CHAPTER XIV

THE BEGINNING OF THE END

"All the way talking of Russia, which, he says, is a

sad place."--Pepys (Sept. 16th, 1664).

For three days our soldiers had been advancing over the devastated

plain of the Somme. The crests of the innumerable shell-holes gave

the country the appearance of a sort of frozen angry sea. The

victors were advancing light-heartedly, as though preceded by

invisible drums.

It was just at the time when the German army was swaying and

tottering like a spent boxer awaiting the inevitable knock-out.

The Division had suffered heavily. All along the roads they had seen

for the second time the sinister spectacle of villagers in flight

and furniture-laden carts drawn by bowed women.

General Bramble had looked at the map with painful astonishment. He

had been ordered to resist at all costs along the trenches on the

green line; but when he reached the green line he had found no

trenches; the Chinamen who were to dig them were still at sea

somewhere near Suez.

Then, in a corner of a ruined village, they had come across a green

felt hat and a fearsome moustache, which turned out reassuringly to

belong to a rocking, tottering old man; and the Tommies--who are a

primitive and adventurous race--were glad of the protection of this

wild old totem of the Frankish tribe.

Then came motor-lorries to take the whole Division to the North,

and through all the bustle and disorder they were conscious of

a giant hand trying with prudent and skilful movements to

rebuild the line.

"What can a general do?" the doctor had asked. "This war is too vast

to be affected by human volition. Victory will come through tiny,

decisive forces that have been at work since the beginning of the

world. Tolstoy's Kutusoff used to go to sleep in Council--yet he beat

Napoleon."

"However vast the scale of circumstance may be," said the colonel, "a

man can change everything. A child cannot push a railway engine; yet

he can start it if he opens the right throttle. A man has only to

apply his will at the right place, and he will be master of the

world. Your determinism is nothing more than a paradox. You build a

cage round yourself and then are astonished you are a prisoner."

They were going forward rapidly. Aurelle, mounted on his old white

Arab, trotted between the doctor and Colonel Parker.

"Don't hold your horse in so tightly, Messiou; give him the rein."

"But the road's full of holes, sir."

"My dear chap, when a man is on a horse, the horse is always the more

intelligent of the pair."

He slackened his mare's rein to pass by a huge shell-hole, and began

to talk of the peace that was at hand.

"The most difficult thing of all," he said, "will be to preserve in

our victory the virtues that won it for us. Germany and Russia will

do their best to corrupt us. A dishonoured nation always tries to

bury its shame under the ruins of the victor's civilization. It's the

device of Samson; it's as old as history itself. Rome, surrounded by

vanquished and humbled nations, witnessed the lightning speed of

Judaic preaching, which was so much like the Bolshevism of our day.

The Russian ghettos of our capitals had their counterpart then in

the Syrian dens that swarmed in the large ports; that is where the

apostles of mystical communism preached most successfully. And

Juvenal and Tacitus, who were gentlemen, had good reason to detest

those anarchists, who condemned Roman civilization with the fanatical

fury of a Trotsky."

"Yes," said the doctor, "the danger of these prolonged wars is that

they end by making the most unusual habits generally acceptable. They

require courage; and courage is a dangerous virtue, the mother of

revolutions. And it is not easy to accustom a nation of warriors to

render due obedience once more to second-rate politicians and

profiteers. The oligarchy of _parvenus_ which arose after the Punic

wars could not be respected as the Roman senate had been. They

possessed neither its hardihood nor its heroic parsimony. Bent only

on beautiful slaves, perfumes and luxuries, they sacrificed their

nascent influence to their passion for pleasure. They did not last

long."

"It is quite certain," the colonel continued, "that in order to

survive, an aristocracy must be hard upon itself. Moral discipline is

indispensable to any class that wants to govern. If the industrial

middle class is to take our place, it will have to be austere and

hard. What sealed once and for all the doom of the Roman Senators was

the decadent Greek culture of their sons. Those young noblemen

affected an elegant dilettantism and toyed pleasantly with cultured

demagogy. Caesar in his youth, Aurelle, was rather like one of your

comfortable cultured French middle-class Socialists. His lifelong

dream was to lead a moderate reform party, but he was embittered by

the attacks of the Roman patricians. He is a type against whom our

Public Schools protect us pretty well. We also have our decadent

young lords, but the contempt of their own generation keeps them from

doing much harm."

