CONDITION OF THE WALDENSES FROM 1690.
Annoyances--Burdens--Foreign Contributions--French Revolution--
Spiritual Revivals--Felix Neff--Dr. Gilly--General Beckwith--
Oppressed Condition previous to 1840--Edict of Carlo Alberto--
Freedom of Conscience--The Vaudois Church, the Door by which
Religious Liberty Entered Italy--Their Lamp Kindled at
Rome.
With this second planting of the Vaudois in their Valleys, the period
of their great persecutions may be said to have come to an end. Their
security was not complete, nor their measure of liberty entire. They
were still subject to petty oppressions; enemies were never wanting to
whisper things to their prejudice; little parties of Jesuits would from
time to time appear in their Valleys, the forerunners, as they commonly
found them, of some new and hostile edict; they lived in continual
apprehension of having the few privileges which had been conceded to
them swept away; and on one occasion they were actually threatened with
a second expatriation. They knew, moreover, that Rome, the real author
of all their calamities and woes, still meditated their extermination,
and that she had entered a formal protest against their rehabilitation,
and given the duke distinctly to understand that to be the friend of
the Vaudois was to be the enemy of the Pope.[145] Nevertheless their
condition was tolerable compared with the frightful tempests which had
darkened their sky in previous eras.
The Waldenses had everything to begin anew. Their numbers were thinned;
they were bowed down by poverty; but they had vast recuperative power;
and their brethren in England and Germany hastened to aid them in
reorganising their Church, and bringing once more into play that whole
civil and ecclesiastical economy which the “exile” had so rudely broken
in pieces. William III. of England incorporated a Vaudois regiment
at his own expense, which he placed at the service of the duke, and
to this regiment it was mainly owing that the duke was not utterly
overwhelmed in his wars with his former ally, Louis XIV. At one point
of the campaign, when hard pressed, Victor Amadeus had to sue for the
protection of the Vaudois, on almost the very spot where the deputies
of Gianavello had sued to him for peace, but had sued in vain.
In 1692 there were twelve churches in the Valleys; but the people were
unable to maintain a pastor to each. They were ground down by military
imposts. Moreover, a peremptory demand was made upon them for payment
of the arrears of taxes which had accrued in respect of their lands
during the three years they had been absent, and when to them there
was neither seedtime nor harvest. Anything more extortionate could
not be imagined. In their extremity, Mary of England, the consort of
William III., granted them a “Royal Subsidy,” to provide pastors and
schoolmasters, and this grant was increased with the increased number
of parishes, till it reached the annual sum of £550. A collection which
was made in Great Britain at a subsequent period (1770) permitted
an augmentation of the salaries of the pastors. This latter fund
bore the name of the “National Subsidy,” to distinguish it from the
former, the “Royal Subsidy.” The States-General of Holland followed
in the wake of the English sovereign, and made collections for
salaries to schoolmasters, gratuities to superannuated pastors, and
for the founding of a Latin school. Nor must we omit to state that the
Protestant cantons of Switzerland appropriated bursaries to students
from the Valleys at their academies--one at Basle, five at Lausanne,
and two at Geneva.[146]
The policy of the Court of Turin towards the Waldenses changed with
the shiftings in the great current of European politics. At one
unfavourable moment, when the influence of the Vatican was in the
ascendant, Henri Arnaud, who had so gloriously led back the Israel of
the Alps to their ancient inheritance, was banished from the Valleys,
along with others, his companions in patriotism and virtue, as now in
exile. England, through William, sought to draw the hero to her own
shore, but Arnaud retired to Schoenberg, where he spent his last years
in the humble and affectionate discharge of the duties of a pastor
among his expatriated countrymen, whose steps he guided to the heavenly
abodes, as he had done those of their brethren to their earthly land.
He died in 1721, at the age of four-score years.
The century passed without any very noticeable event. The spiritual
condition of the Vaudois languished. The year 1789 brought with it
astounding changes. The French Revolution rung out the knell of the old
times, and introduced, amidst those earthquake-shocks that convulsed
nations, and laid thrones and altars prostrate, a new political age.
