I wish in this letter to give you a brief view of the movements in
this country for the religious instruction and general education of
the masses. If we compare the tone of feeling now prevalent with that
existing but a few years back, we notice a striking change. No longer
ago than in the time of Lady Huntington we find a lady of quality
ingenuously confessing that her chief source of scepticism in regard
to Christianity was, that it actually seemed to imply that the
educated, the refined, the noble, must needs be saved by the same
Savior and the same gospel with the ignorant and debased working
classes. Traces of a similar style of feeling are discernible in the
letters of the polished correspondents of Hannah More. Robert Walpole
gayly intimates himself somewhat shocked at the idea that the nobility
and the vulgar should be equally subject to the restraints of the
Sabbath and the law of God--equally exposed to the sanctions of
endless retribution. And Young makes his high-born dame inquire,
"Shall pleasures of a short duration chain
A _lady's_ soul in everlasting pain?"
In broad contrast to this, all the modern popular movements in England
are based upon the recognition of the equal value of every human soul.
The Times, the most aristocratic paper in England, publishes letters
from needlewomen and dressmakers' apprentices, and reads grave
lectures to duchesses and countesses on their duties to their poor
sisters. One may fancy what a stir this would have made in the courtly
circles of the reign of George II. Fashionable literature now arrays
itself on the side of the working classes. The current of novel
writing is reversed. Instead of milliners and chambermaids being
bewitched with the adventures of countesses and dukes, we now have
fine lords and ladies hanging enchanted over the history of John the
Carrier, with his little Dot, dropping sympathetic tears into little
Charlie's wash tub, and pursuing the fortunes of a dressmaker's
apprentice, in company with poor Smike, and honest John Brodie and his
little Yorkshire wife. Punch laughs at every body but the work people;
and if, occasionally, he laughs at them, it is rather in a kindly way
than with any air of contempt. Then, Prince Albert visits model
lodging houses, and commands all the ingenuity of the kingdom to
expend itself in completing the ideal of a workman's cottage for the
great World's Fair. Lords deliver lydeum lectures; ladies patronize
ragged schools; committees of duchesses meliorate the condition of
needlewomen. In short, the great ship of the world has tacked, and
stands on another course.
The beginning of this great humanitarian movement in England was
undoubtedly the struggle of Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their
associates, for the overthrow of the slave trade. In that struggle the
religious democratic element was brought to bear for years upon the
mind of Parliament. The negro, most degraded of men, was taken up, and
for years made to agitate British society on the simple ground that he
had a human soul.
Of course the religious obligations of society to _every_ human
soul were involved in the discussion. It educated Parliament, it
educated the community. Parliament became accustomed to hearing the
simple principles of the gospel asserted in its halls as of binding
force. The community were trained in habits of efficient benevolent
action, which they have never lost. The use of tracts, of committees,
of female cooperation, of voluntary association, and all the
appliances of organized reform were discovered and successfully
developed. The triumphant victory then achieved, moreover, became the
pledge of future conquests in every department of reform. Concerning
the movements for the elevation of the masses, Lord Shaftesbury has
kindly furnished me with a few brief memoranda, set down as nearly as
possible in chronological order.
In the first place, there has been reform of the poor laws. So corrupt
had this system become, that a distinct caste had well nigh sprung
into permanent existence, families having been known to subsist in
idleness for five generations solely by means of skilful appropriation
of public and private charities.
The law giving to paupers the preference in all cases where any public
work was to be done, operated badly. Good workmen might starve for
want of work: by declaring themselves paupers they obtained
employment. Thus, virtually, a bounty was offered to pauperism. His
lordship remarks,--
"There have been sad defects, no doubt, and some harshness, under the
new system; but the general result has been excellent; and, in many
instances, the system has been reduced to practice in a truly
patriarchal spirit. The great difficulty and the great failure are
found in the right and safe occupation of children who are trained in
these workhouses, of which so much has been said."
In the second place, the treatment of the insane has received a
thorough investigation. This began, in 1828, by a committee of
inquiry, moved for by Mr. Gordon.
An almost incredible amount of suffering and horrible barbarity was
thus brought to light. For the most part it appeared that the
treatment of the insane had been conducted on the old, absurd idea
which cuts them off from humanity, and reduces them below the level of
the brutes. The regimen in private madhouses was such that Lord
Shaftesbury remarked of them, in a speech on the subject, "I have said
before, and now say again, that should it please God to visit me with
such an affliction, I would greatly prefer the treatment of paupers,
in an establishment like that of the Surrey Asylum, to the treatment
of the rich in almost any one of these receptacles."
Instances are recorded of individuals who were exhumed from cells
where they had existed without clothing or cleansing, as was
ascertained, _for years after they had entirely recovered the
exercise of sound reason_. Lord Shaftesbury procured the passage of
bills securing the thorough supervision of these institutions by
competent visiting committees, and the seasonable dismissal of all who
were pronounced cured; and the adoption for the pauper insane of a
judicious course of remedial treatment.
