1482-1540.
Guicciardini was the contemporary and intimate friend of Machiavelli,
but their several careers bore small similitude; for worldly prosperity
attended the first, while the other was depressed by neglect and penury;
and while his intellect struggled with these chains, the nobler parts of
his disposition yielded to them. Machiavelli was a republican in
principle, of humble for tunes, and dependent on his friends for their
favour and encouragement. Guicciardini was a courtier; he was the
servant of a prince, not of a state; in birth and position in life he
had the advantage of his friend; and these combining circumstances
rendered him more confident in himself, while at the same time it
inspired him with an avowed dislike for popular governments.
The Guicciardini formed one of the noblest families of Florence: it was
of ancient origin, and possessed several magnificent mansions in
Florence. One of the streets is named de' Guicciardini, from containing
a palace belonging to them; and they had large possessions in the Val di
Pesa.
Francesco, the subject of this memoir, was the son of Piero de'
Guicciardini, a celebrated advocate, and at one time commissary-general
to the Florentine army. Francesco was one of eight children. His mother
was Simona, daughter of the cavaliere Bongiani Gianfigliazzi, a noble
Florentine. He was born on the 6th of March, 1482.[32] He was educated
with care by the best masters, and taught Greek and Latin. He applied
himself, as he grew up, to the study of logic and of civil law, as he
was destined for the robe. He was sent to Ferrara by his father, not
merely for the sake of attending the teachers there, but that his parent
might have a place of refuge, where to send his property, in the event
of civil disturbance or external attack upon Florence. Large sums of
money were remitted to him, and he boasts of the trustworthiness of his
conduct on this occasion, despite his extreme youth. It was in agitation
at one time to make him a priest, as, through the interest of an uncle,
who was rich in benefices, a prosperous career was opened to him in the
church. He was himself inclined towards the clerical profession, as one
full of honour and dignity; but his father decided against it, and
resolved that none of his five sons should enter the priesthood; partly
induced by the notion that the papal power was on the decline, and
partly from a conscientious feeling of the impropriety of adopting the
sacred calling, merely for the sake of temporal advantages. Instead,
therefore, of assuming the sacerdotal garb, Francesco took a doctor's
degree in law, and at an early age was appointed by the government to
read the Institute in the university of Florence. He married the
following year. His wife was Maria, daughter of Alamanno di Averardo
Salviati, one of the first men of the city. Several law offices were
bestowed on him, and he prides himself at this success in early life.
But he felt himself still more honoured, when he was sent by the
republic as ambassador to Ferdinand, king of Aragon. Italy was then the
arena on which the adverse powers of France, Germany, and Spain
contended for mastery. Florence adhered to the French party, but the
timid gonfaloniere Soderini, desirous of currying favour on all sides,
thought it right to preserve a good understanding with Ferdinand.
Francesco, feeling his inexperience, shrunk from the responsibility of
this mission, and did not accept it, till his father added his commands
to those of the state.
He remained two years at Burgos, in attendance on the Spanish court,
conducting himself in such a way as to acquire the esteem of Ferdinand,
who presented him with a number of silver vessels of great value on his
departure. This was no good school for the acquirement of political
integrity. The Italians were proverbially treacherous, but Ferdinand
emulated them in the arts of deception. It is related of this monarch,
that when he heard that Louis XII. complained of having been twice
deceived by him, he exclaimed, "The fool lies, I have tricked him above
ten times."
Meanwhile the aspect of affairs changed at Florence. The French were
driven from Italy, and the republic paid the penalty of the weak and
disarmed neutrality which it had preserved, by being forced by the
allied armies to receive back the exiled Medici. The consequence of this
return was a change of government, from that of a free state, to
subjection to the will of a single family. Guicciardini acted with a
prudence that acquired for him the favour of the new rulers; and, on his
return from Spain, was received with every suitable mark of distinction.
His joy, however, on returning to his native town, was clouded by the
recent death of his father.
