THE MYTHS OF
MEXICO & PERU
BY
LEWIS SPENCE
AUTHOR OF "THE MYTHOLOGIES OF ANCIENT MEXICO AND PERU"
"THE POPOL VUH" "THE CIVILIZATION OF ANCIENT MEXICO"
"A DICTIONARY OF MYTHOLOGY" ETC. ETC.
WITH SIXTY FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS MAINLY BY
GILBERT JAMES AND WILLIAM SEWELL
AND OTHER DRAWINGS AND MAPS
NEW YORK
THOMAS Y. CROWELL COMPANY
PUBLISHERS
Printed by
BALLANTYNE AND COMPANY LTD
Tavistock Street Covent Garden
London England
PREFACE
In recent years a reawakening has taken place in the study of American
archæology and antiquities, owing chiefly to the labours of a band of
scholars in the United States and a few enthusiasts in the continent
of Europe. For the greater part of the nineteenth century it appeared
as if the last word had been written upon Mexican archæology. The lack
of excavations and exploration had cramped the outlook of scholars,
and there was nothing for them to work upon save what had been done in
this respect before their own time. The writers on Central America who
lived in the third quarter of the last century relied on the travels
of Stephens and Norman, and never appeared to consider it essential
that the country or the antiquities in which they specialised should
be examined anew, or that fresh expeditions should be equipped to
discover whether still further monuments existed relating to the
ancient peoples who raised the teocallis of Mexico and the huacas of
Peru. True, the middle of the century was not altogether without its
Americanist explorers, but the researches of these were performed in
a manner so perfunctory that but few additions to the science resulted
from their labours.
Modern Americanist archæology may be said to have been the creation of
a brilliant band of scholars who, working far apart and without any
attempt at co-operation, yet succeeded in accomplishing much. Among
these may be mentioned the Frenchmen Charnay and de Rosny, and the
Americans Brinton, H. H. Bancroft, and Squier. To these succeeded
the German scholars Seler, Schellhas, and Förstemann, the Americans
Winsor, Starr, Savile, and Cyrus Thomas, and the Englishmen Payne and
Sir Clements Markham. These men, splendidly equipped for the work they
had taken in hand, were yet hampered by the lack of reliable data--a
want later supplied partly by their own excavations and partly by the
painstaking labours of Professor Maudslay, now the principal of the
International College of Antiquities at Mexico, who, with his wife,
is responsible for the exact pictorial reproductions of many of the
ancient edifices in Central America and Mexico.
Writers in the sphere of Mexican and Peruvian myth have been few. The
first to attack the subject in the light of the modern science of
comparative religion was Daniel Garrison Brinton, professor of American
languages and archæology in the University of Philadelphia. He has
been followed by Payne, Schellhas, Seler, and Förstemann, all of whom,
however, have confined the publication of their researches to isolated
articles in various geographical and scientific journals. The remarks
of mythologists who are not also Americanists upon the subject of
American myth must be accepted with caution.
The question of the alphabets of ancient America is perhaps the most
acute in present-day pre-Columbian archæology. But progress is being
made in this branch of the subject, and several German scholars are
working in whole-hearted co-operation to secure final results.
What has Great Britain accomplished in this new and fascinating field
of science? If the lifelong and valuable labours of the venerable Sir
Clements Markham be excepted, almost nothing. It is earnestly hoped
that the publication of this volume may prove the means of leading many
English students to the study and consideration of American archæology.
There remains the romance of old America. The real interest of American
mediæval history must ever circle around Mexico and Peru--her golden
empires, her sole exemplars of civilisation; and it is to the books
upon the character of these two nations that we must turn for a
romantic interest as curious and as absorbing as that bound up in
the history of Egypt or Assyria.
If human interest is craved for by any man, let him turn to the
narratives of Garcilasso el Inca de la Vega and Ixtlilxochitl,
representatives and last descendants of the Peruvian and Tezcucan
monarchies, and read there the frightful story of the path to fortune
of red-heeled Pizarro and cruel Cortés, of the horrible cruelties
committed upon the red man, whose colour was "that of the devil," of
the awful pageant of gold-sated pirates laden with the treasures of
palaces, of the stripping of temples whose very bricks were of gold,
whose very drain-pipes were of silver, of rapine and the sacrilege of
high places, of porphyry gods dashed down the pyramidal sides of lofty
teocallis, of princesses torn from the very steps of the throne--ay,
read these for the most wondrous tales ever writ by the hand of man,
tales by the side of which the fables of Araby seem dim--the story
of a clash of worlds, the conquest of a new, of an isolated hemisphere.
It is usual to speak of America as "a continent without a history." The
folly of such a statement is extreme. For centuries prior to European
occupation Central America was the seat of civilisations boasting a
history and a semi-historical mythology second to none in richness and
interest. It is only because the sources of that history are unknown
to the general reader that such assurance upon the lack of it exists.
Let us hope that this book may assist in attracting many to the
head-fountain of a river whose affluents water many a plain of beauty
not the less lovely because bizarre, not the less fascinating because
somewhat remote from modern thought.
In conclusion I have to acknowledge the courtesy of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, which placed in my hands a valuable collection of
illustrations and allowed me to select from these at my discretion. The
pictures chosen include the drawings used as tailpieces to chapters;
others, usually half-tones, are duly acknowledged where they occur.
LEWIS SPENCE
Edinburgh: July 1913
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I. The Civilisation of Mexico 1
II. Mexican Mythology 54
III. Myths and Legends of the Ancient Mexicans 118
IV. The Maya Race and Mythology 143
V. Myths of the Maya 207
VI. The Civilisation of Old Peru 248
VII. The Mythology of Peru 291
Bibliography 335
Glossary and Index 341
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
The Princess is given a Vision Frontispiece
The Descent of Quetzalcoatl xiv
Toveyo and the Magic Drum 16
The Altar of Skulls 26
The Guardian of the Sacred Fire 30
Pyramid of the Moon: Pyramid of the Sun 32
Ruins of the Pyramid of Xochicalco 34
The Spirit of the dead Aztec is attacked by an Evil
Spirit who scatters Clouds of Ashes 38
The Demon Izpuzteque 40
The Aztec Calendar Stone 44
A Prisoner fighting for his Life 48
Combat between Mexican and Bilimec Warriors 53
Priest making an Incantation over an Aztec Lady 54
The Princess sees a Strange Man before the Palace 62
Tezcatlipoca, Lord of the Night Winds 66
The Infant War-God drives his Brethren into a Lake
and slays them 70
Statue of Tlaloc, the Rain-God 76
The Aged Quetzalcoatl leaves Mexico on a Raft of
Serpents 80
Ritual Masks of Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca; and
Sacrificial Knife 84
The so-called Teoyaominqui 88
Statue of a Male Divinity 90
Xolotl 94
The Quauhxicalli, or Solar Altar of Sacrifice 98
Macuilxochitl 102
The Penitent addressing the Fire 106
Cloud Serpent, the Hunter-God 110
Mexican Goddess 114
Tezcatlipoca 117
"Place where the Heavens Stood" 120
A Flood-Myth of the Nahua 122
The Prince who fled for his Life 126
The Princess and the Statues 130
The King's Sister is shown the Valley of Dry Bones 140
Mexican Deity 142
The Prince who went to Found a City 156
"The Tablet of the Cross" 160
Design on a Vase from Chamá representing Maya Deities 166
The House of Bats 172
Part of the Palace and Tower, Palenque 182
The King who loved a Princess 186
Teocalli or Pyramid of Papantla: The Nunnery,
Chichen-Itza 188
Details of the Nunnery at Chichen-Itza 190
The Old Woman who took an Egg home 192
Great Palace of Mitla: Interior of an Apartment in
the Palace of Mitla 198
Hall of the Columns, Palace of Mitla 202
The Twins make an Imitation Crab 214
The Princess and the Gourds 220
The Princess who made Friends of the Owls 222
In the House of Bats 226
How the Sun appeared like the Moon 230
Queen Móo has her Destiny foretold 240
The Rejected Suitor 242
Piece of Pottery representing a Tapir 247
Doorway of Tiahuanaco 248
Fortress at Ollantay-tampu 250
"Mother and child are united" 252
The Inca Fortress of Pissac 254
"Making one of each nation out of the clay of the
earth" 258
Painted and Black Terra-cotta Vases 280
Conducting the White Llama to the Sacrifice 312
"The birdlike beings were in reality women" 318
"A beautiful youth appeared to Thonapa" 320
"He sang the song of Chamayhuarisca" 322
"The younger one flew away" 324
"His wife at first indignantly denied the accusation" 326
"He saw a very beautiful girl crying bitterly" 328
MAPS
The Valley of Mexico 330
Distribution of the Races in Ancient Mexico 331
Distribution of the Races under the Empire of the Incas 333
CHAPTER I: THE CIVILISATION OF MEXICO
The Civilisations of the New World
There is now no question as to the indigenous origin of the
civilisations of Mexico, Central America, and Peru. Upon few subjects,
however, has so much mistaken erudition been lavished. The beginnings
of the races who inhabited these regions, and the cultures which they
severally created, have been referred to nearly every civilised or
semi-civilised nation of antiquity, and wild if fascinating theories
have been advanced with the intention of showing that civilisation was
initiated upon American soil by Asiatic or European influence. These
speculations were for the most part put forward by persons who
possessed but a merely general acquaintance with the circumstances
of American aboriginal civilisation, and who were struck by the
superficial resemblances which undoubtedly exist between American and
Asiatic peoples, customs, and art-forms, but which cease to be apparent
to the Americanist, who perceives in them only such likenesses as
inevitably occur in the work of men situated in similar environments
and surrounded by similar social and religious conditions.