He stopped in order to salute a magpie--for he was very

superstitious--pointed with his cane to a tank that lay buried on its

back in the sand like a defeated tortoise, and went on:

"Do you think you will have a revolution in France after the war? If

you do, I shall be very much surprised. Up till now the remembrance

of 1793 has kept us looking with apprehension towards France as the

danger-spot of Europe. To-day we realize our mistake.

"1793 made your country more conservative than any other, by giving

your peasants the possession of the soil. It will probably be seen

some years hence that the Russian Revolution has also had the same

effect. The revolution will end when the Red armies return to Moscow

and some unemployed Bonapartsky has the Soviets dispersed by his

grenadiers. Then the _moujiks_ who have acquired the national

property will form the first layer of a respectable liberal bourgeois

republic."

"Unless," said Aurelle, "Bonapartsky, having tasted the sweets of

victory, sets out to conquer Europe with the help of his trusty

grenadiers. Between the Terror and 'the respectable republic' there

were twenty years of war, sir."

"The most terrible of all revolutions," began the doctor, "will be

the English one. In France the intellectual is popular; the tribune

of the people is a bearded professor with the kindest of hearts. In

England the people's commissary will be a hard, clean-shaven, silent,

cruel man."

"That may be," said the colonel; "but he will find more silent and

still harder men up against him. If you think we are going to lie

down and submit like the fatalist nobles of Petrograd, you are

mistaken."

"You, sir? And why the devil should _you_ defend business men and

profiteers whom you are never tired of sending to perdition?"

"I shall not be defending profiteers, but a form of society which I

hold to be necessary. The institutions which our ancestors have

adopted after six thousand years' experience are worth ten times more

than the systems of foolish and boastful hotheads. I stand always for

what is."

With a sweeping gesture the doctor pointed to the twisted, rusty

wire, the shattered walls, the mangled trees and the dense harvest of

wooden crosses that rose from the barren soil.

"Allow me," he said, "to express the heartfelt admiration I feel

for this venerable civilization of yours, and let me contemplate the

fruits of these wise institutions which six thousand years have

consecrated for you. Six thousand years of war, six thousand years of

murder, six thousand years of misery, six thousand years of

prostitution; one half of mankind busy asphyxiating the other half;

famine in Europe, slavery in Asia, women sold in the streets of Paris

or London like matches or boot-laces--there is the glorious

achievement of our ancestors. It is well worth dying to defend, I

must confess!"

"Yes, doctor," replied Aurelle; "but there are two sides to the

question: six thousand years of reform, six thousand years of revolt,

six thousand years of science, six thousand years of philosophy----"

"Now don't you run away with the idea that I'm a revolutionary. As

far as I am concerned, the movements of men interest me no more than

those of the spiders or the dogs I am so fond of observing. I know

that all the speeches in the world will not prevent men from being

jealous monkeys always greedy for food, females and bright stones. It

is true that they know how to deck out their desires with a somewhat

brilliant and delusive ideology, but it is easy for an expert to

recognize the instinct beneath the thought. Every doctrine is an

autobiography. Every philosophy demands a diagnosis. Tell me the

state of your digestion, and I shall tell you the state of your

mind."

"Oh, doctor, if that is so, life is not worth living."

"That, my boy, depends entirely upon the liver, as they say."

Young Dundas, who had just reined up level with them, interposed:

"My God, my God," he said, "how you chaps do love talking! Why, I

once had a discussion myself at Oxford with one of those johnnies in

a bowler hat and ready-made tie who go round and make speeches in

public squares on Saturday afternoons. I had stopped to listen to him

on my way back from a bathe. He was cursing the aristocracy, the

universities, and the world in general. Well, after about five

minutes' talking, I went right up to him and said, 'Off with your

coat, my friend; let's go into the matter thoroughly.'"

"And did you convince him, Dundas?"

"It wasn't very difficult, Messiou, because, honestly, I could use

my left better than he could."

General Bramble · 第 14 / 18 章