On the event of the visit of Leo X. to Florence, attended by a numerous
retinue of cardinals, Guicciardini, who had lately filled the office of
magistrate, was sent, with others, to receive the pope at Cortona. Leo
was so struck by him, that the next day he named him his consistorial
advocate, of his own accord, without solicitation: nor did his patronage
stop here; he soon after took him entirely into his service, and finding
that his prudence and sagacity were equal to the good opinion he had
formed of him, he made him governor of Reggio and Modena. He acquitted
himself with great credit in this high office. Having been educated for
the robe, instead of the career of arms, the enemies of the pope
cherished the notion, that he might be surprised and frightened in his
government; but his firmness and judgment disconcerted all their
stratagems.
When Leo X. died, the merits of Guicciardini became yet more
conspicuous. The papal power was very infirmly established in Lombardy,
and the duke of Ferrara, who claimed Modena and Reggio as his own, was
on the alert to take advantage of the interval of weakness caused by a
delay in the election of a new pope; but Guicciardini foiled him in all
his attempts. His most memorable action on this occasion was his defence
of Parma. He relates it with conscious pride in his history. He had been
sent by cardinal Julius de' Medici to defend Parma from an attack made
by the French. Guicciardini's chief difficulty was, to inspire the
citizens with resolution and martial enthusiasm. He convoked them
together, distributed pikes among them, and causing the defenceless part
of the town, on one side of the river, to be abandoned, made strenuous
efforts to intrench the other. The enemy entered the deserted portion,
and the people were eager to surrender. Guicciardini pointed out to them
the fact, that the hostile forces were unprovided with artillery, and so
succeeded in inspiring them with some degree of resolution: he led the
attack himself, and the success that attended their sortie increasing
their courage, the enemy was driven, off and the siege raised. Federigo
da Bozzole, who commanded the attack, had made sure of success, and
declared that he had been deceived in nothing during the expedition,
except in the notion that a governor, who was not a soldier, and who had
newly come to the city, should carry on the defence at his own peril,
when he might have saved himself without dishonour.
When cardinal Julius became pope, under the name of Clement VII., he
showed his approbation of Guicciardini, by naming him president of
Romagna, with greater powers than had been enjoyed by any predecessor in
that office: thus, a large portion of Italy north of the Apennines was
under his rule. It was a situation of honour, but attended with an equal
portion of difficulty and labour, from the unsettled state of the
country. Prudence and firmness, and even severity, were the
characteristics of Guicciardini's administration; he was unrelenting
towards criminals, but at the same time became very popular, in Modena
especially, by the attention he paid to the comfort and pleasures of the
people, and the embellishments he bestowed on the city.
At this time the French were again, after the battle of Pavia, driven
from Italy, and Clement VII., afraid of the overweening power of Charles
V., formed a league against him. The duke of Urbino was chief over the
army of the league, and Guicciardini was named lieutenant-general of the
pontifical army in the ecclesiastical states. The choice that had been
made of the duke of Urbino, as chief leader, was injudicious. He had
been driven from his states by Leo X.; Lorenzo de' Medici had been
gifted with his duchy, and he naturally was inimical to his rival's
family. His irresolute, shuffling conduct during the disastrous advance
of the constable Bourbon on Rome, was doubtless a principal cause of the
sack of that city. Guicciardini, as general of the papal army, exerted
himself in vain to induce him to more energetic measures: instead of
throwing himself before the advancing army of the imperialists, he
slowly followed it. When Bourbon was in the neighbourhood of Arezzo, the
duke of Urbino entered Florence.