The Vaudois once again passed under the dominion of France. There
followed an enlargement of their civil rights, and an amelioration
of their social condition; but, unhappily, with the friendship of
France came the poison of its literature, and Voltairianism threatened
to inflict more deadly injury on the Church of the Alps than all
the persecutions of the previous centuries. At the Restoration
the Waldenses were given back to their former sovereign, and with
their return to the House of Savoy they returned to their ancient
restrictions, though the hand of bloody persecution could no more be
stretched out.
The time was now drawing near when this venerable people was to obtain
a final emancipation. That great deliverance rose on them, as day rises
on the earth, by slow stages. The visit paid them by the apostolic
Felix Neff, in 1808, was the first dawning of their new day. With him
a breath from heaven, it was felt, had passed over the dry bones. The
next stage in their resurrection was the visit of Dr. William Stephen
Gilly, in 1828. He cherished, he tells us, the conviction that “this
is the spot from which it is likely that the great Sower will again
cast his seed, when it shall please him to permit the pure Church of
Christ to resume her seat in those Italian States from which Pontifical
intrigues have dislodged her.”[147] The result of Dr. Gilly’s visit was
the erection of a college at La Torre, for the instruction of youth
and the training of ministers, and an hospital for the sick; besides
awakening great interest on their behalf in England.[148]
After Dr. Gilly there stood up another to befriend the Waldenses,
and prepare them for their coming day of deliverance. The career of
General Beckwith is invested with a romance not unlike that which
belongs to the life of Ignatius Loyola. Beckwith was a young soldier,
and as brave, and chivalrous, and ambitious of glory as Loyola. He had
passed unhurt through battle and siege. He fought at Waterloo till the
enemy was in full retreat, and the sun was going down. But a flying
soldier discharged his musket at a venture, and the leg of the young
officer was hopelessly shattered by the bullet. Beckwith, like Loyola,
passed months upon a bed of pain, during which he drew forth from his
portmanteau his neglected Bible, and began to read and study it. He had
lain down, like Loyola, a knight of the sword, and like him he rose up
a knight of the Cross, but in a truer sense.
One day in 1827 he paid a visit to Apsley House, and while he waited
for the duke, he took up a volume which was lying on the table. It
was Dr. Gilly’s narrative of his visit to the Waldenses. Beckwith
felt himself drawn irresistibly to a people with whose wonderful
history this book made him acquainted for the first time. From that
hour his life was consecrated to them. He lived among them as a
father--as a king. He devoted his fortune to them. He built schools,
and churches, and parsonages. He provided improved schoolbooks, and
suggested better modes of teaching. He strove above all things to
quicken their spiritual life. He taught them how to respond to the
exigencies of modern times. He specially inculcated upon them that
the field was wider than their Valleys; and that they would one day
be called to arise and to walk through Italy, in the length of it and
in the breadth of it. He was their advocate at the court of Turin;
and when he had obtained for them the possession of a burying-ground
outside their Valleys, he exclaimed, “Now they have got infeftment of
Piedmont, as the patriarchs did of Canaan, and soon all the land will
be theirs.”[149]
But despite the efforts of Gilly and Beckwith, and the growing spirit
of toleration, the Waldenses continued to groan under a load of
political and social disabilities. They were still a proscribed race.
The once goodly limits of their Valleys had, in later times, been
greatly contracted, and like the iron cell in the story, their
territory was almost yearly tightening its circle round them. They
could not own, or even farm, a foot-breadth of land, or practise any
industry, beyond their own boundary. They could not bury their dead
save in their Valleys; and when it chanced that any of their people
died at Turin or elsewhere, their corpses had to be carried all the
way to their own graveyards. They were not permitted to erect a
tombstone above their dead, or even to enclose their burial-grounds
with a wall. They were shut out from all the learned and liberal
professions--they could not be bankers, physicians, or lawyers. No
avocation was left them but that of tending their herds and pruning
their vines. When any of them emigrated to Turin, or other Piedmontese
town, they were not permitted to be anything but domestic servants.
There was no printing-press in their Valleys--they were forbidden to
have one; and the few books they possessed, mostly Bibles, catechisms,
and hymn-books, were printed abroad, chiefly in Great Britain; and
when they arrived at La Torre, the Moderator had to sign before the
Reviser-in-Chief an engagement that not one of these books should be
sold, or even lent, to a Roman Catholic.[150]
[Illustration: TOMB OF GENERAL BECKWITH.]
