Again the hoarse voice broke the silence, dear, distinct, ominous,--

"War against England! Spe-shall!" his cry being followed by the sound

of hurrying feet as people rushed from their houses, purchased copies of

the paper at exorbitant prices, and eagerly devoured the amazing news.

"Surely it must be some absurd story that the papers have got hold of,"

Ella exclaimed a few moments later, when, after again watching the

excitement below, she returned and stood beside my chair. "The idea of

war against us is absolutely absurd. You Foreign Office people would

have known if such were actually the case. Evening papers are so often

full of exaggerated reports, contradicted next morning, that one ceases

to believe in them."

"I have every reason, unfortunately, to believe in the truth of this

sudden probability of war," I answered gloomily, scarce knowing what I

said.

"You believe it's true!" she cried. "How do you know? Will Russia

actually dare to challenge us?"

"Yes," I replied. "But how were you aware that Russia was our enemy?"

She started and held her breath. Her attitude was that of one who had

unconsciously betrayed herself.

"I--I--merely guessed it," she answered lamely, with a forced smile a

moment later. "I've been reading the papers lately."

"The papers have given no hint of any impending complication," I

answered abruptly, removing the cigarette from my lips and looking up at

her keenly.

"But I read something the other day which stated that Russia and France

had combined with the object of attacking England in the near future."

I did not answer. I could only gaze at her, amazed at the calm,

circumstantial manner in which she lied. That she had some knowledge of

the political situation--of what character or extent I knew not--was

certain, for other words she had let drop in unguarded moments had once

or twice aroused within me increasing suspicion. When I reflected upon

her alarm on hearing the strident cry of the newsman, I was compelled to

admit that her fears were not genuine. The questions she put to me

regarding the relative strengths of England and Russia, and the probable

course of events, were naive enough, but they were uttered, I knew, with

a view to disarm any suspicion I might entertain.

At last, wearied of her eternal masquerade, I roused myself, tossed away

my dead cigarette, and, declaring that in the circumstances my presence

at the Foreign Office was imperative, suddenly said,--

"You asked me to come here this evening because you had something

particular to say to me, Ella. You have not yet referred to it."

"I wanted to ask you a question," she exclaimed in a low tone, slowly

moving towards me and bending until she placed her arm tenderly around

my neck.

"Well, what is it?"

For a moment she remained silent in hesitation, but at last spoke in

that harsh, strained voice that had so frequently puzzled me of late.

"I know you have investigated Dudley's belongings," she said. "And I

wanted to know whether you discovered among them some scraps of paper

bearing imitations of your own handwriting."

I regarded her in surprise; her question amazed me. In her eyes I

noticed a look of intense earnestness and appeal for sympathy.

"Well, what if I have?" I inquired.

"If you have, they will, I know, be regarded by you as evidence that

Dudley was a forger."

"That is what I believe him to have been," I said with bitterness.

"You judge him wrongly," she replied quite calmly, her face nevertheless

as white as the simple-made dinner gown she wore. "I have already seen

those papers, and know their authorship."

"Did not Dudley trace my writing?"

"He never did," she replied. "As his death was encompassed by his

enemies, so is dishonour cast upon his memory."

"Then you allege that he was the victim of conspiracy!" I exclaimed,

surprised.

"No doubt. When I am at last free to speak I shall prove it, and by so

doing remove from myself the suspicion now resting upon me." She spoke

earnestly, with an intense ring in her voice that told me she now

uttered the truth.

"For what reason was it desired to imitate my handwriting?" I asked,

pressing her hand tenderly. "Come, tell me, Ella."

"I really don't know," she replied. "All I am aware is that your

writing was most carefully traced and imitated, and for that purpose two

of your letters to me were stolen."

"By whom?"

"I have never been able to discover."

At that moment our conversation was interrupted by a voice crying,

"Here, Deedes! Have you seen this alarming news?" and turning I saw

Beck standing beside the tall, amber-shaded lamp in the drawing-room, a

pale pink news-sheet in his hand. Rising quickly I re-entered the room,

and walking over to him, followed by Ella, took the newspaper, and

devoured the dozen lines of leaded type placed beneath the bold,

alarming head-lines.

My well-beloved was peering over my shoulder as, in breathless

eagerness, I read that, according to Reuter's correspondent at St

Petersburg, the _Novoe Vremya_ had that afternoon issued a special

edition containing the amazing statement that Russia would, in the

course of a few hours, formally declare war against England, and that

this fact was corroborated by the issue of telegraphic orders to the

commanders of military districts as a preliminary to a general

mobilisation of the forces. This announcement was similar to that of

our secret agent in St Petersburg, with the additional facts that the

greatest activity had commenced in the War Office and Admiralty, and

that the Tzar had, in consequence, abandoned his visit to Odessa, which

he was about to undertake that day.

"The outlook is certainly most alarming," I observed, handing on the

paper to Ella.

"It's extraordinary!" cried Beck, intensely excited, as became a

patriotic legislator. "We have not had the slightest inkling of any

diplomatic deadlock, or any disagreement with Russia. The whole thing

is absolutely amazing."