The power of the Medici was odious in that city. A formidable party,
whose watchword was liberty, regarded with triumph the dangers to which
Clement VII. was exposed. A number of the younger nobility among them
took occasion of the alarm excited, to seize on the palace of
government. The duke of Urbino prepared to attack it, but first sent
Federigo da Bozzole to treat with the party who held it. Full of
enthusiasm and courage, the young men refused all terms, and Bozzole
left them, enraged at their obstinacy and their personal ill-treatment
of himself. Guicciardini perceived the dangers that threatened his
country. It was an easy task for the duke of Urbino to attack the palace
of government, to destroy it and all those within; but an act of
violence and bloodshed was to be avoided. Guicciardini hastened forward
to meet Bozzole as he left the palace, and represented to him briefly
how displeasing such a contest would be to the pope, and how detrimental
to the confederates; and how much better it would be to calm, instead of
exasperating, the mind of the duke of Urbino. Bozzole yielded, and gave
hope to the duke that quiet might be restored without recourse being had
to arms; pacific means were in consequence resorted to, and the
insurgents induced to quit the palace. Guicciardini relates this
circumstance and his interference with pride, in the belief that he had
done his country as well as the pope good service, but he adds, that he
got no thanks from either side; the Medici party accusing him of
preferring the lives and safety of the citizens to the firm
establishment of that family; while the other party declared that he had
exaggerated their difficulties, and caused them needlessly to yield
their advantages.
It had been well for the fame of Guicciardini, if he had submitted to
the blame of his contemporaries, and secured the approbation of
posterity, by adhering to a line of conduct so impartial and patriotic.
Although the fall of the Medici was suspended for a short time on this
occasion, the taking of Rome decided their expulsion. When the duke of
Urbino went southward to deliver the pope, besieged in the Castel Sant'
Angelo, the Florentines seized the opportunity to drive out the Medici,
and to restore the freedom of their government. The wars carried on by
Clement VII. had weighed heavily on the republic, since he drew from it
his chief resources; the people were thus exasperated against his rule,
and now that they possessed the power, displayed their hatred of his
family by many acts of outrage. To have served them was to share their
disgrace, and the odium with which they were regarded. It has been
related how Machiavelli, republican as he was, and personally attached
to many of the leaders of the popular party, was unable to overcome the
prejudice excited by his having entered the service of the Medici.
Guicciardini was visited by more open marks of the dislike of the new
leaders; and he was the more angry because he had displayed a wish to
join them. He neither loved nor esteemed Clement; whom he represents as
timid; avaricious, and ungracious. He regarded his imprisonment by the
imperialists with very lukewarm interest, and even raised soldiers for
the defence of Florence: but these demonstrations did not avail to
acquire for him the confidence of his countrymen, and he was forced to
fly the town during a popular tumult. Hence seems to spring his hatred
of free institutions, and his subsequent conduct in aiding in the
destruction of the liberties of his country. From this time he entered
with all the zeal of personal resentment into the cause of the Medici.
His name has thus received a taint never to be effaced. He became the
abettor of tyrants, the oppressor of his fellow citizens; and that
equity and firmness which he before exercised; by establishing order in
the districts over which he presided, were changed to the persecution of
the martyrs of liberty.[33] It is impossible to slur over this portion
of his life as he does himself. For it is remarkable that the only
events recorded in his history, which are narrated in a slovenly and
confused manner, are those in which he took a principal share,--the
second restoration of the Medici, and the final overthrow of the
liberties of Florence.
When a reconciliation had been patched up between Charles V. and Clement
VII., the force of their united arms was turned against Florence. The
republic was headed by gallant spirits, who, seeing their last hope of
freedom in a successful resistance, exerted every nerve to defend
themselves. They were willing to suffer any extremity, rather than
submit to a slavery which must crush for ever the proud independence and
free institutions of their native city. Guicciardini had been named by
the pope, governor of Bologna, and took no part in the war against his
country; but he is accused of participating in the iniquitous
proceedings which followed the surrender of the city. The pope acted
with the utmost treachery. He granted generous terms; but when in
possession, held a mock assembly of the people, keeping off, by means of
the troops he introduced, all the citizens, except those prepared to
receive law at his hands. He thus, as it were, obtained a legal decree,
which changed the form of government, and denounced its late leaders.
Executions and confiscations became the order of the day; the chief
power was placed in the hands of Vettori, Guicciardini, and two others,
and their conduct entailed on them the execration of their fellow
citizens.