They were forbidden to evangelise or make converts. But though fettered
on the one side they were not equally protected on the other, for the
priests had full liberty to enter their Valleys, and proselytise;
and if a boy of twelve or a girl of ten professed willingness to
enter the Roman Church, they were to be taken from their parents,
that they might with the more freedom carry out their intention. They
could not marry save among their own people. They could not erect a
sanctuary save on the soil of their own territory. They could take
no degree at any of the colleges of Piedmont. In short, the duties,
rights, and privileges that constitute _life_ they were denied. They
were reduced as nearly as was practicable to simple existence, with
this one great exception--which was granted them not as a right, but
as a favour--namely, the liberty of Protestant worship within their
territorial limits.
The Revolution of 1848, with trumpet-peal, sounded the overthrow
of all these restrictions. They fell in one day. The final end of
Providence in preserving that people during long centuries of fearful
persecutions now began to be seen. The Waldensian Church became the
door by which freedom of conscience entered Italy. When the hour came
for framing a new constitution for Piedmont, it was found desirable
to give standing-room in that constitution to the Waldenses, and this
necessitated the introduction into the edict of the great principle of
freedom of worship as a right. The Waldenses had contended for that
principle for ages--they had maintained and vindicated it by their
sufferings and martyrdoms; and therefore they were necessitated to
demand, and the Piedmontese Government to grant, this great principle.
It was the only one of the many new constitutions framed for Italy
at that same time in which freedom of conscience was enacted. Nor
would it have found a place in the Piedmontese constitution, but for
the circumstance that here were the Waldenses, and that their great
distinctive principle demanded legal recognition, otherwise they would
remain outside the constitution. The Vaudois alone had fought the
battle, but all their countrymen shared with them the fruits of the
great victory. When the news of the Statuto of Carlo Alberto reached La
Torre there were greetings on the streets, psalms in the churches, and
blazing bonfires at night on the crest of the snowy Alps.
At the door of her Valleys, with lamp in hand, its oil unspent and
its light unextinguished, is seen, at the era of 1848, the Church of
the Alps, prepared to obey the summons of her heavenly King, who has
passed by in earthquake and whirlwind, casting down the thrones that
of old oppressed her, and opening the doors of her ancient prison.
She is now to go forth and be “The Light of all Italy,”[151] as Dr.
Gilly, thirty years before, had foretold she would at no distant day
become. Happily not all Italy as yet, but only Piedmont, was opened to
her. She addressed herself with zeal to the work of erecting churches
and forming congregations in Turin and other towns of Piedmont. Long
a stranger to evangelistic work, the Vaudois Church had time and
opportunity thus given her to acquire the mental courage and practical
habits needed in the novel circumstances in which she was now placed.
She prepared evangelists, collected funds, organised colleges and
congregations, and in various other ways perfected her machinery in
anticipation of the wider field that Providence was about to open to
her.
It is now the year 1859, and the drama which had stood still since 1849
begins once more to advance. In that year France declared war against
the Austrian occupation of the Italian peninsula. The tempest of battle
passes from the banks of the Po to those of the Adige, along the
plain of Lombardy, rapid, terrible, and decisive as the thunder-cloud
of the Alps, and the Tedeschi retreat before the victorious arms of
the French. The blood of the three great battles of the campaign was
scarcely dry before Austrian Lombardy, Modena, Parma, Tuscany, and
part of the Pontifical States had annexed themselves to Piedmont, and
their inhabitants had become fellow-citizens of the Waldenses. With
scarcely a pause there followed the brilliant campaign of Garibaldi in
Sicily and Naples, and these rich and ample territories were also added
to the now magnificent kingdom of Victor Emmanuel. The whole of Italy,
from the Alps to Etna, the “States of the Church” excepted, now became
the field of the Waldensian Church. Nor was this the end of the drama.