"But what will happen?" asked Ella, eagerly, with white, scared face.

"Will England be invaded and battles fought here in the manner prophetic

writers have foretold?"

"I fear so," I said despondently. "If war is really declared, a

conflict must very soon occur, and the struggle will then be long and

deadly."

"But surely the Government will not allow an enemy to land upon English

soil," she exclaimed, still holding the paper in her trembling hands.

"What are ambassadors for but to avert such catastrophes as this?"

"Ambassadors," exclaimed Beck, "appear to me to be useless pawns.

Surely our Embassy at St Petersburg must have been asleep not to have

given the Government warning of the plans of Russia long ago.

Preparations for war against a power like England are not made without

very careful deliberation."

"But can we be invaded?" I queried.

"No doubt," Beck replied promptly. "The opinions of our greatest

strategists are unanimous that, under certain conditions, France and

Russia combined could invade our island. It is all very well for people

to talk about England's maritime power; but is it what we believe it to

be? I think not."

Having made a deep study of this very question, I was, although a loyal

and patriotic Englishman, compelled to agree with him in a certain

measure. Once, not so very long ago, it was generally believed, even by

our greatest military and naval experts, that should England become

engaged with a first-rate foreign Power, she could, single-handed, in a

week close every one of her enemy's ports and have a fleet ready to

reduce at its leisure everything he held beyond the seas. Indeed, some

authorities went so far as to declare that with almost any two Powers

against her, she could do as much; and it was that recognition of this

power abroad that gave England, in spite of her military weakness, so

commanding a position in Europe. But since the Franco-Russian Alliance

the increase in the fleets of the Powers had been so rapid that we had

utterly failed to keep pace with them. We built huge, unwieldy

battleships, while our enemies constructed the fastest cruisers and

torpedo-boat destroyers afloat, thereby sweeping away our hitherto

undisputed mastery of the sea.

"The great danger that appears to me," Beck said presently, after we had

been discussing the serious outlook at considerable length, "is that we

may be blockaded by these two hostile powers, so as to reduce us near

starvation, and compel us to surrender."

"But not before we have engaged the enemy at sea and given them a taste

of the lion's paw," I observed.

"Of course. First, we must expect a great naval battle or battles,

followed by a dash upon our territory and the landing of the hostile

armies. If England received one serious reverse at sea, she could never

recover from it. The loss of her maritime power would paralyse her."

"I know," I said. "That argument is trite enough. But I, nevertheless,

believe that England is still, and will be for many centuries to come,

Queen of the Sea."

"Oh! yes," he said, rather contemptuously. "The cheap, clap-trap

patriotism of the pot-house and the music-hall is all very well, but we,

in the House of Commons, entertain a very different opinion. The belief

in England's greatness held by the lower classes is admirable, and, of

course, ought to be carefully fostered, because it leads men to enlist

in the Services. But you know, as well as I do, that in the Government

Departments our naval strength is regarded as over-estimated in

comparison with the power of some other European nations, and our

military strength utterly inadequate. If it is really true that Russia

is about to declare war against us, I fear the awakening of those

confident of our insular security will be a terrible one."

"Terrible no doubt it will be, on account of the fearful loss of life

and property such a war must entail, but I anticipate that when the

struggle comes every Englishman will bear arms for the defence of his

home and loved ones, and that the foreign invader will meet with a

reception the warmth of which he never expected."

"Geoffrey is a patriot," exclaimed Ella, laughing. "So am I. I don't

believe Russia and France will ever dare to land soldiers on our

coasts."

"Well spoken," I exclaimed. "I do not share the fears of these

so-called experts."

"I do," Beck went on excitedly. "If hostilities occur our defences will

soon be found weak and utterly unreliable. That's my opinion."

"Then you declare that England is great no longer," I observed, with a

smile.

"No, I don't go so far as that; but I contend, as I did in my speech in

the House a fortnight ago, that those charged with maintaining our

defences in a proper state of efficiency have for years been culpably

negligent. The power of England to-day is still the same as it has

been--on paper. But, in ascertaining it, we always close our eyes

wilfully to the true fact that other nations have awakened during the

past ten years, and have now actually overtaken us."

"I don't think that," I answered. "Until our country is actually

invested I shall still believe in its strength."

But Beck, greatly to the amusement of Ella, was firm in his opinions,

and, when I argued with him, commenced to quote statistics with a

glibness which told how carefully he had studied the speech he recently

delivered before the House, a speech which, by the way, had been

dismissed in one line by all the newspapers. Ella, standing beside me

in her pale cream dress, girdled narrow with a band of mauve silk,

looked charming, and supported me in all my views, exhibiting a

knowledge of politics and of the Continental outlook that I had not in

the least suspected. Indeed, she now and then attacked the arguments of

the member for West Rutlandshire with a vehemence that surprised me, for

more than once she completely upset his declarations by citing some fact

he had overlooked.

