgarelli, who will, I hope,
display towards you that friendly kindness which my conduct with regard
to him deserves. All will go on as before; only poor Marianna will never
return, nor can I hope for any consolation, and the rest of my life will
be insipid and painful."
"I feel," he wrote to another friend on this occasion, "as if I were in
the world as in an unpeopled solitude; desolate as a man would feel, if,
transported in his sleep among the Chinese or Tartars, he should, on
awakening, find himself among a people whose language, manners, and
customs are alike unknown to him. In the midst of such fancies, so much
reason remains, as permits me to be aware how without foundation they
are, and how produced; but reflection has not yet sufficed to dissipate
them. You will have heard that I have renounced the bequest. I know not
whether this renunciation will be approved of by all, but I know that
neither my honour nor my conscience permit me to take advantage of the
excessive partiality of a woman to the injury of her relations, and that
the want of the riches which I refuse, is more tolerable than the shame
which they would produce in me."
Metastasio was, with his accustomed modesty, disturbed by the fear, lest
his honourable conduct would be disapproved of by his friends and the
world; and he was agreeably surprised when, on the contrary, it met with
the general approbation it deserved. "I should be insincere," he writes
to the same friend, "if, affecting philosophy, I pretended to be annoyed
by the kind approval which my country has universally yielded to my
renunciation of Marianna's bequest. It delights me in the first place,
and like a vow, confirms me in my opinion of the justice of the act; and
in the second, it surprises me, as being the testimony of the affection
of so great a mother for the least of her sons."
This, during the space of ten years, from the time of his first arrival
in Vienna, was the only event that disturbed Metastasio's life. These
ten years are the period during which his poetic powers flourished most
vigorously, and during which his best as well as the greater number of
his works were produced. The favour they met confirmed his situation at
court, while they caused him to labour unintermittingly. It is difficult
to give one not versed in the Italian language a correct idea of the
peculiar merits of his poetry, and the excellences of his dramas. They
are not absolute tragedies: their happy conclusions, the introduction of
airs, and their being compressed into three acts, give them a lightness
and a brevity unlike the heavier march of tragedy. They are to a great
degree ideal, and yet possess the interest which passion and plot,
described and developed with masterly skill, necessarily impart. His
command of language is singularly great, and he adapted poetic diction
to dramatic dialogue with wonderful felicity. A long and profound study
of the genius of his native tongue gave him such extreme facility, that
the perfection of art takes the guise of the most unadorned nature; and
the flow and clearness of his verses so excite our sympathy, as to make
us feel as if the thoughts and sentiments which we find in his pages
were the spontaneous growth of our own minds. The magic of his style
renders sensible and distinct the most delicate and evanescent feelings,
so that it has been remarked[49], that many of the movements of the
human soul, which the ablest writers have scarcely been able to indicate
in prose, and which, from their subtlety, are almost hidden from our
consciousness, are brought home to us in his verses with a lucid
felicity of expression, that leaves no portion of them either obscure or
vague. He thus formed a language peculiarly his own. In his airs the
words flow in so unforced a manner and with such extreme propriety, that
they appear to place themselves: not one can be changed, not one
omitted. There is no pedantry, no affectation; simplicity is his
principal charm; it seems as if a child might utter them,--they are so
unstudied; and yet no other poet possesses to an equal degree the art of
clothing his ideas with the same easy grace.
When we reflect on the singular perfection of his style, we are not
surprised that he preserved it with the most jealous watchfulness. He
was careful not to accustom his mind to the use of any language except
Italian, and never knew more of German than the few words "sufficient,"
as he forcibly expresses it, "to save his life." Many nobles of Vienna
paid him the compliment of learning his language for the sake of
conversing with him, and Italian being in common use among the
well-educated, he did not lose so much as might be expected: yet he must
have felt the privation. He was right, however, in adhering to his
resolution. He was settled at Vienna for life, while at the same time
his present occupation and his future glory depended on his preserving
uninjured that delicacy of taste, and felicity of expression in his
native language, which characterises his compositions. But to return to
his operas.