Another ten years pass away: France again sends forth her armies to
battle, believing that she can command victory as aforetime. The result
of the brief but terrible campaign of 1870, in which the French Empire
disappeared and the German uprose, was the opening of the gates of
Rome. And let us mark--for in the little incident we hear the voice of
ten centuries--in the first rank of the soldiers whose cannon had burst
open the old gates, there enters a Vaudois colporteur with a bundle of
Bibles. The Waldenses now kindle their lamp at Rome, and the purpose of
the ages stands revealed!
THE END.
CASSELL, PETTER, GALPIN & CO., BELLE SAUVAGE WORKS, LONDON, E.C.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Petrus Damianus, _Opusc._, p. 5. Allix, _Churches
of Piedmont_, p. 113. M’Crie, _Hist. of Reform. in
Italy_, p. 2.
[2] Recent German criticism refers the _Nobla Leyçon_ to a
later date, but still one anterior to the Reformation.
[3] The new and elegant temple of the Waldenses now rises
near the foot of the Castelluzzo.
[4] This short description of the Waldensian valleys is
drawn from the author’s personal observations.
[5] This disproves the charge of Manicheism brought
against them by their enemies.
[6] Sir Samuel Morland gives the _Nobla Leyçon_ in full in
his _History of the Churches of the Waldenses_. Allix
(chap. 18) gives a summary of it.
[7] The _Nobla Leyçon_ has the following passage:--“If
there be an honest man, who desires to love God
and fear Jesus Christ, who will neither slander,
nor swear, nor lie, nor commit adultery, nor kill,
nor steal, nor avenge himself of his enemies, they
presently say of such a one he is a Vaudés, and worthy
of death.”
[8] See a list of numerous heresies and blasphemies
charged upon the Waldenses by the Inquisitor
Reynerius, who wrote about the year 1250, and
extracted by Allix (chap. 22).
[9] _The Romaunt Version of the Gospel according to John,
from MS. preserved in Trinity College, Dublin, and in
the Bibliothèque du Roi, Paris._ By William Stephen
Gilly, D.D., Canon of Durham, and Vicar of Norham.
Lond., 1848.
[10] Stranski, _apud_, Lenfant’s _Concile de Constance_,
quoted by Count Valerian Krasinski in his _History of
the Rise, Progress, and Decline of the Reformation
in Poland_, vol. i., p. 53; Lond., 1838. Illyricus
Flaccius, in his _Catalogus Testium Veritatis_
(Amstelodami, 1679), says: “Pars Valdensium in
Germaniam transiit atque apud Bohemos, in Polonia ac
Livonia sedem fixit.” Leger says that the Waldenses
had, about the year 1210, Churches in Slavonia,
Sarmatia, and Livonia. (_Histoire Générale des Eglises
Evangéliques des Vallées du Piedmont ou Vaudois_, vol.
ii., pp. 336, 337; 1669.)
[11] M’Crie, _Hist. Ref. in Italy_, p. 4.
[12] Compare Antoine Monastier, _History of the Vaudois
Church_, p. 121 (Lond., 1848), with Alexis Muston,
_Israel of the Alps_, p. 8 (Lond., 1852).
[13] Monastier, _Hist. Vaudois Church_, p. 123.
[14] Monastier, p. 123.
[15] _Ibid._
[16] Monastier, p. 123.
[17] _Histoire Générale des Eglises Evangéliques des
Vallées de Piedmont, ou Vaudoises._ Par Jean Leger.
Part ii., pp. 6, 7. Leyden, 1669. Monastier, pp. 123,
124.
[18] The bull is given in full in Leger, who also says
that he had made a faithful copy of it, and lodged
it with other documents in the University Library of
Cambridge. (_Hist. Gén. des Eglises Vaud._, part ii.,
pp. 7-15.)
[19] Muston, _Israel of the Alps_, p. 10.
[20] Leger, livr. ii., p. 7.
[21] Leger, livr. ii., p. 26
[22] Monastier, p. 128.
[23] Muston, p. 20.
[24] Muston, part ii., p. 234.
[25] Monastier, p. 129.
[26] Monastier, p. 130.
[27] Monastier, pp. 133-4.
[28] Monastier, p. 134.