The third step was the passage of the ten hour factory bill. This took
nearly eighteen years of labor and unceasing activity in Parliament
and in the provinces. Its operation affects full half a million of
actual workers, and, if the families be included, nearly two millions
of persons, young and old. Two thirds as many as the southern slaves.
It is needless to enlarge on the horrible disclosures in reference to
the factory operatives, made during this investigation. England never
shuddered with a deeper thrill at the unveiling of American slavery
than did all America at this unveiling of the white-labor slavery of
England. In reading the speeches of Lord Shaftesbury, one sees, that,
in presenting this subject, he had to encounter the same opposition
and obloquy which now beset those in America who seek the abolition of
slavery.
In the beginning of one of his speeches, his lordship says, "Nearly
eleven years have now elapsed since I first made the proposition to
the house which I shall renew this night. Never, at any time, have I
felt greater apprehension, or even anxiety. Not through any fear of
personal defeat; for disappointment is 'the badge of our tribe;' but
because I know well the hostility that I have aroused, and the certain
issues of indiscretion on my part affecting the welfare of those who
have so long confided their hopes and interests to my charge." One may
justly wonder on what conceivable grounds any could possibly oppose
the advocate of a measure like this. He was opposed on the same ground
that Clarkson was resisted in seeking the abolition of the slave
trade. As Boswell said that "to abolish the slave trade would be to
shut the gates of mercy on mankind," so the advocates of eighteen
hours labor in factories said that the ten hour system would diminish
produce, lower wages, and bring starvation on the workmen. His
lordship was denounced as an incendiary, a meddling fanatic,
interfering with the rights of masters, and desiring to exalt his own
order by destroying the prosperity of the manufacturers.
In the conclusion of one of his speeches he says, "Sir, it may not be
given me to pass over this Jordan; other and better men have preceded
me, and I entered into their labors; other and better men will follow
me, and enter into mine; but this consolation I shall ever continue to
enjoy--that, amidst much injustice and somewhat of calumny, we have at
last 'lighted such a candle in England as, by God's blessing, shall
never be put out.'"
The next effort was to regulate the labor of children in the calico
and print works. The great unhealthiness of the work, and the tender
age of the children employed,--some even as young as four years--were
fully disclosed. An extract from his lordship's remarks on this
subject will show that human nature takes the same course in all
countries: "Sir, in the various discussions on these kindred subjects,
there has been a perpetual endeavor to drive us from the point under
debate, and taunt us with a narrow and one-sided humanity. I was told
there were far greater evils than those I had assailed--that I had
left untouched much worse things. It was in vain to reply that no one
could grapple with the whole at once; my opponents on the ten hour
bill sent me to the collieries; when I invaded the collieries I was
referred to the print works; from the print works I know not to what I
shall be sent; for what can be worse? Sir, it has been said to me,
more than once, 'Where will you stop?' I reply, Nowhere, so long as
any portion of this mighty evil remains to be removed. I confess that
my desire and ambition are to bring all the laboring children of this
empire within the reach and opportunities of education, within the
sphere of useful and happy citizens. I am ready, so far as my services
are of any value, to devote what little I have of energy, and all the
remainder of my life, to the accomplishment of this end. The labor
would be great, and the anxieties very heavy; but I fear neither one
nor the other. I fear nothing but defeat."
From the allusion, above, to the colliery effort, it would seem that
the act for removing women and children from the coalpits preceded the
reform of the printworks. Concerning the result of these various
enterprises, he says, "The present state of things may be told in few
words. Full fifty thousand children under thirteen years of age attend
school every day. None are worked more than seven, generally only six,
hours in the day. Those above thirteen and under eighteen, and all
women, are limited to ten hours and a half, exclusive of the time for
meals. The work begins at six in the morning and ends at six in the
evening. Saturday's labor ends at four o'clock, and there is no work
on Sunday. The printworks are brought under regulation, and the women
and children removed from the coalpits." His lordship adds, "The
report of inspectors which I send you will give you a faint picture of
the physical, social, and moral good that has resulted. I may safely
say of these measures, that God has blessed them far beyond my
expectation, and almost equal to my heart's desire."
The next great benevolent movement is the ragged school system. From a
miserable hole in Field Lane, they have grown up to a hundred and
sixteen in number. Of these Lord Shaftesbury says, "They have
produced--I speak seriously--some of the most beautiful fruits that
ever grew upon the tree of life. I believe that from the teachers and
from the children, though many are now gone to their rest, might have
been, and might still be, selected some of the most pure, simple,
affectionate specimens of Christianity the world ever saw." Growing
out of the ragged school is an institution of most interesting
character, called "a place for repentance." It had its origin in the
efforts of a young man, a Mr. Nash, to reform two of his pupils. They
said they wished to be honest, but had nothing to eat, and _must_
steal to live. Though poor himself, he invited them to his humble
abode, and shared with them his living. Other pupils, hearing of this,
desired to join with them, and become honest too. Soon he had six.