The Maya of Yucatan may be regarded as the most highly civilised
of the peoples who occupied the American continent before the
advent of Europeans, and it is usually their culture which we are
asked to believe had its seat of origin in Asia. It is unnecessary
to refute this theory in detail, as that has already been ably
accomplished. [1] But it may be remarked that the surest proof of
the purely native origin of American civilisation is to be found in
the unique nature of American art, the undoubted result of countless
centuries of isolation. American language, arithmetic, and methods of
time-reckoning, too, bear no resemblance to other systems, European
or Asiatic, and we may be certain that had a civilising race entered
America from Asia it would have left its indelible impress upon
things so intensely associated with the life of a people as well as
upon the art and architecture of the country, for they are as much
the product of culture as is the ability to raise temples.
Evidence of Animal and Plant Life
It is impossible in this connection to ignore the evidence in favour of
native advancement which can be adduced from the artificial production
of food in America. Nearly all the domesticated animals and cultivated
food-plants found on the continent at the period of the discovery were
totally different from those known to the Old World. Maize, cocoa,
tobacco, and the potato, with a host of useful plants, were new to
the European conquerors, and the absence of such familiar animals
as the horse, cow, and sheep, besides a score of lesser animals,
is eloquent proof of the prolonged isolation which the American
continent underwent subsequent to its original settlement by man.
Origin of American Man
An Asiatic origin is, of course, admitted for the aborigines of
America, but it undoubtedly stretched back into that dim Tertiary Era
when man was little more than beast, and language as yet was not, or at
the best was only half formed. Later immigrants there certainly were,
but these probably arrived by way of Behring Strait, and not by the
land-bridge connecting Asia and America by which the first-comers found
entrance. At a later geological period the general level of the North
American continent was higher than at present, and a broad isthmus
connected it with Asia. During this prolonged elevation vast littoral
plains, now submerged, extended continuously from the American to the
Asiatic shore, affording an easy route of migration to a type of man
from whom both the Mongolian branches may have sprung. But this type,
little removed from the animal as it undoubtedly was, carried with it
none of the refinements of art or civilisation; and if any resemblances
occur between the art-forms or polity of its equal descendants in Asia
and America, they are due to the influence of a remote common ancestry,
and not to any later influx of Asiatic civilisation to American shores.
Traditions of Intercourse with Asia
The few traditions of Asiatic intercourse with America are,
alas! easily dissipated. It is a dismal business to be compelled to
refute the dreams of others. How much more fascinating would American
history have been had Asia sowed the seeds of her own peculiar
civilisation in the western continent, which would then have become
a newer and further East, a more glowing and golden Orient! But
America possesses a fascination almost as intense when there
falls to be considered the marvel of the evolution of her wondrous
civilisations--the flowers of progress of a new, of an isolated world.
The idea that the "Fu-Sang" of the Chinese annals alluded to America
was rendered illusory by Klaproth, who showed its identity with
a Japanese island. It is not impossible that Chinese and Japanese
vessels may have drifted on to the American coasts, but that they
sailed thither of set purpose is highly improbable. Gomara, the Mexican
historian, states that those who served with Coronado's expedition
in 1542 saw off the Pacific coast certain ships having their prows
decorated with gold and silver, and laden with merchandise, and these
they supposed to be of Cathay or China, "because they intimated by
signs that they had been thirty days on their voyage." Like most of
these interesting stories, however, the tale has no foundation in
fact, as the incident cannot be discovered in the original account
of the expedition, published in 1838 in the travel-collection of
Ternaux-Compans.
Legends of European Intercourse
We shall find the traditions, one might almost call them legends,
of early European intercourse with America little more satisfactory
than those which recount its ancient connection with Asia. We may
dismiss the sagas of the discovery of America by the Norsemen, which
are by no means mere tradition, and pass on to those in which the
basis of fact is weaker and the legendary interest more strong. We
are told that when the Norsemen drove forth those Irish monks who
had settled in Iceland, the fugitives voyaged to "Great Ireland,"
by which many antiquarians of the older school imagine the author of
the myth to have meant America. The Irish Book of Lismore recounts the
voyage of St. Brandan, Abbot of Cluainfert, in Ireland, to an island
in the ocean which Providence had intended as the abode of saints. It
gives a glowing account of his seven years' cruise in western waters,
and tells of numerous discoveries, among them a hill of fire and an
endless island, which he quitted after an unavailing journey of forty
days, loading his ships with its fruits, and returning home. Many Norse
legends exist regarding this "Greater Ireland," or "Huitramanna Land"
(White Man's Land), among them one concerning a Norseman who was
cast away on its shores, and who found there a race of white men
who went to worship their gods bearing banners, and "shouting with
a loud voice." There is, of course, the bare possibility that the
roving Norsemen may have on occasions drifted or have been cast away
as far south as Mexico, and such an occurrence becomes the more easy
of belief when we remember that they certainly reached the shores of
North America.
The Legend of Madoc
A much more interesting because more probable story is that which
tells of the discovery of distant lands across the western ocean by
Madoc, a princeling of North Wales, in the year 1170. It is recorded
in Hakluyt's English Voyages and Powel's History of Wales. Madoc,
the son of Owen Gwyneth, disgusted by the strife of his brothers
for the principality of their dead father, resolved to quit such an
uncongenial atmosphere, and, fitting out ships with men and munition,
sought adventure by sea, sailing west, and leaving the coast of
Ireland so far north that he came to a land unknown, where he saw
many strange things. "This land," says Hakluyt, "must needs be some
part of that country of which the Spaniards affirme themselves to
be the first finders since Hanno's time," and through this allusion
we are enabled to see how these legends relating to mythical lands
came to be associated with the American continent. Concerning the
land discovered by Madoc many tales were current in Wales in mediæval
times. Madoc on his return declared that it was pleasant and fruitful,
but uninhabited. He succeeded in persuading a large number of people
to accompany him to this delectable region, and, as he never returned,
Hakluyt concludes that the descendants of the folk he took with him
composed the greater part of the population of the America of the
seventeenth century, a conclusion in which he has been supported by
more than one modern antiquarian. Indeed, the wildest fancies have
been based upon this legend, and stories of Welsh-speaking Indians who
were able to converse with Cymric immigrants to the American colonies
have been received with complacency by the older school of American
historians as the strongest confirmation of the saga. It is notable,
however, that Henry VII of England, the son of a Welshman, may have
been influenced in his patronage of the early American explorers by
this legend of Madoc, as it is known that he employed one Guttyn Owen,
a Welsh historiographer, to draw up his paternal pedigree, and that
this same Guttyn included the story in his works. Such legends as
those relating to Atlantis and Antilia scarcely fall within the scope
of American myth, as they undoubtedly relate to early communication
with the Canaries and Azores.
American Myths of the Discovery
But what were the speculations of the Red Men on the other side of
the Atlantic? Were there no rumours there, no legends of an Eastern
world? Immediately prior to the discovery there was in America a widely
disseminated belief that at a relatively remote period strangers
from the east had visited American soil, eventually returning to
their own abodes in the Land of Sunrise. Such, for example, was the
Mexican legend of Quetzalcoatl, to which we shall revert later in
its more essentially mythical connection. He landed with several
companions at Vera Cruz, and speedily brought to bear the power
of a civilising agency upon native opinion. In the ancient Mexican
pinturas, or paintings, he is represented as being habited in a long
black gown, fringed with white crosses. After sojourning with the
Mexicans for a number of years, during which time he initiated them
into the arts of life and civilisation, he departed from their land
on a magic raft, promising, however, to return. His second advent was
anxiously looked for, and when Cortés and his companions arrived at
Vera Cruz, the identical spot at which Quetzalcoatl was supposed to
have set out on his homeward journey, the Mexicans fully believed him
to be the returned hero. Of course Montezuma, their monarch, was not
altogether taken by surprise at the coming of the white man, as he had
been informed of the arrival of mysterious strangers in Yucatan and
elsewhere in Central America; but in the eyes of the commonalty the
Spanish leader was a "hero-god" indeed. In this interesting figure
several of the monkish chroniclers of New Spain saw the Apostle
St. Thomas, who had journeyed to the American continent to effect
its conversion to Christianity.