[29] The Author was shown this pool when he visited the
chasm. None of the Waldensian valleys is better
illustrated by the sad, yet glorious, scenes of their
martyrdom than this Valley of Angrogna. Every rock in
it has its story. As you pass through it you are shown
the spot where young children were dashed against the
stones--the spot where men and women, stripped naked,
were rolled up as balls, and precipitated down the
mountain, and where, caught by the stump of tree,
or projecting angle of rock, they hung transfixed,
enduring for days the agony of a living death. You are
shown the entrance of caves, into which some hundreds
of the Vaudois having fled, their enemies, lighting a
fire at the mouth of their hiding place, ruthlessly
killed them all. Time would fail to tell even a tithe
of what has been done and suffered in this famous pass.
[30] Muston, p. 11.
[31] Leger, livr. ii., p. 26.
[32] _Ibid._
[33] Leger and Gilles say that it was Philip VII. who put
an end to this war. Monastier says they “are mistaken,
for this prince was then in France, and did not begin
to reign till 1496.” This peace was granted in 1489.
[34] Monastier, _Hist. of the Vaudois_, p. 138.
[35] Monastier, _Hist. of the Vaudois_, p. 138.
[36] Gilles, p. 30. Monastier, p. 141.
[37] Ruchat, tom. iii., pp. 176, 557.
[38] _Hist. of the Vaud._, p. 146.
[39] It is entitled, says Leger, “_A Brief Confession of
Faith made by the Pastors and Heads of Families of
the Valleys of Piedmont_.” “It is preserved,” he
adds, “with other documents, in the Library of the
University of Cambridge.” (_Hist. des Vaud._, livr.
i., p. 95.)
[40] Gilles, p. 40. Monastier, p. 146.
[41] George Morel states, in his _Memoirs_, that at this
time there were more than 800,000 persons of the
religion of the Vaudois. (Leger, _Hist. des Vaudois_,
livr. ii., p. 27.) He includes, of course, in this
estimate the Vaudois in the Valleys, on the plain of
Piedmont, in Naples and Calabria, in the South of
France, and in the countries of Germany.
[42] Leger, livr. ii., p. 27.
[43] Monastier, p. 153.
[44] Leger, livr. ii., p. 29.
[45] Leger, livr. ii., p. 29. Monastier, p. 168,
[46] Leger, livr. ii., p. 28.
[47] Muston, _Israel of the Alps_, chap. 8.
[48] Leger, livr. ii., p. 29.
[49] Monastier, chap. 19, p. 172. Muston, chap. 10., p. 52.
[50] Leger, livr. ii., p. 29.
[51] “First, we do protest before the Almighty and All-just
God, before whose tribunal we must all one day appear,
that we intend to live and die in the holy faith,
piety, and religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and
that we do abhor all heresies that have been, and
are, condemned by the Word of God. We do embrace the
most holy doctrine of the prophets and apostles, as
likewise of the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds; we do
subscribe to the four Councils, and to all the ancient
Fathers, in all such things as are not repugnant to
the analogy of faith.” (Leger, livr. ii., pp. 30-1.)
[52] See in Leger (livr. ii., pp. 30-1) the petition of the
Vaudois presented “Au Sérènissime et très-Puissant
Prince, Philibert Emmanuel, Duc de Savoye, Prince de
Piémont, nôtre très-Clement Seigneur” (To the Serene
and most Mighty Prince, Philibert Emmanuel, Duke of
Savoy, Prince of Piedmont, our most Gracious Lord).
[53] See in Leger (livr. ii., p. 32), “A la très-Vertueuse
et très-Excellente Dame, Madame Marguerite de France,
Duchesse de Savoye et de Berry”--“the petition of
her poor and humble subjects, the inhabitants of the
Valleys of Lucerna and Angrogna, and Perosa and San
Martino, and all those of the plain who call purely
upon the name of the Lord Jesus.”
[54] Muston, p. 68.
[55] Muston, p. 72.
[56] Muston, p. 69. Monastier, p. 178.
[57] Muston, p. 70. Monastier, pp. 176-7.
[58] Muston, p. 71. Monastier, pp. 177-8.
[59] Muston, p. 72. Monastier, p. 182.
[60] Letter of Scipio Lentullus, Pastor of San Giovanni.
(Leger, _Hist. des Eglises Vaud._, livr. ii., p. 35.)