He himself has said, that if he were forced to select one of his dramas
to be preserved, while all the rest were annihilated, he should fix upon
"Attilio Regulo." The principal action of this play, founded on the
well-known heroism of Regulus, in dissuading his countrymen from an
exchange of prisoners, and his consequent return to servitude and a
cruel death in Carthage, is conducted with dignity and pathos. But the
interest of the piece is somewhat marred by an underplot, and the airs
interspersed are not among his best. Perhaps we are inclined to give the
preference among them to "Themistocles:" the dignity of the subject
raises it to this pre-eminence; but in pathos, tenderness, and
impassioned dialogue, the "Olimpiade" is unequalled. Devoted friendship
forms the action; the personages are placed in the most interesting
situations, and the language is sustained to the height of those
emotions which the clash of heroic feelings would inspire. There are
scenes in "Demofoonte" as fine as any to be found in Metastasio, but
there is a reduplication of plot which mars the unity of the action; as,
after deeply sympathising with the hero in his fears concerning his
wife's fate, through nearly four acts, we are somewhat exhausted, and
cannot well reawaken other sentiments, to mourn over the relationship
that he imagines that he has discovered to exist between them. Voltaire
and others have praised the scene between Titus and Sestus in the
"Clemenza di Tito," as surpassing the representation of any similar
struggle of feeling in any other dramatic poet; and the airs in that
piece are among his happiest compositions. It was the poet's aim and
pleasure, in all his writings, to make virtue attractive, and to paint
patriotism, self-sacrifice and the best affections of the soul, in
glowing and alluring colours. This gives a great charm to his dramas. We
live among a better race, and yet the sorrows and passions and errors of
the personages are represented in a manner to call forth our liveliest
sympathy. A heartfelt pathos reigns throughout, and if passages of
sublimity are rare (though there are several which merit that name), the
elevated moral feeling acts on our minds to prevent the enervating
influence of mere tenderness and grief.[50]
Besides his dramas, Metastasio composed at this period two canzonetti,
which are among the best of his productions. The "Grazie agli inganni
tuoi," or thanks of a lover to his lady for having disenchanted him by
her caprices, is written at once with feeling and spirit. The "Partenza"
is yet more beautiful. It was founded on the unfortunate attachment of a
Viennese nobleman for a public singer, who at last yielded to the
entreaties of his friends, in detaching himself from her, on condition
that Metastasio should write some verses of adieu. The lover must have
been satisfied, and the lady charmed, despite regret, by the passion,
tenderness, and beauty of the poem which celebrates their separation.
Metastasio's tranquil and prosperous life was broken in upon in 1740, by
the death of the emperor Charles VI., who fell a victim to either poison
or indigestion, after eating mushrooms. The poet was unfeignedly
attached to his imperial master, whose moral and religious character was
congenial to his own; and the disturbed state of Europe, immediately
after, added to his regret. This prince had no son, and his daughter,
Maria Teresa, succeeded to him as queen of Bohemia and Hungary. Her
husband aspired to the imperial crown; but the influence of France
caused the duke of Bavaria to be elected, under the title of Charles
VII. This disappointment was not the only misfortune of the queen; the
king of Prussia invaded Silesia almost immediately after her father's
death, and Vienna being threatened with a siege, she was obliged to quit
it, and to take refuge in Presburg. After a reign of four years, Charles
VII. died, and the husband of Maria Teresa, then grand duke of Tuscany,
was elected emperor in the year 1745, under the name of Francis I.: but
the war still continued, and its various success, and the disasters,
with which it was attended, gave the court little leisure or inclination
for amusement, until the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.
On the death of Charles VI., several of the European sovereigns invited
Metastasio to their courts, and made him advantageous and honourable
offers; but, as Maria Teresa still continued him in the place he held
under her father, the poet felt that fidelity and gratitude alike
forbade him to change masters during her adversity. His naturally
sensitive mind was strongly agitated by the various success of the
empress queen's arms. His susceptibility of disposition did not allow
him to regard the course of events with a stoical eye; and to the
disquietude he suffered is attributed the bad state of health into which
he fell after the year 1745, when he was forty-seven years of age. His
malady was chiefly nervous; hysterical affections, and a rush of blood
to the head, were brought on by the slightest mental exertion, followed
by a total temporary inability to write, or even to think: he was thus
obliged entirely to suspend his poetic labours; and when he forced
himself to them, they bear the mark of a falling off in his powers. It
cannot be doubted that this unfortunate state was brought on in a great
degree by climate. He was a native of Rome, and, till the age of
thirty-two, had resided constantly in the south of Italy. What a dreary
contrast did Vienna present to the enchanting land in which he passed
his youth! The clear skies, the perpetual summer, the cheerful feelings
produced by the habits of a southern life, were injuriously changed for
the gloom of the freezing north. The very precautions which the natives
take to protect themselves from cold during the interminable winters,
the stoves, closed windows, and consequent want of fresh air and healthy
exercise, being in diametrical opposition to the more hardy habits of
southern nations, are injurious to the health and spirits of those who
are accustomed to regard the "skiey influences" as friendly instead of
inimical to their comfort and well-being. Metastasio never left Germany
after he first entered it. A part of his occupation, in the sequel,
became the teaching the archduchesses, daughters of Maria Teresa,
Italian: this was an office he felt that he could not desert, with any
grace, even for a limited number of months. The kindness of the empress
in yielding to the total suspension of all theatrical composition on his
part, forced on him by ill health, bound him yet more devotedly to her.