A Peruvian Prophecy
The Mexicans were by no means singular in their presentiments. When
Hernando de Soto, on landing in Peru, first met the Inca Huascar, the
latter related an ancient prophecy which his father, Huaina Ccapac,
had repeated on his death-bed, that in the reign of the thirteenth
Inca white men of surpassing strength and valour would come from their
father the Sun, and subject the Peruvians to their rule. "I command
you," said the dying king, "to yield them homage and obedience,
for they will be of a nature superior to ours." [2]
But the most interesting of American legends connected with the
discovery is that in which the prophecy of the Maya priest Chilan
Balam is described. Father Lizana, a venerable Spanish author, records
the prophecy, which he states was very well known throughout Yucatan,
as does Villagutierre, who quotes it.
The Prophecy of Chilan Balam
Part of this strange prophecy runs as follows: "At the end of
the thirteenth age, when Itza is at the height of its power, as
also the city called Tancah, the signal of God will appear on the
heights, and the Cross with which the world was enlightened will be
manifested. There will be variance of men's will in future times,
when this signal shall be brought.... Receive your barbarous bearded
guests from the east, who bring the signal of God, who comes to us
in mercy and pity. The time of our life is coming...."
It would seem from the perusal of this prophecy that a genuine
substratum of native tradition has been over-laid and coloured
by the influence of the early Spanish missionaries. The terms of
the announcement are much too exact, and the language employed is
obviously Scriptural. But the native books of Chilan Balam, whence
the prophecy is taken, are much less explicit, and the genuineness of
their character is evinced by the idiomatic use of the Maya tongue,
which, in the form they present it in, could have been written by none
save those who had habitually employed it from infancy. As regards the
prophetic nature of these deliverances it is known that the Chilan,
or priest, was wont to utter publicly at the end of certain prolonged
periods a prophecy forecasting the character of the similar period to
come, and there is reason to believe that some distant rumours of the
coming of the white man had reached the ears of several of the seers.
These vague intimations that the seas separated them from a great
continent where dwelt beings like themselves seem to have been
common to white and red men alike. And who shall say by what strange
magic of telepathy they were inspired in the minds of the daring
explorers and the ascetic priests who gave expression to them in act
and utterance? The discovery of America was much more than a mere
scientific process, and romance rather than the cold speculations
of mediæval geography urged men to tempt the dim seas of the West in
quest of golden islands seen in dreams.
The Type of Mexican Civilisation
The first civilised American people with whom the discoverers came
into contact were those of the Nahua or ancient Mexican race. We
use the term "civilised" advisedly, for although several authorities
of standing have refused to regard the Mexicans as a people who had
achieved such a state of culture as would entitle them to be classed
among civilised communities, there is no doubt that they had advanced
nearly as far as it was possible for them to proceed when their
environment and the nature of the circumstances which handicapped them
are taken into consideration. In architecture they had evolved a type
of building, solid yet wonderfully graceful, which, if not so massive
as the Egyptian and Assyrian, was yet more highly decorative. Their
artistic outlook as expressed in their painting and pottery was more
versatile and less conventional than that of the ancient people of
the Orient, their social system was of a more advanced type, and a
less rigorous attitude was evinced by the ruling caste toward the
subject classes. Yet, on the other hand, the picture is darkened
by the terrible if picturesque rites which attended their religious
ceremonies, and the dread shadow of human sacrifice which eternally
overhung their teeming populations. Nevertheless, the standard of
morality was high, justice was even-handed, the forms of government
were comparatively mild, and but for the fanaticism which demanded
such troops of victims, we might justly compare the civilisation
of ancient Mexico with that of the peoples of old China or India,
if the literary activity of the Oriental states be discounted.
The Mexican Race
The race which was responsible for this varied and highly coloured
civilisation was that known as the Nahua (Those who live by Rule),
a title adopted by them to distinguish them from those tribes who
still roamed in an unsettled condition over the contiguous plains of
New Mexico and the more northerly tracts. This term was employed by
them to designate the race as a whole, but it was composed of many
diverse elements, the characteristics of which were rendered still
more various by the adoption into one or other of the tribes which
composed it of surrounding aboriginal peoples. Much controversy has
raged round the question regarding the original home of the Nahua,
but their migration legends consistently point to a northern origin;
and when the close affinity between the art-forms and mythology of
the present-day natives of British Columbia and those of the Nahua
comes to be considered along with the very persistent legends of a
prolonged pilgrimage from the North, where they dwelt in a place "by
the water," the conclusion that the Nahua emanated from the region
indicated is well-nigh irresistible. [3]
In Nahua tradition the name of the locality whence the race commenced
its wanderings is called Aztlan (The Place of Reeds), but this
place-name is of little or no value as a guide to any given region,
though probably every spot betwixt Behring Strait and Mexico has been
identified with it by zealous antiquarians. Other names discovered in
the migration legends are Tlapallan (The Country of Bright Colours)
and Chicomoztoc (The Seven Caves), and these may perhaps be identified
with New Mexico or Arizona.
Legends of Mexican Migration
All early writers on the history of Mexico agree that the Toltecs were
the first of the several swarms of Nahua who streamed upon the Mexican
plateau in ever-widening waves. Concerning the reality of this people
so little is known that many authorities of standing have regarded them
as wholly mythical, while others profess to see in them a veritable
race, the founders of Mexican civilisation. The author has already
elaborated his theory of this difficult question elsewhere, [4] but
will briefly refer to it when he comes to deal with the subject of the
Toltec civilisation and the legends concerning it. For the present we
must regard the Toltecs merely as a race alluded to in a migration myth
as the first Nahua immigrants to the region of Mexico. Ixtlilxochitl,
a native chronicler who flourished shortly after the Spanish conquest
of Mexico, gives two separate accounts of the early Toltec migrations,
the first of which goes back to the period of their arrival in the
fabled land of Tlapallan, alluded to above. In this account Tlapallan
is described as a region near the sea, which the Toltecs reached by
voyaging southward, skirting the coasts of California. This account
must be received with the greatest caution. But we know that the
natives of British Columbia have been expert in the use of the
canoe from an early period, and that the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl,
who is probably originally derived from a common source with their
deity Yetl, is represented as being skilled in the management of the
craft. It is, therefore, not outside the bounds of possibility that
the early swarms of Nahua immigrants made their way to Mexico by sea,
but it is much more probable that their migrations took place by land,
following the level country at the base of the Rocky Mountains.
The Toltec Upheaval
Like nearly all legendary immigrants, the Toltecs did not set out to
colonise distant countries from any impulse of their own, but were the
victims of internecine dissension in the homeland, and were expelled
from the community to seek their fortunes elsewhere. Thus thrust forth,
they set their faces southward, and reached Tlapallan in the year 1
Tecpatl (A.D. 387). Passing the country of Xalisco, they effected a
landing at Huatulco, and journeyed down the coast until they reached
Tochtepec, whence they pushed inland to Tollantzinco. To enable them to
make this journey they required no less than 104 years. Ixtlilxochitl
furnishes another account of the Toltec migration in his Relaciones,
a work dealing with the early history of the Mexican races. In this
he recounts how the chiefs of Tlapallan, who had revolted against the
royal power, were banished from that region in A.D. 439. Lingering
near their ancient territory for the space of eight years, they then
journeyed to Tlapallantzinco, where they halted for three years before
setting out on a prolonged pilgrimage, which occupied the tribe for
over a century, and in the course of which it halted at no less than
thirteen different resting-places, six of which can be traced to
stations on the Pacific coast, and the remainder to localities in
the north of Mexico.
Artificial Nature of the Migration Myths
It is plain from internal evidence that these two legends of the Toltec
migrations present an artificial aspect. But if we cannot credit them
in detail, that is not to say that they do not describe in part an
actual pilgrimage. They are specimens of numerous migration myths
which are related concerning the various branches of the Mexican
races. Few features of interest are presented in them, and they
are chiefly remarkable for wearisome repetition and divergence in
essential details.
Myths of the Toltecs
But we enter a much more fascinating domain when we come to peruse
the myths regarding the Toltec kingdom and civilisation, for, before
entering upon the origin or veritable history of the Toltec race, it
will be better to consider the native legends concerning them. These
exhibit an almost Oriental exuberance of imagination and colouring,
and forcibly remind the reader of the gorgeous architectural and
scenic descriptions in the Arabian Nights. The principal sources of
these legends are the histories of Zumarraga and Ixtlilxochitl. The
latter is by no means a satisfactory authority, but he has succeeded
in investing the traditions of his native land with no inconsiderable
degree of charm. The Toltecs, he says, founded the magnificent city of
Tollan in the year 566 of the Incarnation. This city, the site of which
is now occupied by the modern town of Tula, was situated north-west of
the mountains which bound the Mexican valley. Thither were the Toltecs
guided by the powerful necromancer Hueymatzin (Great Hand), and under
his direction they decided to build a city upon the site of what had
been their place of bivouac. For six years they toiled at the building
of Tollan, and magnificent edifices, palaces, and temples arose,
the whole forming a capital of a splendour unparalleled in the New
World. The valley wherein it stood was known as the "Place of Fruits,"
in allusion to its great fertility. The surrounding rivers teemed with
fish, and the hills which encircled this delectable site sheltered
large herds of game. But as yet the Toltecs were without a ruler,
and in the seventh year of their occupation of the city the assembled
chieftains took counsel together, and resolved to surrender their
power into the hands of a monarch whom the people might elect. The
choice fell upon Chalchiuh Tlatonac (Shining Precious Stone), who
reigned for fifty-two years.
