CHAPTER IX

ROYAL MASQUES AND MASQUERADES

At Court in bygone years, on occasions of festivity, it was customary

for the whole company to appear in borrowed characters, a practice which

may be traced back as early as the reign of Edward III. Pageants of this

kind were exhibited with great splendour, and at a costly outlay. The

magnificent disguisings which took place in the reign of Henry VIII.

have long been proverbial. The chief aim seems to have been to surprise

the spectators “by the ridiculous and exaggerated oddity of the visors,

and by the singularity and splendour of the dresses, everything being

out of nature and propriety. Frequently the masque was attended with an

exhibition of gorgeous machinery, resembling the wonders of a modern

pantomime,”[70] the preparation of which occupied a considerable time.

It was at the Christmas festivities in the year 1509 that Henry VIII.

appeared in the disguise of a strange knight, astonishing the Court

circle with the grace and vigour of his tilting. Henry was specially

fond of disguisings and masquings, and on another occasion he presented

himself with his cousin, the Earl of Essex, and other nobles, in the

disguise of Robin Hood and his men, “Whereat,” writes Holinshed, “the

Queen and her ladies were greatly amazed, as well for the strange sight

as for their sudden appearance.”

At Shrovetide soon afterwards, in a grand banquet given at Westminster,

Henry, with the Earls of Essex, Wiltshire, and Fitzwalter, appeared in

Russian costume, “with furred hats of grey, each of them having a

hatchet in hand, and wearing boots with peaks turned up.” The King’s

sister, the Princess Mary, danced a masquing ballet, hiding her face

under a black gauze mask, as “she had assumed the character of an Ethiop

queen.”

In the early part of the year 1510 a royal masque was given to celebrate

the birth of Prince Henry, on which occasion Sir Charles Brandon,

afterwards Duke of Suffolk, introduced himself before Queen Catherine in

the garb of a “hermit poor,” craving permission to tilt in her honour.

In the evening, when her Majesty sat in state at Westminster, a nobleman

entered to inform her “how that in a garden of pleasure was an arbour of

gold, full of ladies, who were very desirous of showing pastime for the

Queen’s diversion.”

Catherine graciously replied, “I and my ladies will be happy to behold

them and their pastime.”

Then a curtain was drawn aside, and the pageant moved forwards. It was

an arbour, covered with gold, above which were twined branches of

hawthorn, roses, and eglantines, all made of silk and satin to resemble

the natural colours of the flowers. In the arbour were six ladies,

dressed in gowns of white and green satin, covered with gold letters of

H and K. Near the bower stood the King himself and five lords, dressed

in purple satin, likewise covered with the same monograms in solid

bullion, and every one had his name in letters of bullion. Then the King

and his company danced before Catherine’s throne.

In honour of the marriage of Arthur, Prince of Wales, with Catherine of

Aragon, three pageants were exhibited in Westminster Hall. The first was

a castle with ladies; the second, a ship in full sail, that cast anchor

near the castle; and the third, a mountain with several armed knights

upon it, who stormed the castle and obliged the ladies to surrender. The

pageant terminated with a dance.

But these Court spectacles were, perhaps, at no period more cultivated

in this country than by Henry VIII. and his favourite, Wolsey, in whose

strangely contrived shows a moving mountain would sometimes “enter the

great hall, adorned with trees, flowers, and herbage, and studded with

wild beasts and savage men, which, opening suddenly, would send forth a

gay throng of knights and ladies, or allegorical personages, who, having

sung and danced before the guests, retired again to their place of

concealment.”[71] Such performances, as may be imagined, by their

novelty and grotesqueness, rarely failed to create as much fun and

amusement among the royal circle as among the privileged persons invited

to see them.

When an inventory was taken after the death of Henry VIII. of all the

tapestry, pictures, plate, jewels, and other goods of which he died

possessed, it was found that he had no less than ninety-nine vizors, or

“masks of sondry sorts,” besides many sets of “maskings heads” at

Greenwich, which he and his courtiers were in the habit of wearing.