As he grew older, he became a man of habit, and consequently averse to
travelling. It is impossible, however, not to believe, that if he had
varied his residence in Germany by occasional visits to his native
country, the disease under which he laboured, which embittered though it
did not shorten existence, would have been dissipated and cured.
Metastasio's life, we are told, is only to be found in his letters, yet
these detail no event; one of them contains, indeed, an offer of
marriage to a lady, whose name is omitted: it is well written, and with
considerable delicacy of sentiment; but, as he had no acquaintance with
the object, and aspired to her alliance on account of her character, and
his friendship for her father, his feelings could not be very deeply
interested. Many of his letters are addressed to his brother, and they
display a warm interest for his family. After the death of Marianna, the
management of his affairs in Italy devolved on his relatives, and many
are taken up with directions and advice. Leopold, and the rest of
Metastasio's family, fell into the common error of supposing, that since
he was in favour at court, the greatest prosperity would flow in upon
him. The poet endeavoured to undeceive him:--"Princes and their
satellites," he writes, "have neither the will nor power to confer
benefits correspondent to the notions people are pleased to form. I do
not know what definition merit bears among them; and I religiously
abstain from inquiring, placing it among those mysteries which are
beyond, though not contrary to, our understanding. Following these
principles, I do all that is enough to prevent my feeling remorse for
sins of omission; but I never allow hope to interfere in the guidance of
my cautious line of conduct. It is a long time since I have ceased to be
the dupe of hope, and it would be shameful to become such at our age.
Expect less, therefore, on my account, and you will find the scales more
even. This letter speaks more freely than any other, as I write only for
you, and among other earthly goods, I desire for you the most useful of
all,--a clear perception, if not of all, of the greater part of those
innumerable errors, contracted through our lamentable education, and our
intercourse with fools."
These sentiments did not float merely on the surface of Metastasio's
mind,--he made them the guides of his actions. As he says, gratitude and
duty regulated his conduct, but no servile hunting after greater
benefits mingled with the deference he manifested towards those in
power. He acted on the defensive in his intercourse with courts, with
such consistency of purpose, that he refused the honours chiefly valued
there, and declined the various orders, and the title of count, which
the emperor Charles VI. had offered to bestow on him.
It is from passages such as these, interspersed in his letters, that we
can collect the peculiar character of the man--his difference from
others--and the mechanism of being that rendered him the individual that
he was. Such, Dr. Johnson remarks, is the true end of biography, and he
recommends the bringing forward of minute, yet characteristic details,
as essential to this style of history; to follow which precept has been
the aim and desire of the writer of these pages.
In other letters Metastasio writes concerning his works, and explains
his views in the developement of his dramas; but he never makes himself
the subject-matter without an apology. "Never in my life," he writes on
one occasion, "did I before write so much concerning myself. I perceive
this at the end of my letter, and blush, not because I feel myself
guilty of too great self-love, but because I shall appear so to you.
Remember that few people distrust themselves to a fault, as I do; and in
communicating to you the perfection which I desire to attain, I do not
fancy that I am exempt from those defects, to which human nature and my
own weakness expose me."
All his letters to his brother express the most earnest and affectionate
interest. It is the more necessary to mention this, as one of the
calumnies propagated against him was, an aversion to render service to
his relatives. "You know," he writes to his brother, "that your honour
and welfare have always been the objects of my solicitude, and that I
never proposed to myself any reward, except the agreeable consciousness
that my endeavours to introduce you and sustain you in the career of
letters, have not failed of success; if you think that you owe me any
gratitude, pay it by increasing my self-satisfaction on this account.
You can never show yourself more generous to me than by meriting that
esteem which begins to be your due."
On the death of their father he writes with great feeling:--"The loss of
our poor father did not surprise, while it filled me with the liveliest
grief. I measure your sorrow by my own. I feel that it will require time
to render me reasonable. I thank you for your fraternal kindness in the
midst of your affliction. Dear brother, you now fill the place of a
father in his stead: do it worthily, and if there is any thing that I
can do to comfort you, demand it from me without reserve: your
consolation will produce mine. My poor sisters!--how lost they will feel
themselves! take care of them, dear Leopold: reflect how much fewer
supports they have than we against the assaults of passion, especially
of that feeling which is derived from the most sacred of nature's laws.