Now, the _honest_ scholars in the ragged school, seeing what was
going on, of their own accord began to share their bread with this
little band, and to contribute their pennies. Gradually the number
increased. Benevolent individuals noticed it, and supplies flowed in,
until at last it has grown to be an establishment in which several
hundreds are seeking reformation. To prevent imposition, a rigid
probation is prescribed. Fourteen days the applicant feeds on bread
and water, in solitary confinement, with the door unfastened, so that
he can depart at any moment. If he goes through with that ordeal it is
thought he really wants to be honest, and he is admitted a member.
After sufficient time spent in the institution to form correct habits,
assistance is given him to emigrate to some of the colonies, to
commence life, as it were, anew. Lord Shaftesbury has taken a deep
interest in this establishment; and among other affecting letters
received from its colonists in Australia, is one to him, commencing,
"Kind Lord Ashley," in which the boy says, "I wish your lordship would
send out more boys, and use your influence to convert all the prisons
into ragged schools. As soon as I get a farm I shall call it after
your name."
A little anecdote related by Mr. Nash shows the grateful feelings of
the inmates of this institution. A number of them were very desirous
to have a print of Lord Shaftesbury, to hang up in their sitting room.
Mr. Nash told them he knew of no way in which they could earn the
money, except by giving up something from their daily allowance of
food. This they cheerfully agreed to do. A benevolent gentleman
offered to purchase the picture and present it to them; but they
unanimously declined. They wanted it to be their own, they said, and
they could not feel that it was so unless they did something for it
themselves.
Connected with the ragged school, also, is a movement for establishing
what are called ragged churches--a system of simple, gratuitous
religious instruction, which goes out to seek those who feel too poor
and degraded to be willing to enter the churches.
Another of the great movements in England is the institution of the
Laborer's Friend Society, under the patronage of the most
distinguished personages. Its principal object has been the promotion
of allotments of land in the country, to be cultivated by the
peasantry after their day's labor, thus adding to their day's wages
the produce of their fields and gardens. It has been instrumental,
first and last, of establishing nearly four hundred thousand of these
allotments. It publishes, also, a monthly paper, called the Laborer's
Friend, in which all subjects relative to the elevation of the working
classes receive a full discussion.
In consequence of all these movements, the dwellings of the laboring
classes throughout Great Britain are receiving much attention; so
that, if matters progress for a few years as they have done, the
cottages of the working people will be excelled by none in the world.
Another great movement is the repeal of the corn laws, the benefit of
which is too obvious to need comment.
What has been doing for milliners and dressmakers, for the reform
lodging houses, and for the supply of baths and wash houses, I have
shown at length in former letters. I will add that the city of London
has the services of one hundred and twenty city missionaries.
There is a great multiplication of churches, and of clergymen to labor
in the more populous districts. The Pastoral Aid Society and the
Scripture Reading Society are both extensive and fruitful laborers for
the service of the mass of the people.
There has also been a public health act, by which towns and villages
are to be drained and supplied with water. This has gone into
operation in about one hundred and sixty populous places with the most
beneficial results.
In fine, Lord Shaftesbury says, "The best proof that the people are
cared for, and that they know it, appeared in the year 1848. All
Europe was convulsed. Kings were falling like rotten pears. We were as
quiet and happy in England as the President of the United States in
his drawing room."
It is true, that all these efforts united could not radically relieve
the distress of the working classes, were it not for the outlet
furnished by emigration. But Australia has opened as M new world of
hope upon England. And confirmatory of all other movements for the
good of the working classes, come the benevolent efforts of Mrs.
Chisholm and the colonizing society formed under her auspices.
I will say, finally, that the aspect of the religious mind of England,
as I have been called to meet it, is very encouraging in this respect;
that it is humble, active, and practical. With all that has been done,
they do not count themselves to have attained, or to be already
perfect; and they evidently think and speak more of the work that yet
remains to be done than of victories already achieved. Could you, my
dear father, have been with me through the different religious circles
it has been my privilege to enter, from the humble cotter's fireside
to the palace of the highest and noblest, your heart would share with
mine a sincere joy in the thought that the Lord "has much people" in
England. Called by different names, Churchman, Puseyite, Dissenter,
Presbyterian, Independent, Quaker, differing widely, sincerely,
earnestly, I have still found among them all evidence of that true
piety which consists in a humble and childlike spirit of obedience to
God, and a sincere desire to do good to man. It is comforting and
encouraging to know, that while there are many sects and opinions,
there is, after all, but one Christianity. I sometimes think that it
has been my peculiar lot to see the exhibition of more piety and
loveliness of spirit in the differing sects and ranks in England than
they can see in each other. And it lays in my mind a deep foundation
of hope for that noble country. My belief is, that a regenerating
process is going on in England; a gradual advance in religion, of
which contending parties themselves are not aware. Under various forms
all are energizing together, I trust, under the guidance of a superior
spirit, who is gently moderating acerbities, removing prejudices,
inclining to conciliation and harmony, and preparing England to
develop, from many outward forms, the one, pure, beautiful, invisible
church of Christ.