Legends of Toltec Artistry
Happily settled in their new country, and ruled over by a king whom
they could regard with reverence, the Toltecs made rapid progress in
the various arts, and their city began to be celebrated far and wide
for the excellence of its craftsmen and the beauty of its architecture
and pottery. The name of "Toltec," in fact, came to be regarded by
the surrounding peoples as synonymous with "artist," and as a kind of
hall-mark which guaranteed the superiority of any article of Toltec
workmanship. Everything in and about the city was eloquent of the
taste and artistry of its founders. The very walls were encrusted
with rare stones, and their masonry was so beautifully chiselled
and laid as to resemble the choicest mosaic. One of the edifices
of which the inhabitants of Tollan were most justly proud was the
temple wherein their high-priest officiated. This building was a
very gem of architectural art and mural decoration. It contained four
apartments. The walls of the first were inlaid with gold, the second
with precious stones of every description, the third with beautiful
sea-shells of all conceivable hues and of the most brilliant and
tender shades encrusted in bricks of silver, which sparkled in the
sun in such a manner as to dazzle the eyes of beholders. The fourth
apartment was formed of a brilliant red stone, ornamented with shells.
The House of Feathers
Still more fantastic and weirdly beautiful was another edifice,
"The House of Feathers." This also possessed four apartments, one
decorated with feathers of a brilliant yellow, another with the
radiant and sparkling hues of the Blue Bird. These were woven into a
kind of tapestry, and placed against the walls in graceful hangings
and festoons. An apartment described as of entrancing beauty was that
in which the decorative scheme consisted of plumage of the purest and
most dazzling white. The remaining chamber was hung with feathers of
a brilliant red, plucked from the most beautiful birds.
Huemac the Wicked
A succession of more or less able kings succeeded the founder of
the Toltec monarchy, until in A.D. 994 Huemac II ascended the throne
of Tollan. He ruled first with wisdom, and paid great attention to
the duties of the state and religion. But later he fell from the
high place he had made for himself in the regard of the people by
his faithless deception of them and his intemperate and licentious
habits. The provinces rose in revolt, and many signs and gloomy
omens foretold the downfall of the city. Toveyo, a cunning sorcerer,
collected a great concourse of people near Tollan, and by dint of
beating upon a magic drum until the darkest hours of the night,
forced them to dance to its sound until, exhausted by their efforts,
they fell headlong over a dizzy precipice into a deep ravine, where
they were turned into stone. Toveyo also maliciously destroyed a
stone bridge, so that thousands of people fell into the river beneath
and were drowned. The neighbouring volcanoes burst into eruption,
presenting a frightful aspect, and grisly apparitions could be seen
among the flames threatening the city with terrible gestures of menace.
The rulers of Tollan resolved to lose no time in placating the gods,
whom they decided from the portents must have conceived the most
violent wrath against their capital. They therefore ordained a great
sacrifice of war-captives. But upon the first of the victims being
placed upon the altar a still more terrible catastrophe occurred. In
the method of sacrifice common to the Nahua race the breast of a
youth was opened for the purpose of extracting the heart, but no such
organ could the officiating priest perceive. Moreover the veins of
the victim were bloodless. Such a deadly odour was exhaled from the
corpse that a terrible pestilence arose, which caused the death of
thousands of Toltecs. Huemac, the unrighteous monarch who had brought
all this suffering upon his folk, was confronted in the forest by the
Tlalocs, or gods of moisture, and humbly petitioned these deities to
spare him, and not to take from him his wealth and rank. But the gods
were disgusted at the callous selfishness displayed in his desires,
and departed, threatening the Toltec race with six years of plagues.
The Plagues of the Toltecs
In the next winter such a severe frost visited the land that all crops
and plants were killed. A summer of torrid heat followed, so intense in
its suffocating fierceness that the streams were dried up and the very
rocks were melted. Then heavy rain-storms descended, which flooded the
streets and ways, and terrible tempests swept through the land. Vast
numbers of loathsome toads invaded the valley, consuming the refuse
left by the destructive frost and heat, and entering the very houses
of the people. In the following year a terrible drought caused the
death of thousands from starvation, and the ensuing winter was again
a marvel of severity. Locusts descended in cloud-like swarms, and
hail- and thunder-storms completed the wreck. During these visitations
nine-tenths of the people perished, and all artistic endeavour ceased
because of the awful struggle for food.
King Acxitl
With the cessation of these inflictions the wicked Huemac resolved
upon a more upright course of life, and became most assiduous for the
welfare and proper government of his people. But he had announced
that Acxitl, his illegitimate son, should succeed him, and had
further resolved to abdicate at once in favour of this youth. With
the Toltecs, as with most primitive peoples, the early kings were
regarded as divine, and the attempt to place on the throne one
who was not of the royal blood was looked upon as a serious offence
against the gods. A revolt ensued, but its two principal leaders were
bought over by promises of preferment. Acxitl ascended the throne,
and for a time ruled wisely. But he soon, like his father, gave way
to a life of dissipation, and succeeded in setting a bad example to
the members of his court and to the priesthood, the vicious spirit
communicating itself to all classes of his subjects and permeating
every rank of society. The iniquities of the people of the capital
and the enormities practised by the royal favourites caused such
scandal in the outlying provinces that at length they broke into
open revolt, and Huehuetzin, chief of an eastern viceroyalty, joined
to himself two other malcontent lords and marched upon the city of
Tollan at the head of a strong force. Acxitl could not muster an army
sufficiently powerful to repel the rebels, and was forced to resort
to the expedient of buying them off with rich presents, thus patching
up a truce. But the fate of Tollan was in the balance. Hordes of rude
Chichimec savages, profiting by the civil broils in the Toltec state,
invaded the lake region of Anahuac, or Mexico, and settled upon its
fruitful soil. The end was in sight!
A Terrible Visitation
The wrath of the gods increased instead of diminishing, and in order
to appease them a great convention of the wise men of the realm met
at Teotihuacan, the sacred city of the Toltecs. But during their
deliberations a giant of immense proportions rushed into their midst,
and, seizing upon them by scores with his bony hands, hurled them
to the ground, dashing their brains out. In this manner he slew
great numbers, and when the panic-stricken folk imagined themselves
delivered from him he returned in a different guise and slew many
more. Again the grisly monster appeared, this time taking the form
of a beautiful child. The people, fascinated by its loveliness,
ran to observe it more closely, only to discover that its head was
a mass of corruption, the stench from which was so fatal that many
were killed outright. The fiend who had thus plagued the Toltecs at
length deigned to inform them that the gods would listen no longer to
their prayers, but had fully resolved to destroy them root and branch,
and he further counselled them to seek safety in flight.
Fall of the Toltec State
By this time the principal families of Tollan had deserted the country,
taking refuge in neighbouring states. Once more Huehuetzin menaced
Tollan, and by dint of almost superhuman efforts old King Huemac,
who had left his retirement, raised a force sufficient to face the
enemy. Acxitl's mother enlisted the services of the women of the
city, and formed them into a regiment of Amazons. At the head of
all was Acxitl, who divided his forces, despatching one portion to
the front under his commander-in-chief, and forming the other into a
reserve under his own leadership. During three years the king defended
Tollan against the combined forces of the rebels and the semi-savage
Chichimecs. At length the Toltecs, almost decimated, fled after a final
desperate battle into the marshes of Lake Tezcuco and the fastnesses
of the mountains. Their other cities were given over to destruction,
and the Toltec empire was at an end.
The Chichimec Exodus
Meanwhile the rude Chichimecs of the north, who had for many years
carried on a constant warfare with the Toltecs, were surprised that
their enemies sought their borders no more, a practice which they
had engaged in principally for the purpose of obtaining captives
for sacrifice. In order to discover the reason for this suspicious
quiet they sent out spies into Toltec territory, who returned with
the amazing news that the Toltec domain for a distance of six hundred
miles from the Chichimec frontier was a desert, the towns ruined and
empty and their inhabitants scattered. Xolotl, the Chichimec king,
summoned his chieftains to his capital, and, acquainting them with
what the spies had said, proposed an expedition for the purpose of
annexing the abandoned land. No less than 3,202,000 people composed
this migration, and only 1,600,000 remained in the Chichimec territory.
The Chichimecs occupied most of the ruined cities, many of which
they rebuilt. Those Toltecs who remained became peaceful subjects,
and through their knowledge of commerce and handicrafts amassed
considerable wealth. A tribute was, however, demanded from them,
which was peremptorily refused by Nauhyotl, the Toltec ruler of
Colhuacan; but he was defeated and slain, and the Chichimec rule was
at last supreme.