Adieu. If I have always loved you, consider how this affection is
augmented by the loss of him who possessed before so large a proportion
of it. Let yours increase also."
His brother distinguished himself afterwards by some writings in favour
of religion; and it appears that he even had the design of writing the
poet's Life. Metastasio, while he praised Leopold for occupying himself
in a praiseworthy manner, advised him against publishing controversial
arguments, which would occasion him to be attacked by the cleverest men
of Europe; and which, doubtless, were not stamped with that talent which
could insure success. Metastasio, while deprecating the spread of
unbelief occasioned by the French philosophers of those days, yet joined
with the throng in fearing their attacks, and in flattering
Voltaire,--showing in how great awe he stood of the enmity and sarcasm
of that wonderful man. It is supposed that Leopold died in 1770, after
which date no more letters appear addressed to him.
One of the principal correspondents of Metastasio, and to whom his most
agreeable letters are addressed, is Farinelli. The poet and the singer
were nearly of the same age; both began their career at Naples at the
same time; which causes Metastasio to give his friend the affectionate
appellation of his twin. Both met with immediate and complete success;
and they formed a friendship, which the letters of the poet prove to
have been maintained on his side with sentiments of the warmest
affection, and the most active wish to render service. After having met
with the greatest applause in the various theatres of Europe, Farinelli
was invited to Spain, in 1737; where his voice had the peculiar effect
of calming and solacing the accesses of malady to which the king, Philip
V., was subject. On this account he was retained at the Spanish court, a
large income was settled on him, and he never sang again on the public
stage, being, to please the Spanish notions of etiquette, made cavalier
of the orders of St. Jago and Calatrava, that he might be considered of
rank sufficient to attend the private hours of the monarch. Philip V.
died in 1746, but Farinelli continued in equal favour with his
successor. His prosperity continued till the accession of Charles III.,
in 1763, when he was ordered to quit Spain, and, with singular cruelty,
not permitted to make choice of an abode. At last, Bologna was
prescribed to him as the place that would best please the Spanish
monarch,--we are not told for what reason, except that Farinelli was as
a foreigner in that city, and cut off from all personal intercourse with
his friends.
An interesting volume might be formed out of Metastasio's letters to the
singer. They are full of enthusiastic friendship; now dwelling on
alterations made to operas for the peculiar benefit of Farinelli,--now
on more personal topics. Metastasio's days were clouded by ill health,
and his genius impaired through the same cause; but it did not check the
overflow of his kind heart, nor injure the happy influence of his
contented disposition. It is difficult, however, to select passages,
since the interest consists in the openness, friendship, and warmth of
the whole, and mere isolated extracts would be devoid of attraction. The
whole correspondence is replete with frank exhibitions of the writer's
mind, and the style is remarkable for its vivacity as well as elegance.
With the exception of his physical sufferings, which were rather
annoying than painful, and that sensibility of character which could not
fail to chequer his life with a thousand various emotions, Metastasio's
latter years was singularly prosperous, and perfectly monotonous. A few
weeks spent each autumn in Moravia was his only change. The empress
kindly excused him from forcing his powers to compose new dramas, and
his occupation principally consisted in the easy task of instructing the
archduchesses in Italian. When the empress Maria Theresa died, the
emperor Joseph II. continued to him his protection; and the esteem and
even affection in which he was held at the imperial court prevented the
death of his benefactress from injuring his fortunes, or disturbing his
repose.
He filled, however, a place in the public eye which exposed him to a
good deal of trouble. As the first Italian poet of the day, each minor
aspirant to the laurel sent their verses for his criticism, or rather
approval. He has been accused of lavishing praise without moderation or
judgment. It is difficult for one author not to flatter other authors,
since severity of criticism will be attributed to envy or ill-humour;
and, besides, the Italian genius is singularly inclined to superlative
panegyric. But it may be remarked that, though Metastasio gilds the
pill, he never fails, particularly to his friends, to point out the weak
points of their works, and to bestow sagacious and valuable
observations.