In her youthful days Queen Mary made her appearance at a pantomimic

ballet, when she wore a black crape mask as an Ethiopian princess. In

the year 1527 she exhibited herself before the French ambassadors at

Greenwich Palace, with five of her ladies, dressed in Icelandic costume;

and with six lords, in the costume of the same country, the party

“daunced lustily about the hall.”

At another masque, before the same ambassadors, in May of that year, the

Princess Mary issued out of a cave with her seven ladies, dressed after

the Roman fashion in rich cloth of gold and crimson tinsel, and they

danced a ballet with eight lords. It is said that the young Princess

soon became emboldened and at her ease when engaged in such royal

pageantry; although, as it has been remarked, it seems strange to us

nowadays that one so young should have been allowed or encouraged, so

attired, to challenge the gaze and criticism of strangers. The only

instance, says Payne Collier, in which Queen Mary called on the Master

of the Revels to provide for entertainments at Court during her reign

was in 1557. On St. Mark’s Day she commanded, for her “regal disport,

recreation, and comfort,” a “notorious maske of Almaynes, Pilgrymes,

and Irishemen.”

A continual series of pageantry and masquing welcomed Queen Elizabeth’s

reception at Kenilworth; and on Shrove Tuesday, 1594, the members of

Gray’s Inn got up a burlesque masque for her amusement, with which she

was so much pleased that the courtiers, fired with emulation, as soon as

the masque was over began to dance a measure, which caused her Majesty

to utter this reproof: “What, shall we have bread and cheese after a

banquet?”

The Earl of Essex, who took good care to propitiate his royal mistress

by all sorts of flattery, on the 17th of November 1596--the anniversary

of her accession to the throne--caused a sort of masque to be

represented which was thus described by an eye-witness: “My lord of

Essex’s device is much commended in these late triumphs. Some pretty

while before he came in himself to the tilt, he sent his page with some

speech to the Queen, who returned with her Majesty’s glove; and when he

came himself, he was met by an old hermit, a secretary of state, a brave

soldier, and an esquire. The first presented him with a book of

meditations, the second with political discourses, the third with

orations of brave-fought battles, the fourth was but his own follower,

to whom the other three imparted much of their purpose before their

coming in. Another devised with him, persuading him to this and that

course of life, according to their own inclinations. Then comes into

the tilt-yard, unthought upon, the ordinary post-boy of London, a ragged

villain, all bemired, upon a poor lean jade, galloping and blowing for

life, and delivered the secretary a packet of letters, which he

presently offered to my lord of Essex; and with this dumb show our eyes

were fed for that time.”

In the after-supper before the Queen, “they first delivered a

well-penned speech to move this worthy knight to leave his vain

following of love, and to betake him to heavenly meditation, the

secretaries all tending to have him follow matters of state, the

soldiers persuading him to war;” but the esquire answered them all in

plain English: “That this knight would never forsake his mistress’s

love, whose virtue made all his thoughts divine, whose wisdom taught him

all true policy, whose beauty and worth were at all times able to make

him fit to command armies. He showed all the defects and imperfections

of the times, and therefore thought his course of life the best in

serving his mistress.” The Queen said, “If she had thought there had

been so much said of her, she would not have been there that night.”

A Court masque was the accompaniment of Darnley’s murder, probably

arranged, it has been suggested, as one of the episodes of that cruel

tragedy. Much has been written on the beauty and romance of the

Elizabethan masques, which it was required should be something more than

a ballet, or a fancy ball. According to Mr. Thornbury, in his

“Shakspere’s England” (vol. ii. p. 371), “the poetry was such as Jonson

could write--tender as Anacreon, vigorous as Æschylus; though

occasionally tedious, laboured, dull, and rugged, mythology, history,

and romance were ransacked to furnish new materials for these plays; the

poetry and costume were all but perfect, and the scenery was left to

fancy, so well able to realise it. The amusement that delighted such

minds as Bacon’s and Jonson’s is not to be sneered at in the nineteenth

century.” The sympathy and support, too, which Elizabeth gave to this

class of diversion had a more or less lasting effect; but there was an

inclination as time went on to introduce many innovations which were not

always in good taste.