The Disappearance of the Toltecs
The transmitters of this legendary account give it as their belief,
which is shared by some authorities of standing, that the Toltecs,
fleeing from the civil broils of their city and the inroads of
the Chichimecs, passed into Central America, where they became the
founders of the civilisation of that country, and the architects of
the many wonderful cities the ruins of which now litter its plains
and are encountered in its forests. But it is time that we examined
the claims put forward on behalf of Toltec civilisation and culture
by the aid of more scientific methods.
Did the Toltecs Exist?
Some authorities have questioned the existence of the Toltecs, and
have professed to see in them a race which had merely a mythical
significance. They base this theory upon the circumstance that
the duration of the reigns of the several Toltec monarchs is very
frequently stated to have lasted for exactly fifty-two years, the
duration of the great Mexican cycle of years which had been adopted
so that the ritual calendar might coincide with the solar year. The
circumstance is certainly suspicious, as is the fact that many of the
names of the Toltec monarchs are also those of the principal Nahua
deities, and this renders the whole dynastic list of very doubtful
value. Dr. Brinton recognised in the Toltecs those children of the sun
who, like their brethren in Peruvian mythology, were sent from heaven
to civilise the human race, and his theory is by no means weakened by
the circumstance that Quetzalcoatl, a deity of solar significance, is
alluded to in Nahua myth as King of the Toltecs. Recent considerations
and discoveries, however, have virtually forced students of the subject
to admit the existence of the Toltecs as a race. The author has dealt
with the question at some length elsewhere, [5] and is not of those
who are free to admit the definite existence of the Toltecs from a
historical point of view. The late Mr. Payne of Oxford, an authority
entitled to every respect, gave it as his opinion that "the accounts of
Toltec history current at the conquest contain a nucleus of substantial
truth," and he writes convincingly: "To doubt that there once existed
in Tollan an advancement superior to that which prevailed among the
Nahuatlaca generally at the conquest, and that its people spread
their advancement throughout Anahuac, and into the districts eastward
and southward, would be to reject a belief universally entertained,
and confirmed rather than shaken by the efforts made in later times
to construct for the Pueblo something in the nature of a history." [6]
A Persistent Tradition
The theory of the present author concerning Toltec historical existence
is rather more non-committal. He admits that a most persistent body
of tradition as to their existence gained general credence among the
Nahua, and that the date (1055) of their alleged dispersal admits of
the approximate exactness and probability of this body of tradition
at the time of the conquest. He also admits that the site of Tollan
contains ruins which are undoubtedly of a date earlier than that
of the architecture of the Nahua as known at the conquest, and that
numerous evidences of an older civilisation exist. He also believes
that the early Nahua having within their racial recollection existed
as savages, the time which elapsed between their barbarian condition
and the more advanced state which they achieved was too brief to admit
of evolution from savagery to culture. Hence they must have adopted an
older civilisation, especially as through the veneer of civilisation
possessed by them they exhibited every sign of gross barbarism.
A Nameless People
If this be true it would go to show that a people of comparatively
high culture existed at a not very remote period on the Mexican
tableland. But what their name was or their racial affinity the writer
does not profess to know. Many modern American scholars of note have
conferred upon them the name of "Toltecs," and speak freely of the
"Toltec period" and of "Toltec art." It may appear pedantic to refuse
to recognise that the cultured people who dwelt in Mexico in pre-Nahua
times were "the Toltecs." But in the face of the absence of genuine
and authoritative native written records dealing with the question,
the author finds himself compelled to remain unconvinced as to the
exact designation of the mysterious older race which preceded the
Nahua. There are not wanting authorities who appear to regard the
pictorial chronicles of the Nahua as quite as worthy of credence
as written records, but it must be clear that tradition or even
history set down in pictorial form can never possess that degree of
definiteness contained in a written account.
Toltec Art
As has been stated above, the Toltecs of tradition were chiefly
remarkable for their intense love of art and their productions in its
various branches. Ixtlilxochitl says that they worked in gold, silver,
copper, tin, and lead, and as masons employed flint, porphyry, basalt,
and obsidian. In the manufacture of jewellery and objets d'art they
excelled, and the pottery of Cholula, of which specimens are frequently
recovered, was of a high standard.
Other Aboriginal Peoples
Mexico contained other aboriginal races besides the Toltecs. Of
these many and diverse peoples the most remarkable were the Otomi,
who still occupy Guanajuato and Queretaro, and who, before the coming
of the Nahua, probably spread over the entire valley of Mexico. In
the south we find the Huasteca, a people speaking the same language as
the Maya of Central America, and on the Mexican Gulf the Totonacs and
Chontals. On the Pacific side of the country the Mixteca and Zapoteca
were responsible for a flourishing civilisation which exhibited
many original characteristics, and which in some degree was a link
between the cultures of Mexico and Central America. Traces of a still
older population than any of these are still to be found in the more
remote parts of Mexico, and the Mixe, Zaque, Kuicatec, and Popolcan
are probably the remnants of prehistoric races of vast antiquity.
The Cliff-dwellers
It is probable that a race known as "the Cliff-dwellers," occupying
the plateau country of Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah,
and even extending in its ramifications to Mexico itself, was related
ethnologically to the Nahua. The present-day Pueblo Indians dwelling to
the north of Mexico most probably possess a leaven of Nahua blood. Ere
the tribes who communicated this leaven to the whole had intermingled
with others of various origin, it would appear that they occupied with
others those tracts of country now inhabited by the Pueblo Indians,
and in the natural recesses and shallow caverns found in the faces
of the cliffs erected dwellings and fortifications, displaying an
architectural ability of no mean order. These communities extended
as far south as the Gila river, the most southern affluent of the
Colorado, and the remains they have left there appear to be of a later
date architecturally than those situated farther north. These were
found in ruins by the first Spanish explorers, and it is thought that
their builders were eventually driven back to rejoin their kindred in
the north. Farther to the south in the cañons of the Piedras Verdes
river in Chihuahua, Mexico, are cliff-dwellings corresponding in many
respects with those of the Pueblo region, and Dr. Hrdlicka has examined
others so far south as the State of Jalisco, in Central Mexico. These
may be the ruins of dwellings erected either by the early Nahua or by
some of the peoples relatively aboriginal to them, and may display the
architectural features general among the Nahua prior to their adoption
of other alien forms. Or else they may be the remains of dwellings
similar to those of the Tarahumare, a still existing tribe of Mexico,
who, according to Lumholtz, [7] inhabit similar structures at the
present day. It is clear from the architectural development of the
cliff-dwellers that their civilisation developed generally from south
to north, that this race was cognate to the early Nahua, and that it
later withdrew to the north, or became fused with the general body
of the Nahua peoples. It must not be understood, however, that the
race arrived in the Mexican plateau before the Nahua, and the ruins
of Jalisco and other mid-Mexican districts may merely be the remains
of comparatively modern cliff-dwellings, an adaptation by mid-Mexican
communities of the "Cliff-dweller" architecture, or a local development
of it owing to the exigencies of early life in the district.
The Nahua Race
The Nahua peoples included all those tribes speaking the Nahuatlatolli
(Nahua tongue), and occupied a sphere extending from the southern
borders of New Mexico to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec on the south,
or very much within the limits of the modern Republic of Mexico. But
this people must not be regarded as one race of homogeneous origin. A
very brief account of their racial affinities must be sufficient
here. The Chichimecs were probably related to the Otomi, whom we have
alluded to as among the first-comers to the Mexican valley. They were
traditionally supposed to have entered it at a period subsequent to
the Toltec occupation. Their chief towns were Tezcuco and Tenayucan,
but they later allied themselves with the Nahua in a great confederacy,
and adopted the Nahua language. There are circumstances which justify
the assumption that on their entrance to the Mexican valley they
consisted of a number of tribes loosely united, presenting in their
general organisation a close resemblance to some of the composite
tribes of modern American Indians.
The Aculhuaque
Next to them in point of order of tribal arrival were the Aculhuaque,
or Acolhuans. The name means "tall" or "strong" men, literally
"People of the Broad Shoulder," or "Pushers," who made a way for
themselves. Gomara states in his Conquista de Mexico that they
arrived in the valley from Acolhuacan about A.D. 780, and founded
the towns of Tollan, Colhuacan, and Mexico itself. The Acolhuans
were pure Nahua, and may well have been the much-disputed Toltecs,
for the Nahua people always insisted on the fact that the Toltecs
were of the same stock as themselves, and spoke an older and purer
form of the Nahua tongue. From the Acolhuans sprang the Tlascalans,
the inveterate enemies of the Aztecs, who so heartily assisted Cortés
in his invasion of the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlan, or Mexico.
The Tecpanecs
The Tecpanecs were a confederacy of purely Nahua tribes dwelling
in towns situated upon the Lake of Tezcuco, the principal of which
were Tlacopan and Azcapozalco. The name Tecpanec signifies that each
settlement possessed its own chief's house, or tecpan. This tribe were
almost certainly later Nahua immigrants who arrived in Mexico after the
Acolhuans, and were great rivals to the Chichimec branch of the race.