So zealous did Guicciardini show himself, that the pope entrusted him
with the office of reforming and restricting the list of candidates, who
were selected to be members of government, and he displayed his prudence
and sagacity for the reigning family at the expense of the lives and
liberties of the most virtuous among his fellow citizens. Under his
auspices, the office of gonfaloniere, which had subsisted for 250 years,
was abolished, and Alessandro de' Medici was named duke, which title was
to descend in perpetuity to his successors. This miserable man was the
son of a negro woman, and regarded as the offspring of Lorenzo, the son
of Piero de' Medici: but it was more probable that he owed his existence
to Clement VII.; at least the latter claimed the honour of paternity.
His disgraceful birth stamped him with contempt; his profligacy and
cruelty acquired the hatred of the people over whom he ruled.
Guicciardini endeavoured to restrain him in the indulgence of his vices,
but without avail. He was now wholly devoted to his service. When
Clement VII. died, his successor wished him to continue governor of
Bologna, but he refused. While the see was vacant, he had yielded to the
entreaties of the senators, and remained to prevent popular
disturbances. They promised him every assistance to maintain his
authority; but his enemies took occasion to display their disrespect.
Geronimo Pepoli, and others, who some years before had retired from
Bologna in distaste, took this occasion to return, accompanied by armed
followers and public bandits. Guicciardini's haughty spirit was in arms
against the insult. Among the followers of Pepoli were two outlaws under
sentence of death; these he caused to be seized, led to prison, and put
to death. Pepoli manifested the utmost indignation, and was only
restrained by the authority of the senators from giving public token of
his resentment. When the new pope was elected, and another governor
appointed, Guicciardini prepared to quit the city. Pepoli threatened to
attack him on his departure; but he, undismayed, set out at noon-day,
accompanied only by a few attendants on horseback. His road led him past
the palace of the Pepoli, nor would he diverge from it on this account,
but passed under their windows with a firm and intrepid countenance, and
was permitted to pursue his way unmolested.
He soon after displayed this energy and firmness of character in a very
bad cause. The Florentines, unable any longer to endure the tyranny and
vices of duke Alexander, appealed to Charles V., whom they regarded as
lord paramount of their state. The emperor summoned Alexander to Naples,
where he then was, to answer the charges made against him. He obeyed:
but the emperor was so incensed that he began to fear the result, and
was on the point of retreating, had not Guicciardini exhorted him to
remain. He drew up a defence for him, and by a judicious distribution of
bribes, succeeded in obtaining his acquittal; and Florence was again
subjected to his yoke.
Two years after, Alexander was murdered by Lorenzino de' Medici, who
considered that he had a better right to be considered the head of the
family. But this act, undertaken without the participation of any
accomplice, was not followed by the results that might have been
anticipated. Lorenzino, frightened by his very success, fled the city,
and his cousin Cosmo was raised to the supreme power, and afterwards
named grand duke of Tuscany. Guicciardini assisted materially in his
elevation, and hoped to be real chief of the state, while the other held
the nominal rank. But Cosmo was of a crafty, cold, and ungrateful
disposition, and treated his benefactor with such neglect, that he
withdrew himself from public life, and retired to his country seat at
Montici, in the neighbourhood of Florence.