[61] So says the Pastor of Giovanni, Scipio Lentullus, in
the letter already referred to. (Leger, livr. ii., p.
35.)
[62] Letter of Scipio Lentullus. (Leger, livr. ii., p. 35.)
Muston, pp. 73-4.
[63] Leger, livr. ii., p. 35. Monastier, pp. 184-5.
[64] Leger, livr. ii., p. 35.
[65] Muston, p. 77. Monastier, pp. 186-7.
[66] Muston, p. 78.
[67] Monastier, p. 188. Muston, p. 78.
[68] Muston, pp. 78-9.
[69] Monastier, p. 190. Muston, p. 80.
[70] Monastier, p. 191.
[71] Leger, part ii., p. 36. Gilles, chap. 25.
[72] _Ibid._, part ii., p. 37.
[73] Muston, p. 83.
[74] _Ibid._ Monastier, p. 194.
[75] Leger, part ii., p. 37. Muston, p. 85.
[76] The Articles of Capitulation are given in full in
Leger, part ii., pp. 38-40.
[77] Leger, part ii., p. 41.
[78] Muston, p. 37.
[79] Leger, part ii., p. 333.
[80] M’Crie, _Italy_, pp. 7, 8.
[81] Muston, _Israel of the Alps_, p. 38.
[82] Perrin, _Histoire des Vaudois_, p. 197. Monastier, pp.
203-4.
[83] Muston, p. 38. Monastier and M’Crie say that the
application for a pastor was made to Geneva, and
that Paschale set out for Calabria, accompanied by
another minister and two schoolmasters. It is probable
that the application was made to Geneva through the
intermediation of the home Church.
[84] M’Crie, p. 324.
[85] Monastier, p. 205.
[86] M’Crie, p. 325.
[87] M’Crie, pp. 325-7.
[88] _Ibid._, pp. 326-7.
[89] Leger, part ii., p. 333. M’Crie, p. 303. Muston, p. 41.
[90] Monastier, p. 206.
[91] M’Crie, p. 304.
[92] Pantaleon, _Rerum in Eccles. Gest. Hist._, _ff._
337-8. De Porta, tom. ii., pp. 309, 312--_ex_ M’Crie,
pp. 305-6.
[93] Crespin, _Hist. des Martyrs_, pp. 506-16. Leger, part
i., p. 204, and part ii., p. 335.
[94] _Sextus Propertius_ (Cranstoun’s translation), p. 119.
[95] Muston, chap. 16. Monastier, chap. 21.
[96] See the letter in full in Leger, part i., pp. 41-5.
[97] Muston, p. 98.
[98] Monastier, p. 222.
[99] Muston, p. 111.
[100] Monastier, p. 241.
[101] Muston, pp. 112-3. Antoine Leger was uncle of Leger
the historian. He had been tutor for many years in the
family of the Ambassador of Holland at Constantinople.
[102] Monastier, chap. 18. Muston pp. 242-3.
[103] Muston, p. 126.
[104] Muston, p. 129.
[105] Leger, part ii., chap. 6, pp. 72-3.
[106] Muston, p. 130.
[107] Leger, part ii., chap. 8, p. 94.
[108] Monastier, p. 265.
[109] Leger, part ii., pp. 95-6.
[110] _Ibid._, part iv., p. 108.
[111] Monastier, p. 267.
[112] Muston, p. 135.
[113] Leger, part ii., pp. 108-9.
[114] Leger, part ii., p. 110.
[115] So says Leger, who was an eye-witness of these
horrors.
[116] Monastier, p. 270.
[117] Leger, part ii., p. 113.
[118] Leger, part ii., p. 111.
[119] Leger, part ii., p. 112.
[120] The book is that from which we have so largely
quoted, entitled _Histoire Générale des Eglises
Evangéliques des Vallées de Piémont ou Vaudoises_.
Par Jean Leger, Pasteur et Modérateur des Eglises des
Vallées, et depuis la violence de la Persécution,
appelé à l’Eglise Wallonne de Leyde. A. Leyde, 1669.
[121] Leger, part ii., p. 113.
[122] The sum collected in England was, in round
numbers, £38,000. Of this, £16,000 was invested,
on the security of the State, to pension pastors,
schoolmasters, and students in the Valleys. This
latter sum was appropriated by Charles II., on the
pretext that he was not bound to implement the
engagements of a usurper.