The Aztecs
The Aztecâ, or Aztecs, were a nomad tribe of doubtful origin, but
probably of Nahua blood. Wandering over the Mexican plateau for
generations, they at length settled in the marshlands near the Lake
of Tezcuco, hard by Tlacopan. The name Aztecâ means "Crane People,"
and was bestowed upon the tribe by the Tecpanecs, probably because of
the fact that, like cranes, they dwelt in a marshy neighbourhood. They
founded the town of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, and for a while paid
tribute to the Tecpanecs. But later they became the most powerful
allies of that people, whom they finally surpassed entirely in power
and splendour.
The Aztec Character
The features of the Aztecs as represented in the various Mexican
paintings are typically Indian, and argue a northern origin. The
race was, and is, of average height, and the skin is of a dark brown
hue. The Mexican is grave, taciturn, and melancholic, with a deeply
rooted love of the mysterious, slow to anger, yet almost inhuman in
the violence of his passions when aroused. He is usually gifted with a
logical mind, quickness of apprehension, and an ability to regard the
subtle side of things with great nicety. Patient and imitative, the
ancient Mexican excelled in those arts which demanded such qualities
in their execution. He had a real affection for the beautiful in
nature and a passion for flowers, but the Aztec music lacked gaiety,
and the national amusements were too often of a gloomy and ferocious
character. The women are more vivacious than the men, but were in
the days before the conquest very subservient to the wills of their
husbands. We have already very briefly outlined the trend of Nahua
civilisation, but it will be advisable to examine it a little more
closely, for if the myths of this people are to be understood some
knowledge of its life and general culture is essential.
Legends of the Foundation of Mexico
At the period of the conquest of Mexico by Cortés the city presented
an imposing appearance. Led to its neighbourhood by Huitzilopochtli,
a traditional chief, afterwards deified as the god of war, there
are several legends which account for the choice of its site by the
Mexicans. The most popular of these relates how the nomadic Nahua
beheld perched upon a cactus plant an eagle of great size and majesty,
grasping in its talons a huge serpent, and spreading its wings to
catch the rays of the rising sun. The soothsayers or medicine-men of
the tribe, reading a good omen in the spectacle, advised the leaders
of the people to settle on the spot, and, hearkening to the voice of
what they considered divine authority, they proceeded to drive piles
into the marshy ground, and thus laid the foundation of the great
city of Mexico.
An elaboration of this legend tells how the Aztecs had about the year
1325 sought refuge upon the western shore of the Lake of Tezcuco,
in an island among the marshes on which they found a stone on which
forty years before one of their priests had sacrificed a prince of
the name of Copal, whom they had made prisoner. A nopal plant had
sprung from an earth-filled crevice in this rude altar, and upon
this the royal eagle alluded to in the former account had alighted,
grasping the serpent in his talons. Beholding in this a good omen,
and urged by a supernatural impulse which he could not explain,
a priest of high rank dived into a pool close at hand, where he
found himself face to face with Tlaloc, the god of waters. After an
interview with the deity the priest obtained permission from him to
found a city on the site, from the humble beginnings of which arose
the metropolis of Mexico-Tenochtitlan.
Mexico at the Conquest
At the period of the conquest the city of Mexico had a circumference
of no less than twelve miles, or nearly that of modern Berlin without
its suburbs. It contained 60,000 houses, and its inhabitants were
computed to number 300,000. Many other towns, most of them nearly half
as large, were grouped on the islands or on the margin of Lake Tezcuco,
so that the population of what might almost be called "Greater Mexico"
must have amounted to several millions. The city was intersected by
four great roadways or avenues built at right angles to one another,
and laid four-square with the cardinal points. Situated as it was in
the midst of a lake, it was traversed by numerous canals, which were
used as thoroughfares for traffic. The four principal ways described
above were extended across the lake as dykes or viaducts until they met
its shores. The dwellings of the poorer classes were chiefly composed
of adobes, but those of the nobility were built of a red porous stone
quarried close by. They were usually of one story only, but occupied a
goodly piece of ground and had flat roofs, many of which were covered
with flowers. In general they were coated with a hard, white cement,
which gave them an added resemblance to the Oriental type of building.
Towering high among these, and a little apart from the vast squares and
market-places, were the teocallis, or temples. These were in reality
not temples or covered-in buildings, but "high places," great pyramids
of stone, built platform on platform, around which a staircase led to
the summit, on which was usually erected a small shrine containing
the tutelar deity to whom the teocalli had been raised. The great
temple of Huitzilopochtli, the war-god, built by King Ahuizotl,
was, besides being typical of all, by far the greatest of these
votive piles. The enclosing walls of the building were 4800 feet
in circumference, and strikingly decorated by carvings representing
festoons of intertwined reptiles, from which circumstance they were
called coetpantli (walls of serpents). A kind of gate-house on each
side gave access to the enclosure. The teocalli, or great temple,
inside the court was in the shape of a parallelogram, measuring 375
feet by 300 feet, and was built in six platforms, growing smaller in
area as they descended. The mass of this structure was composed of
a mixture of rubble, clay, and earth, covered with carefully worked
stone slabs, cemented together with infinite care, and coated with
a hard gypsum. A flight of 340 steps circled round the terraces and
led to the upper platform, on which were raised two three-storied
towers 56 feet in height, in which stood the great statues of the
tutelar deities and the jasper stones of sacrifice. These sanctuaries,
say the old Conquistadores who entered them, had the appearance and
odour of shambles, and human blood was bespattered everywhere. In this
weird chapel of horrors burned a fire, the extinction of which it was
supposed would have brought about the end of the Nahua power. It was
tended with a care as scrupulous as that with which the Roman Vestals
guarded their sacred flame. No less than 600 of these sacred braziers
were kept alight in the city of Mexico alone.
A Pyramid of Skulls
The principal fane of Huitzilopochtli was surrounded by upwards of
forty inferior teocallis and shrines. In the Tzompantli (Pyramid of
Skulls) were collected the grisly relics of the countless victims to
the implacable war-god of the Aztecs, and in this horrid structure
the Spanish conquerors counted no less than 136,000 human skulls. In
the court or teopan which surrounded the temple were the dwellings
of thousands of priests, whose duties included the scrupulous care
of the temple precincts, and whose labours were minutely apportioned.
Nahua Architecture and Ruins
As we shall see later, Mexico is by no means so rich in architectural
antiquities as Guatemala or Yucatan, the reason being that the
growth of tropical forests has to a great extent protected ancient
stone edifices in the latter countries from destruction. The ruins
discovered in the northern regions of the republic are of a ruder type
than those which approach more nearly to the sphere of Maya influence,
as, for example, those of Mitla, built by the Zapotecs, which exhibit
such unmistakable signs of Maya influence that we prefer to describe
them when dealing with the antiquities of that people.
Cyclopean Remains
In the mountains of Chihuahua, one of the most northerly provinces,
is a celebrated group called the Casas Grandes (Large Houses), the
walls of which are still about 30 feet in height. These approximate in
general appearance to the buildings of more modern tribes in New Mexico
and Arizona, and may be referred to such peoples rather than to the
Nahua. At Quemada, in Zacatecas, massive ruins of Cyclopean appearance
have been discovered. These consist of extensive terraces and broad
stone causeways, teocallis which have weathered many centuries, and
gigantic pillars, 18 feet in height and 17 feet in circumference. Walls
12 feet in thickness rise above the heaps of rubbish which litter the
ground. These remains exhibit little connection with Nahua architecture
to the north or south of them. They are more massive than either, and
must have been constructed by some race which had made considerable
strides in the art of building.
Teotihuacan
In the district of the Totonacs, to the north of Vera Cruz, we find
many architectural remains of a highly interesting character. Here
the teocalli or pyramidal type of building is occasionally crowned
by a covered-in temple with the massive roof characteristic of Maya
architecture. The most striking examples found in this region are the
remains of Teotihuacan and Xochicalco. The former was the religious
Mecca of the Nahua races, and in its proximity are still to be seen the
teocallis of the sun and moon, surrounded by extensive burying-grounds
where the devout of Anahuac were laid in the sure hope that if interred
they would find entrance into the paradise of the sun. The teocalli of
the moon has a base covering 426 feet and a height of 137 feet. That
of the sun is of greater dimensions, with a base of 735 feet and a
height of 203 feet. These pyramids were divided into four stories,
three of which remain. On the summit of that of the sun stood a
temple containing a great image of that luminary carved from a rough
block of stone. In the breast was inlaid a star of the purest gold,
seized afterwards as loot by the insatiable followers of Cortés. From
the teocalli of the moon a path runs to where a little rivulet flanks
the "Citadel." This path is known as "The Path of the Dead," from the
circumstance that it is surrounded by some nine square miles of tombs
and tumuli, and, indeed, forms a road through the great cemetery. The
Citadel, thinks Charnay, was a vast tennis or tlachtli court, where
thousands flocked to gaze at the national sport of the Nahua with a
zest equal to that of the modern devotees of football. Teotihuacan was
a flourishing centre contemporary with Tollan. It was destroyed, but
was rebuilt by the Chichimec king Xolotl, and preserved thenceforth its
traditional sway as the focus of the Nahua national religion. Charnay
identifies the architectural types discovered there with those
of Tollan. The result of his labours in the vicinity included the
unearthing of richly decorated pottery, vases, masks, and terra-cotta
figures. He also excavated several large houses or palaces, some with
chambers more than 730 feet in circumference, with walls over 7-1/2
feet thick, into which were built rings and slabs to support torches
and candles. The floors were tessellated in various rich designs,
"like an Aubusson carpet." Charnay concluded that the monuments of
Teotihuacan were partly standing at the time of the conquest.