From this time he occupied himself wholly in the composition of his
history. It is a fine monument of his genius and industry. It commences
with the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII., and goes down to the
exaltation of Cosmo. The fault attributed to him as an author is
prolixity, and to this he must plead guilty. He dwells with the most
tiresome and earnest minuteness on the most trivial incidents; and the
taking of an insignificant castle, followed by no important results, is
attended by the same diffuseness and exactitude of detail as events of
the greatest magnitude. But no historian surpasses Guicciardini when the
subject is worthy of his pen. His animated descriptions of battles, the
chances of war, and conduct of princes and leaders; his delineations of
character, and masterly views of the course of events, all claim the
highest admiration. The orations, which he intersperses, have been
cavilled at, but they are eloquent, full of dignified exhortation, or
sagacious reasoning. His account of the rise and formation of the
temporal power of the popes excited great censure in catholic countries;
and throughout he is accused of showing himself the enemy of the Roman
church. It is true, that the pages of no other historian afford such
convincing proofs of the pernicious effects resulting from the union of
spiritual supremacy and temporal possessions. His powerful character of
the infamous pope Borgia; his description of the fiery vehemence of
Julius II.; his unveiling of the faults of Leo X., and the exposure he
makes of the mistakes and weakness of Clement VII., present the very men
and times to our eyes, and form as it were a school in which to study
the philosophy of history. We perceive no partiality till the last few
pages, which record the downfall of the republic of Florence. His
language is, in the eyes of Italian critics, nearly pure; it is
forcible, without being concise; and the clearness and majesty of the
expressions in his best passages carry the reader along with him.
Guicciardini was solicited by pope Paul III. to leave his retreat, and
to enter again on public life, but he refused. The disappointment of his
ambitious views on the exaltation of Cosmo, and the duke's ingratitude,
struck him to the heart. He did not live to complete his history, and
died on the 27th of May, 1540, in the fifty-eighth year of his age. He
expressly ordered that his funeral should be unattended by any pomp; and
his directions were so strictly followed, that for some time no stone
even commemorated the spot of his sepulture.
Little is known of his private life. His letters have all perished,
except a few addressed to Machiavelli. They are lively in their style,
and very friendly. He had no son, and seven daughters, and wrote to the
secretary to ask his advice in settling them in marriage. Machiavelli
advised his applying to the pope for a dowry; counselling him by all
means to marry the eldest well, as the others would follow her example;
and he quotes a passage from Dante, referring to a duke of Provence,
"who had three daughters and each a queen. And the cause of this thing,
was Romeo, a poor wandering man," who had advised the duke to be
unsparing in his dowry to his eldest daughter, so to command a splendid
alliance, as the best means to advance her sisters also. He gave her
half his duchy, and she married the king of France. Guicciardini in
reply says, "You have set me on ransacking Romagna for a copy of Dante,
and at last I have found one." But he was too high-spirited to apply for
a gift from the pope.
Guicciardini was tall and of commanding aspect; rather squarely made,
and not handsome; but robust, and with an animated, intelligent
countenance. He was ambitious, and even haughty, so that he could endure
neither contradiction nor advice. Prudence, industry, sagacity, and a
penetrating understanding, recommended him to his employers; and he was
frequently entrusted with carrying on and correcting the correspondence
of the pope and other princes.
The last six books of his history are considered unfinished. No portion
of it was published till some years after his death, and then the
passages considered injurious to papacy were omitted. A complete edition
was first printed at Basle; but, even in this, the objectionable
passages appeared under the disguise of Latin. His first idea had been
to write only memoirs of his own life; and it was by the advice of
Nardi, it is said, that he enlarged his plan into a history of Italy
during his own times.
[Footnote 32: It was a habit among the Florentines to keep memoranda of
the principal events of their lives, which they called Ricordi. The date
of the birth of Guicciardini has been disputed, but it is ascertained
from a MS. book of his ricordi, or records, which Manni cites. He thus
writes concerning himself:--"I record that I, Francesco di Piero
Guicciardini, now doctor of civil and canon law, was born on the 6th
March, 1482, at ten o'clock. I was baptised Francesco, from Francesco de
Nerli, my maternal grandfather, and Tommaso, out of respect for St.
Thomas Aquinas, on whose festival I was born. Messer Marsiglio Ficino
held me at the baptismal font, who was the greatest platonic philosopher
then existing in the world, and by Giovanni Canacci and Piero del Nero,
both philosophers also."]
[Footnote 33: See a clever pamphlet, entitled "Saggio sulla Vita e sulle
Opere di Francesco Guicciardini," by Rosini, a professor of the
University of Pisa.]