Even while we discussed these things we knew how wildly-excited must be

the seething world of London. The news, although, alas! not fresh to

me, had fallen that night upon the metropolis like a thunderbolt. Mrs

Laing, who presently entered the room, was shown the paper by Ella, and

was utterly unnerved by the startling intelligence. I had noticed that

she had never since been the same stately, composed woman as before the

discovery of Dudley. The tragic affair at "The Nook" seemed to have

upset her, and in her face there were now traces of extreme nervousness

and excitability.

"Surely the paper has printed an unwarrantable untruth, Mr Beck," she

exclaimed, after reading the statement by the aid of her glasses. "I

really can't believe it."

"I scarcely think we ought to credit it before we receive some

confirmation," the burly legislator replied. "It may, of course, be a

mere idle rumour set afloat for Stock Exchange purposes."

At that moment they exchanged swift, mysterious glances that somehow

appeared to me significant, yet next instant I found myself convinced

that the unusual expression in their eyes had merely been due to a

chimera of my own imagination. With a foolish disregard for

probability, I seemed somehow to scent mystery in everything, and it now

occurred to me that to successfully probe the truth of Ella's relations

with the two men, I must never allow myself to be misled by

misconstruing words or actions. I felt almost confident that I had

noticed Beck and Mrs Laing exchange looks akin to approbation;

nevertheless, on reflection, I convinced myself that I had been quite

mistaken, and half an hour later laughed at my suspicions.

Presently Beck announced his intention of going down to the House to

ascertain the latest official news, and I, bidding Ella and her mother

farewell, accompanied him. It was about eleven o'clock when we drove

up, but the cab could not get much further than Broad Sanctuary, so

dense was the crowd that had gathered at St Stephen's on the startling

news being spread. From the high summit of Big Ben the electric light

was streaming westward, showing the excited thousands assembled there

that Parliament was already deliberating upon the best course to pursue

on the outbreak of hostilities, and as we elbowed our way through the

turbulent concourse war was on everyone's tongue. Men and women of all

classes of society, wildly-excited, with pale, scared faces, discussed

the probable course of events; many sang patriotic songs, the choruses

of which were taken up and shouted lustily, while here and there, as we

proceeded, loud invectives against the Tzar and his French allies

greeted our ears.

At last we reached St Stephen's Hall, and, passing its zealously-guarded

portals, hurried forward to the Lobby. Here the scene was of a most

exciting character. Members were standing in small groups, eagerly

discussing the serious and unexpected turn affairs had taken, and, in

answer to our inquiries, we learnt that a quarter of an hour before an

official reply had been given in the House to a question addressed from

the Opposition benches, admitting that, according to the latest advices

from St Petersburg, there was, no doubt, foundation for the rumour

published by the _Novoe Vremya_, and that it was very probable that in

the course of an hour or two war would formally be declared.

A tiresome topic was being discussed in the House, but it was being

carried on without spirit or enthusiasm, all the members being on tiptoe

with expectation regarding the next telegram from the enemy's camp. The

amazing intelligence that had spread like wildfire throughout the

metropolis had brought every member in town down to the House, until the

Lobby became so thronged that locomotion was difficult. I chatted with

many legislators I knew, and found all held similar views--that an

attempted invasion of England had been planned by France and Russia.

The Cabinet had been hastily summoned, and was at that moment

deliberating with the Commander-in-Chief regarding the immediate steps

to be taken for the complete mobilisation of the forces.

One fact had impressed itself upon me as, accompanied by Beck, I had

struggled through the ever-increasing crowd outside, namely, the intense

patriotism of the Volunteers. There were dozens who, on hearing the

news, had at once put on their uniforms in readiness to bear their part

in the defence of their homes, and everywhere as they swayed to and fro

in the crowd they were lustily cheered. The sight of a uniform in those

wild moments was sufficient to send the multitude half mad with

enthusiasm, and in one or two instances volunteers had been raised

shoulder-high in order that all should unite in giving them ovations.

Within the sombre, smoke-blackened walls of Parliament it was a

breathless period of eager waiting. There was no cheering, there was no

cheap patriotism, no outburst of enthusiasm. Some of the little knots

of white-hatted politicians condemned the Government unmercifully for

failing to obtain news of a pending catastrophe which might have been

avoided by diplomacy, while others declared that the action of the

Opposition in the past was alone responsible for the present disaster.

Wherever I went I found an opinion, almost unanimous, that England could

not withstand the blow now threatened. In that time of wild theories

and wilder apprehensions Beck's arguments and prophetic utterances were

listened to eagerly, until quite a crowd stood around him. Of late he

had written one or two articles on the subject of England's

unpreparedness for war, notably one in the _Nineteenth Century_, which

had attracted considerable attention, and his opinions were now listened

to and afterwards discussed, even among men whose names were household

words.

As I stood watching and listening, I was compelled to admit that during

the short time my friend had been in Parliament he had certainly won

good opinions, and even among the most level-headed politicians his

views, notwithstanding his blustering manner, were regarded as worthy of

serious consideration. I confess to having previously looked upon him

rather as a crank upon this subject, but I did so no longer, now that I

recognised what weight his arguments carried.

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