The Hill of Flowers
Near Tezcuco is Xochicalco (The Hill of Flowers), a teocalli the
sculpture of which is both beautiful and luxuriant in design. The
porphyry quarries from which the great blocks, 12 feet in length,
were cut lie many miles away. As late as 1755 the structure towered
to a height of five stories, but the vandal has done his work only
too well, and a few fragmentary carvings of exquisite design are all
that to-day remain of one of Mexico's most magnificent pyramids.
Tollan
We have already indicated that on the site of the "Toltec" city of
Tollan ruins have been discovered which prove that it was the centre of
a civilisation of a type distinctly advanced. Charnay unearthed there
gigantic fragments of caryatides, each some 7 feet high. He also found
columns of two pieces, which were fitted together by means of mortise
and tenon, bas-reliefs of archaic figures of undoubted Nahua type, and
many fragments of great antiquity. On the hill of Palpan, above Tollan,
he found the ground-plans of several houses with numerous apartments,
frescoed, columned, and having benches and cisterns recalling the
impluvium of a Roman villa. Water-pipes were also actually unearthed,
and a wealth of pottery, many pieces of which were like old Japanese
china. The ground-plan or foundations of the houses unearthed at
Palpan showed that they had been designed by practical architects,
and had not been built in any merely haphazard fashion. The cement
which covered the walls and floors was of excellent quality, and
recalled that discovered in ancient Italian excavations. The roofs
had been of wood, supported by pillars.
Picture-Writing
The Aztecs, and indeed the entire Nahua race, employed a system of
writing of the type scientifically described as "pictographic," in
which events, persons, and ideas were recorded by means of drawings
and coloured sketches. These were executed on paper made from the agave
plant, or were painted on the skins of animals. By these means not only
history and the principles of the Nahua mythology were communicated
from generation to generation, but the transactions of daily life, the
accountings of merchants, and the purchase and ownership of land were
placed on record. That a phonetic system was rapidly being approached
is manifest from the method by which the Nahua scribes depicted the
names of individuals or cities. These were represented by means of
several objects, the names of which resembled that of the person for
which they stood. The name of King Ixcoatl, for example, is represented
by the drawing of a serpent (coatl) pierced by flint knives (iztli),
and that of Motequauhzoma (Montezuma) by a mouse-trap (montli), an
eagle (quauhtli), a lancet (zo), and a hand (maitl). The phonetic
values employed by the scribes varied exceedingly, so that at times
an entire syllable would be expressed by the painting of an object
the name of which commenced with it. At other times only a letter
would be represented by the same drawing. But the general intention of
the scribes was undoubtedly more ideographic than phonetic; that is,
they desired to convey their thoughts more by sketch than by sound.
Interpretation of the Hieroglyphs
These pinturas, as the Spanish conquerors designated them, offer no
very great difficulty in their elucidation to modern experts, at least
so far as the general trend of their contents is concerned. In this
they are unlike the manuscripts of the Maya of Central America with
which we shall make acquaintance further on. Their interpretation
was largely traditional, and was learned by rote, being passed on
by one generation of amamatini (readers) to another, and was by no
means capable of elucidation by all and sundry.
Native Manuscripts
The pinturas or native manuscripts which remain to us are but few
in number. Priestly fanaticism, which ordained their wholesale
destruction, and the still more potent passage of time have so
reduced them that each separate example is known to bibliophiles and
Americanists the world over. In such as still exist we can observe
great fullness of detail, representing for the most part festivals,
sacrifices, tributes, and natural phenomena, such as eclipses and
floods, and the death and accession of monarchs. These events, and the
supernatural beings who were supposed to control them, were depicted
in brilliant colours, executed by means of a brush of feathers.
The Interpretative Codices
Luckily for future students of Mexican history, the blind zeal which
destroyed the majority of the Mexican manuscripts was frustrated by the
enlightenment of certain European scholars, who regarded the wholesale
destruction of the native records as little short of a calamity,
and who took steps to seek out the few remaining native artists,
from whom they procured copies of the more important paintings, the
details of which were, of course, quite familiar to them. To those were
added interpretations taken down from the lips of the native scribes
themselves, so that no doubt might remain regarding the contents of
the manuscripts. These are known as the "Interpretative Codices,"
and are of considerable assistance to the student of Mexican history
and customs. Three only are in existence. The Oxford Codex, treasured
in the Bodleian Library, is of a historical nature, and contains a
full list of the lesser cities which were subservient to Mexico in
its palmy days. The Paris or Tellerio-Remensis Codex, so called from
having once been the property of Le Tellier, Archbishop of Rheims,
embodies many facts concerning the early settlement of the various
Nahua city-states. The Vatican MSS. deal chiefly with mythology
and the intricacies of the Mexican calendar system. Such Mexican
paintings as were unassisted by an interpretation are naturally of
less value to present-day students of the lore of the Nahua. They
are principally concerned with calendric matter, ritualistic data,
and astrological computations or horoscopes.
The Mexican "Book of the Dead"
Perhaps the most remarkable and interesting manuscript in the Vatican
collection is one the last pages of which represent the journey of the
soul after death through the gloomy dangers of the Other-world. This
has been called the Mexican "Book of the Dead." The corpse is depicted
dressed for burial, the soul escaping from its earthly tenement by way
of the mouth. The spirit is ushered into the presence of Tezcatlipoca,
the Jupiter of the Aztec pantheon, by an attendant dressed in an ocelot
skin, and stands naked with a wooden yoke round the neck before the
deity, to receive sentence. The dead person is given over to the tests
which precede entrance to the abode of the dead, the realm of Mictlan,
and so that he may not have to meet the perils of the journey in a
defenceless condition a sheaf of javelins is bestowed upon him. He
first passes between two lofty peaks, which may fall and crush him if
he cannot skilfully escape them. A terrible serpent then intercepts
his path, and, if he succeeds in defeating this monster, the fierce
alligator Xochitonal awaits him. Eight deserts and a corresponding
number of mountains have then to be negotiated by the hapless spirit,
and a whirlwind sharp as a sword, which cuts even through solid
rocks, must be withstood. Accompanied by the shade of his favourite
dog, the harassed ghost at length encounters the fierce Izpuzteque,
a demon with the backward-bent legs of a cock, the evil Nextepehua,
the fiend who scatters clouds of ashes, and many another grisly foe,
until at last he wins to the gates of the Lord of Hell, before whom
he does reverence, after which he is free to greet his friends who
have gone before.
The Calendar System
As has been said, the calendar system was the source of all Mexican
science, and regulated the recurrence of all religious rites and
festivals. In fact, the entire mechanism of Nahua life was resident in
its provisions. The type of time-division and computation exemplified
in the Nahua calendar was also found among the Maya peoples of Yucatan
and Guatemala and the Zapotec people of the boundary between the
Nahua and Maya races. By which of these races it was first employed
is unknown. But the Zapotec calendar exhibits signs of both Nahua and
Maya influence, and from this it has been inferred that the calendar
systems of these races have been evolved from it. It might with equal
probability be argued that both Nahua and Maya art were offshoots
of Zapotec art, because the characteristics of both are discovered
in it, whereas the circumstance merely illustrates the very natural
acceptance by a border people, who settled down to civilisation at
a relatively later date, of the artistic tenets of the two greater
peoples who environed them. The Nahua and Maya calendars were in all
likelihood evolved from the calendar system of that civilised race
which undoubtedly existed on the Mexican plateau prior to the coming
of the later Nahua swarms, and which in general is loosely alluded
to as the "Toltec."
The Mexican Year
The Mexican year was a cycle of 365 days, without any intercalary
addition or other correction. In course of time it almost lost its
seasonal significance because of the omission of the extra hours
included in the solar year, and furthermore many of its festivals
and occasions were altered by high-priests and rulers to suit their
convenience. The Mexican nexiuhilpililztli (binding of years)
contained fifty-two years, and ran in two separate cycles--one
of fifty-two years of 365 days each, and another of seventy-three
groups of 260 days each. The first was of course the solar year,
and embraced eighteen periods of twenty days each, called "months"
by the old Spanish chroniclers, with five nemontemi (unlucky days)
over and above. These days were not intercalated, but were included
in the year, and merely overflowed the division of the year into
periods of twenty days. The cycle of seventy-three groups of 260 days,
subdivided into groups of thirteen days, was called the "birth-cycle."