[123] _The History of the Evangelical Churches of the
Valleys of Piedmont_: containing a most exact
Geographical Description of the place, and a faithful
Account of the Doctrine, Life, and Persecutions of the
ancient Inhabitants, together with a most naked and
punctual Relation of the late bloody Massacre, 1655.
By Samuel Morland, Esq., His Highness’ Commissioner
Extraordinary for the Affairs of the said Valleys.
London, 1658.
[124] Leger, part ii., chap. 11, p. 186.
[125] Leger, part ii., pp. 186-7.
[126] Leger, part ii., p. 187. Muston, pp. 146-7.
[127] Leger, part ii., p. 188. Muston, pp. 148-9.
[128] Leger, part ii., p. 189. Monastier, p. 277.
[129] Leger, part ii., p. 189.
[130] Leger, part ii., p. 275.
[131] Monastier, p. 311.
[132] Monastier, p. 317. Muston, p. 199.
[133] Muston, p. 200.
[134] Muston, p. 202.
[135] Monastier, p. 320.
[136] Monastier, p. 336.
[137] So named by the author of the _Rentrée_, from the
village at its foot, but which without doubt, says
Monastier (p. 349), “is either the Col Joli (7,240
feet high) or the Col de la Fénêtre, or Portetta, as
it was named to Mr. Brockedon, who has visited these
countries, and followed the same road as the Vaudois.”
[138] Monastier, p. 352.
[139] Monastier, p. 356.
[140] Monastier, pp. 364-5.
[141] The Author was conducted over the ground, and had all
the memorials of the siege pointed out to him by two
most trustworthy and intelligent guides--M. Turin,
then Pastor of Macel, whose ancestors had figured in
the “Glorious Return;” and the late M. Tron, Syndic
of the Commune. The ancestors of M. Tron had returned
with Henri Arnaud, and recovered their lands in the
Valley of San Martino, and here had the family of M.
Tron lived ever since, and the precise spots where the
more memorable events of the war had taken place had
been handed down from father to son.
[142] Monastier, pp. 369, 370.
[143] Cannon-balls are occasionally picked up in the
neighbourhood of the Balsiglia. In 1857 the Author was
shown one in the Presbytère of Pomaretto, which had
been dug up a little before.
[144] Monastier, p. 371.
[145] Monastier, p. 389. The Pope, Innocent XII.,
declared (19th August, 1694) the edict of the duke
re-establishing the Vaudois null and void, and
enjoined his inquisitors to pay no attention to it in
their pursuit of the heretics.
[146] Muston, pp. 220-1. Monastier, pp. 388-9.
[147] _Waldensian Researches_, by William Stephen Gilly,
M.A., Prebendary of Durham; p. 158; Lond., 1831.
[148] So deep was the previous ignorance respecting this
people, that Sharon Turner, speaking of the Waldenses
in his _History of England_, placed them on the shores
of Lake Leman, confounding the Valleys of the Vaudois
with the Canton de Vaud.
[149] The Author may be permitted to bear his personal
testimony to the labours of General Beckwith for the
Waldenses, and through them for the evangelisation of
Italy. On occasion of his first visit to the Valleys
in 1851, he passed a week mostly in the society of
the general, and had details from his own lips of
the methods he was pursuing for the elevation of the
Church of the Vaudois. All through the Valleys he was
revered as a father. His common appellation among them
was “The Benefactor of the Vaudois.”
[150] _General Beckwith: his Life and Labours_, &c. By J.
P. Meille, Pastor of the Waldensian Church at Turin.
P. 26. Lond., 1873.
[151] “Totius Italiæ lumen.”
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Transcriber’s Note:
Words may have multiple spelling variations or inconsistent
hyphenation in the text. Dialect, obsolete and alternative spellings
were left unchanged. Misspelled words were corrected.
Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like
this_. Footnotes were renumbered sequentially and were moved to the
end of the book. Obvious printing errors, such as unprinted or
partially printed letters and punctuation, were corrected. Final stops
missing at the end of sentences and abbreviations were added.
Inserted [missing] word: ... in order to [do] good works, ...