One of the chief amusements of James I. and his Court were masques and

emblematic pageants, and it appears by what is entitled “A Briefe

Collection of the Extraordinarie Payments” of the Court of James I.,

from 1603 to the end of 1609, that the “charges for masks” amounted to

£4215.[72] An imposing instance occurred in the year 1610, to

commemorate the Queen’s eldest son, Henry, being created Prince of

Wales. On this occasion the “whole Court of England, the Queen, the

Princess-Royal, and all the aristocratic beauties of the day were busy

devising robes, arranging jewels, and practising steps and movements for

this beautiful poem of action, in which music, painting, dancing, and

decoration, guided by the taste of Inigo Jones, were all called into

employment to make the palace of Whitehall a scene of enchantment. In

this masque the Court ladies personated the nymphs of the principal

rivers, the Queen represented the Empress of Streams, and the little

Prince Charles, in the character of Zephyr, attended by twelve little

ladies, was to deliver the Queen’s presents to his elder brother, the

newly created Prince of Wales, the presentation being the ostensible

business of the masque. One of the chief attractions of this

entertainment was a ballet, which was so arranged that Prince Charles

always danced encircled by his little ladies, all of whom had been so

carefully trained that they were rapturously applauded by the whole

Court. This festive scene was perhaps one of the brightest and happiest

in the Queen’s life, for when in after days some one accidentally

recalled it to her memory after the death of Prince Henry, she gave way

to the most acute grief.[73]

But some of these magnificent masques appear to have been conducted with

but little attention to decorum. The Countess of Dorset mentions in her

Memoirs that there was “much talk of a mask which the Queen held at

Winchester, and how all the ladies about the Court had gotten such ill

names, that it was grown a scandalous place; and the Queen herself was

much fallen from her former greatness and reputation she had in the

world.” Peyton’s censure is even stronger. “The masks,” he says, “and

plays at Whitehall were used only as incentives for lust; therefore the

courtiers invited the citizens’ wives to those shows on purpose to

defile them. There is not a chamber nor lobby, if it could speak, but

would verify this.”

In the following reign the masque became a highly beautiful and

exquisite entertainment, encouraged by the fine taste of Charles I., and

aided by such cultured men as Buckingham, Jonson, Lawes the musician,

and Inigo Jones. The masque at this period was produced at an enormous

outlay, and one presented at Whitehall by the Inns of Court in the year

1633 cost the prodigious sum of £21,000. In the masque of “The Night and

the Hours,” the first scene represented a double valley, one side with

dark clouds hanging before it, on the other a green vale, with trees,

nine of which were covered with gold, and were fifteen feet high. From

this grove towards the “state,” or seat of the King, extended a

dancing-place, with the bower of Flora on the right, and the house of

Night on the left. The bower of Flora was decorated with flowers and

leafy branches, whilst Night appears in her house, “her long black hair

spangled with gold, amidst her hours, their faces black, and each

bearing a lighted black torch.”

On another occasion the Lords’ masque was performed, which was also

divided into two parts, the lower being first discovered, in which there

was seen a wood in perspective; and on the sudden fall of a curtain

there appeared a heaven of clouds of all hues, whilst from a bright and

transparent cloud eight maskers descended with the music of a full

song. On reaching the ground the cloud broke in twain, and, after the

manner of a transformation scene, a series of changes took place. With

these gorgeous entertainments was usually presented the anti-masque, a

humorous parody of the more solemn show. And to the popularity of this

species of exhibition we owe Milton’s “Comus and Arcades.”[74]

During the reign of Charles II. masquerading was the rage, and it is

recorded how the King and Queen and all the courtiers went about masked,

and so completely disguised that no one, unless in the secret, could

distinguish them. They were carried about in hackney-chairs, entered

houses where merry-makings were going on, and danced about with the

wildest frolic. On one occasion the Queen got separated from her party,

and her chairmen, not knowing her, went away. Much frightened, she

returned to Whitehall in a hackney-coach, or, according to some

authorities, in a cart. The Earl of Manchester--the Lord

Chamberlain--well aware that she was surrounded by spies who were ready

to make the most of the slightest indiscretion on her part, did not

hesitate to tell her that “it was neither decent nor safe for her to go

about as she had done of late.” The Duke of Buckingham seriously

proposed to Charles that in some nocturnal frolic they should carry the

Queen off, and send her to the plantations, to which, according to

Burnet, the King would have had no objection had she retired voluntarily

into a convent.