When Dr. Burney visited Vienna in 1772, Metastasio was an old man; and
his life, uninterrupted by any events, flowed on in one unbroken and
quiet stream. "He lives," writes the doctor, "with the most mechanical
regularity, which he suffers none to disturb. He has not dined from home
these thirty years. He studies from eight o'clock in the morning till
noon. Then he is visited by his acquaintance. He dines at two; and at
five receives his most intimate friends. At nine, in summer, he goes out
in his carriage, pays visits, and sometimes plays at ombre. He returns
at ten o'clock, sups, and goes to bed before eleven. In conversation he
is constantly cheerful; fanciful, playful, and sometimes poetical; never
sarcastic or disputatious; totally devoid of curiosity concerning the
public news or private scandal in circulation; the morality of his
sentiments resembles that of his life. In confidence with few, but
polite to all, his affection to his countrymen is great, and extends to
ecclesiastics, painters, musicians, poets, and ministers from the
Italian states, who are all sure of his kindness and good offices. I was
no less astonished than delighted to find him look so well; he does not
seem more than fifty years of age. There is painted on his countenance
the genius, goodness, propriety, and benevolence, which characterise his
writings. I could not keep my eyes off his face,--it was so pleasing and
worthy of contemplation."
He thus spent in ease and peace the last years of his life. It has been
said that, like Dr. Johnson, he had a great aversion to any allusion
being made to death in conversation, and carefully avoided all
lugubrious subjects. He continued to live with his friend Martinetz,
whose daughter, Marianne, being educated by Gluck, became a celebrated
musician; and in this family he met with that respect, attachment, and
attention that rendered old age easy.
His last letter was written to Farinelli. He complains of the "dreadful
season," and says, that he "cannot find a friend or acquaintance who
does not complain of ill health."--"We are all equally obliged," he
writes, "to have recourse to resignation. My neighbour prays for me, and
I pray for my neighbour; and we all are wishing better health to our
afflicted friends. My complaints obstinately defend their posts, and I
my patience."
This letter is dated in March, 1782, and was written but a short time
before he died. Though advanced to the age of eighty-four, his death was
unexpected, as the vigour of his constitution, and his vivacity and
unbroken powers, promised several years more of life; nor did his
nervous indispositions threaten dissolution, for they neither interfered
with his sleep nor appetite, nor the enjoyment he both conferred and
received in his domestic circle. A fever, attended with weakness and
loss of speech, and lethargy, carried him off after an illness of only
twelve days. He died tranquilly, and without pain, on the 12th of April,
1782. He left the family of Martinetz his heirs to considerable wealth;
his property consisting of about 130,000 florins, in addition to many
valuables presented to him by sovereign princes. He was sincerely
regretted at Vienna; and Martinetz struck a medal in his honour. Nor was
he forgotten in his native country; and the various literary academies
of Italy vied with each other in offering poetic testimonials of
veneration to his worth and genius.
[Footnote 47: "Ah, tu non sai
Qual guerra di pensieri
Agita l'alma mia.
* * * *
Trovo per tutto
Qualche scoglio a temer. Scelgo, mi pento;
Poi d' essermi pentito
Mi ritorno a pentir. Mi stanco intanto
Nel lungo dubitar, tal che dal male
Il ben non distinguo: alfin mi veggio
Stetto dal tempo, e mi risolvo al peggio."
"Ah, thou knowest not the war of struggling thoughts
That agitates my soul. I find in all
Some peril still to dread. I choose; and then,
My choice repent--and then again regret
Having repented; while protracted doubt
Wearies my mind, so that the ill from good
No longer I distinguish; till at length
The flight of time impels me to the worst."]
[Footnote 48: We have made no remark on the nature of this kind-hearted
and generous woman's attachment. In Italy it is customary to look on
such as formed by friendship only, and to consider that they are
rendered respectable by constancy. The Italians lavish the greatest
praise on Marianna Bulgarelli for her perception of the poet's merits,
her zeal in persuading him to, and assisting him in, his arduous career;
and the disinterested affection which caused her at once to make a
sacrifice of her own feelings, and to advise his journey to Vienna. Her
errors are those of her country. Any one who has visited Italy must at
once censure, and deeply deplore, the social system there carried on--a
system which blights the affections, degrades the moral feeling, and
causes almost universal unhappiness. But it is unjust to heap the
censure of a system belonging to a whole country, and carried on for
centuries, on the head of an individual, whose virtues, we may presume
to say, redeemed an error, the very existence of which is, after all,
uncertain.]
[Footnote 49: Baretti.]
[Footnote 50: There is a curious instance in Metastasio of a poet using
the same image adopted by a preceding writer, which yet, it is probable,
that the later one had not read. The explanation may be, that both drew
it from an ancient writer; but we have been unable to find it. The
passages are subjoined as, if both are unborrowed, it forms a curious
though natural coincidence of thought.
And as goodly cedars,
Rent from Oeta by a sweeping tempest,
Jointed again, and made tall masts, defy
Those angry winds that split 'em, so will I
New pieced again,
And made more perfect far,
Stand and defy bad fortunes.