A harmless feature of the frolic and fun of the exiled Court at St.

Germains were the balls and receptions given by Mary Beatrice. A lively

description, too, has been given of the Shrove Tuesday masquerade at St.

Germains, to which the whole town was admitted, the barriers being

thrown open by her Majesty’s command, in order that all classes, high

and low, young and old, English and French, might join in the carnival.

Etiquette, however, forbade the Prince and Princess from wearing masks,

or assuming any particular characters on these occasions; yet they are

represented as dancing merrily in the midst of the motley crowd.

On one occasion some indignation was caused when it was discovered that,

at a masked ball, the son of the Court apothecary, Bondin, had found

admittance, at which the Duchess of Burgundy was present. The

apothecary’s son, concealed under his mask, had the audacity to pass for

a marquis, and was bold enough to dance with a princess who was not very

remote from the throne. At these balls not only James and his Queen, but

the young Prince of Wales, were often present. At one of these riotous

gatherings the crowd was so great that the little Duke de Berri, son of

the Dauphin, nearly lost his life in the pressure by suffocation.

Happily he was rescued, but not without some difficulty. It may be noted

that the “pretended Prince of Wales,” as the son of James is invariably

called by the English papers of the period, is described as being

present at these masked balls, “masked,” to save him from being “tied

to ceremonials.”

And it is recorded that whilst this kind of merriment was going on, the

ears of James were deafened by solicitations from his starving disbanded

soldiers, whose distress was appalling. Indeed, their condition became

so desperate that Louis was petitioned to enrol one hundred of them in

the French army; and, when this request was refused, an honest captain

of gendarmes, expressing himself too freely, was punished with the loss

of his personal freedom, and was flung into the Bastille. It is said

that James would have had sympathy with the bold speaker thus cruelly

punished, but that his attention was, through the force of

circumstances, attracted in different directions.[75]

Masquerading was general in Scotland as far back as the days of James I.

At the celebration of the marriage of James IV. and the Lady Margaret, a

company of English comedians, under the management of John English,

enlivened the festivities of the Court with a dramatic representation.

“After dinnar a moralite was played by the said Master Englishe and his

companions, in the presence of the Kyng and Qwene, and then daunces were

daunced.”

During the regency of Mary of Guise, and the reign of Mary Queen of

Scots, “when masques became more and more splendid and extravagant, and

when the Queen pirouetted in newly introduced French dances which were

anything but models of decorum, no wonder the more sober-minded were

disgusted, and all amusement of the kind was brought into

disrepute.”[76] But it would appear that, however much such frivolities

grated on the feelings of the sober-minded Scotsman, royalty was not

disposed on that account to dispense with a mode of diversion which had

never been so severely censured elsewhere.

In the year 1681 there were gay doings at Edinburgh, when the Duke and

Duchess of York and the Lady Anne--afterwards Queen of England--were

present. Balls, plays, and masquerades were introduced; but the last

were soon laid aside, “the taste of the times being opposed to such

ungodly innovations,” and there were substituted poetic and dramatic

masques and pastorals, in which the Princess Anne, with other young

ladies of quality, personated some of the mythological characters. These

entertainments included the “Comus” of Milton, and similar pieces by Ben

Jonson, Shirley, Davenant, and other dramatic poets of the last century,

and they were interspersed with music, and were set off with splendid

dresses and decorations.

And coming down to later times, a practical joke which was played by the

Duke of Montagu on Heidegger, a celebrated conductor of operas and

masquerades, is said to have been much enjoyed by George II. A few days

previous to one of Heidegger’s famous masquerades, at which the King had

promised to be present, the Duke of Montagu invited the German to sup

with him at the Devil’s Tavern in Fleet Street, and plied him with wine

till he became helplessly intoxicated. Whilst in this condition, Mrs.

Salmon was commissioned to take a cast of his face, which was afterwards

painted “to the very image of life.” The Duke then procured a suit of

clothes exactly like Heidegger’s ordinary costume, and having procured a

person whose voice and figure resembled those of the German, he managed

to create an excellent counterpart of his unfortunate victim. On the

evening of the masquerade Heidegger ordered the band to play the

National Anthem as soon as the King and his suite arrived; whereupon the

counterfeit Heidegger commanded them to play the Jacobite tune of “Over

the water to Charley.” The King and the players were in the secret of

the joke, for the former laughed immoderately, and the latter followed

the orders of the fictitious manager. Heidegger was in a state of fury,

and when informed by the Duke of Montagu of his Majesty’s displeasure at

the insolence of the band, repaired to the royal box to vindicate his

character. The King kept up the joke for a time, and terminated it by

ordering the counterfeit Heidegger to remove his mask.

On New Year’s Eve 1745 Frederick the Great, in celebration of the peace

with Silesia, gave at the Opera House a masked ball, to which every one,

without distinction, was admitted. The Court and the nobility were

entertained at six large tables, in addition to which people of every

rank and station found on all sides richly furnished buffets. On the

square before the Opera House a temple of Janus was erected, behind

which a grand display of fireworks took place. The ball lasted till

morning, the maskers giving only too manifest proof that they had found

the wines most excellent. But the King, who made the round of the

tables, where he saw a good deal of his plate finding its way into the

pockets of his guests, and discovered many persons lying hopelessly

drunk in the lobbies of the house, remarked, “I shall never repeat this

joke.”

On the 13th of March 1799 the Opera House of Berlin was the scene of a

masquerade which contemporary reports describe as well worthy of the

days of Louis XIV., or of Augustus the Strong of Saxony. It represented

the marriage of the English Queen Mary with Philip of Spain, the

character of the bride being supported by Queen Louisa, and that of the

bridegroom by the Duke of Sussex. A minuet of these two royal personages

was followed by a quadrille between Queen Elizabeth, Don John of

Austria, Margaret of Parma, and the Duke of Savoy.

On the evening of March 16, 1792, Gustavus III. was mortally wounded at

a masked ball at the Opera House at Stockholm, and died, after great

suffering, on the 29th. The pistol-shot was fired by a man of noble

family, Ankarström, formerly a captain in the Guards, who, having

retired from active service, and still holding a half-civil command in

the island of Gothland, had been--rightly or wrongly--accused of a

traitorous understanding with the Finland mutineers in 1788. He had,

therefore, been sentenced by the King to a term of imprisonment. This

sentence, it has been suggested, and the wrongs his order had sustained

in the constitutional changes of 1789, may have wrought a mind naturally

gloomy into madness; in addition to which he is said to have lost

heavily by a sudden depreciation of paper money to an extent of 30 per

cent. Hence the King, in his eyes, was a tyrant and a robber, and he

vowed vengeance. With him were joined several other discontented and

angry nobles, who had suffered arrest in 1789, and had real or fancied

wrongs to avenge; and it may be added that the King’s secretary, Bjelke,

who enjoyed much of his Majesty’s confidence, persuaded him to go to the

ball, taking care to give timely notice to the conspirators.

At night, after Christina had taken the most solemn step of abandoning

the community of Luther for the Church of Rome, at Innsbruck, in Tyrol,

the Archduke entertained her with a masque and dancing. Nor was this

all, for there was a play represented before her that evening, the moral

of which, it is said, was not of the cleanest, and upon which the

illustrious convert made this comment: “Well, gentlemen, it is but

proper that you should entertain me with a comedy to-night, since I

amused you with a farce this morning”--a profane remark, concerning

which the great Leibnitz remarks that, if it was really uttered, it

proved that “Christina was not mindful of--decorum!”

Royalty in All Ages The Amusements, Eccentricities, Accomplishments, Superstitions and Frolics of the Kings and Queens of Europe · 第 9 / 23 章