Lunar Reckoning
People in a barbarous condition almost invariably reckon time by the
period between the waxing and waning of the moon as distinct from the
entire passage of a lunar revolution, and this period of twenty days
will be found to be the basis in the time-reckoning of the Mexicans,
who designated it cempohualli. Each day included in it was denoted by
a sign, as "house," "snake," "wind," and so forth. Each cempohualli
was subdivided into four periods of five days each, sometimes alluded
to as "weeks" by the early Spanish writers, and these were known by
the sign of their middle or third day. These day-names ran on without
reference to the length of the year. The year itself was designated
by the name of the middle day of the week in which it began. Out
of twenty day-names in the Mexican "month" it was inevitable that
the four calli (house), tochtli (rabbit), acatl (reed), and tecpatl
(flint) should always recur in sequence because of the incidence
of these days in the Mexican solar year. Four years made up a year
of the sun. During the nemontemi (unlucky days) no work was done,
as they were regarded as ominous and unwholesome.
We have seen that the civil year permitted the day-names to run on
continuously from one year to another. The ecclesiastical authorities,
however, had a reckoning of their own, and made the year begin always
on the first day of their calendar, no matter what sign denominated
that day in the civil system.
Groups of Years
As has been indicated, the years were formed into groups. Thirteen
years constituted a xiumalpilli (bundle), and four of these a
nexiuhilpilitztli (complete binding of the years). Each year had thus
a double aspect, first as an individual period of time, and secondly
as a portion of the "year of the sun," and these were so numbered
and named that each year in the series of fifty-two possessed a
different description.
The Dread of the Last Day
With the conclusion of each period of fifty-two years a terrible dread
came upon the Mexicans that the world would come to an end. A stated
period of time had expired, a period which was regarded as fixed by
divine command, and it had been ordained that on the completion of
one of those series of fifty-two years earthly time would cease and
the universe be demolished. For some time before the ceremony of
toxilmolpilia (the binding up of the years) the Mexicans abandoned
themselves to the utmost prostration, and the wicked went about
in terrible fear. As the first day of the fifty-third year dawned
the people narrowly observed the Pleiades, for if they passed the
zenith time would proceed and the world would be respited. The gods
were placated or refreshed by the slaughter of the human victim,
on whose still living breast a fire of wood was kindled by friction,
the heart and body being consumed by the flames so lighted. As the
planets of hope crossed the zenith loud acclamations resounded from
the people, and the domestic hearths, which had been left cold and
dead, were rekindled from the sacred fire which had consumed the
sacrifice. Mankind was safe for another period.
The Birth-Cycle
The birth-cycle, as we have said, consisted of 260 days. It had
originally been a lunar cycle of thirteen days, and once bore the names
of thirteen moons. It formed part of the civil calendar, with which,
however, it had nothing in common, as it was used for ecclesiastical
purposes only. The lunar names were abandoned later, and the numbers
one to thirteen adopted in their places.
Language of the Nahua
The Nahua language represented a very low state of culture. Speech is
the general measure of the standard of thought of a people, and if we
judged the civilisation of the Nahua by theirs, we should be justified
in concluding that they had not yet emerged from barbarism. But we
must recollect that the Nahua of the conquest period had speedily
adopted the older civilisation which they had found awaiting them
on their entrance to Mexico, and had retained their own primitive
tongue. The older and more cultured people who had preceded them
probably spoke a more polished dialect of the same language, but its
influence had evidently but little effect upon the rude Chichimecs
and Aztecs. The Mexican tongue, like most American languages, belongs
to the "incorporative" type, the genius of which is to unite all
the related words in a sentence into one conglomerate term or word,
merging the separate words of which it is composed one into another by
altering their forms, and so welding them together as to express the
whole in one word. It will be at once apparent that such a system was
clumsy in the extreme, and led to the creation of words and names of
the most barbarous appearance and sound. In a narrative of the Spanish
discovery written by Chimalpahin, the native chronicler of Chalco,
born in 1579, we have, for example, such a passage as the following:
Oc chiucnauhxihuitl inic onen quilantimanca España camo niman ic yuh
ca omacoc ihuelitiliztli inic niman ye chiuhcnauhxiuhtica, in oncan
ohualla. This passage is chosen quite at random, and is an average
specimen of literary Mexican of the sixteenth century. Its purport is,
freely translated: "For nine years he [Columbus] remained in vain
in Spain. Yea, for nine years there he waited for influence." The
clumsy and cumbrous nature of the language could scarcely be better
illustrated than by pointing out that chiucnauhxihuitl signifies "nine
years"; quilantimanca, "he below remained"; and omacoc ihuelitiliztli,
"he has got his powerfulness." It must be recollected that this
specimen of Mexican was composed by a person who had had the benefit
of a Spanish education, and is cast in literary form. What the
spoken Mexican of pre-conquest times was like can be contemplated
with misgiving in the grammars of the old Spanish missionaries,
whose greatest glory is that they mastered such a language in the
interests of their faith.
Aztec Science
The science of the Aztecs was, perhaps, one of the most picturesque
sides of their civilisation. As with all peoples in a semi-barbarous
state, it consisted chiefly in astrology and divination. Of the
former the wonderful calendar system was the basis, and by its aid
the priests, or those of them who were set apart for the study of the
heavenly bodies, pretended to be able to tell the future of new-born
infants and the progress of the dead in the other world. This they
accomplished by weighing the influence of the planets and other
luminaries one against another, and extracting the net result. Their
art of divination consisted in drawing omens from the song and flight
of birds, the appearance of grains of seed, feathers, and the entrails
of animals, by which means they confidently predicted both public
and private events.
Nahua Government
The limits of the Aztec Empire may be defined, if its tributary
states are included, as extending over the territory comprised in
the modern states of Mexico, Southern Vera Cruz, and Guerrero. Among
the civilised peoples of this extensive tract the prevailing form of
government was an absolute monarchy, although several of the smaller
communities were republics. The law of succession, as with the Celts
of Scotland, prescribed that the eldest surviving brother of the
deceased monarch should be elected to his throne, and, failing him,
the eldest nephew. But incompetent persons were almost invariably
ignored by the elective body, although the choice was limited to one
family. The ruler was generally selected both because of his military
prowess and his ecclesiastical and political knowledge. Indeed, a
Mexican monarch was nearly always a man of the highest culture and
artistic refinement, and the ill-fated Montezuma was an example of the
true type of Nahua sovereign. The council of the monarch was composed
of the electors and other personages of importance in the realm. It
undertook the government of the provinces, the financial affairs of
the country, and other matters of national import. The nobility held
all the highest military, judicial, and ecclesiastical offices. To
each city and province judges were delegated who exercised criminal
and civil jurisdiction, and whose opinion superseded even that of
the Crown itself. Petty cases were settled by lesser officials, and
a still inferior grade of officers acted as a species of police in
the supervision of families.
Domestic Life
The domestic life of the Nahua was a peculiar admixture of simplicity
and display. The mass of the people led a life of strenuous labour
in the fields, and in the cities they wrought hard at many trades,
among which may be specified building, metal-working, making
robes and other articles of bright featherwork and quilted suits
of armour, jewellery, and small wares. Vendors of flowers, fruit,
fish, and vegetables swarmed in the markets. The use of tobacco was
general among the men of all classes. At banquets the women attended,
although they were seated at separate tables. The entertainments of
the upper class were marked by much magnificence, and the variety
of dishes was considerable, including venison, turkey, many smaller
birds, fish, a profusion of vegetables, and pastry, accompanied
by sauces of delicate flavour. These were served in dishes of
gold and silver. Pulque, a fermented drink brewed from the agave,
was the universal beverage. Cannibalism was indulged in usually on
ceremonial occasions, and was surrounded by such refinements of the
table as served only to render it the more repulsive in the eyes of
Europeans. It has been stated that this revolting practice was engaged
in owing solely to the tenets of the Nahua religion, which enjoined
the slaughter of slaves or captives in the name of a deity, and their
consumption with the idea that the consumers attained unity with
that deity in the flesh. But there is good reason to suspect that the
Nahua, deprived of the flesh of the larger domestic animals, practised
deliberate cannibalism. It would appear that the older race which
preceded them in the country were innocent of these horrible repasts.
A Mysterious Toltec Book
A piece of Nahua literature, the disappearance of which is surrounded
by circumstances of the deepest mystery, is the Teo-Amoxtli (Divine
Book), which is alleged by certain chroniclers to have been the work
of the ancient Toltecs. Ixtlilxochitl, a native Mexican author, states
that it was written by a Tezcucan wise man, one Huematzin, about the
end of the seventh century, and that it described the pilgrimage of
the Nahua from Asia, their laws, manners, and customs, and their
religious tenets, science, and arts. In 1838 the Baron de Waldeck
stated in his Voyage Pittoresque that he had it in his possession,
and the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg identified it with the Maya Dresden
Codex and other native manuscripts. Bustamante also states that the
amamatini (chroniclers) of Tezcuco had a copy in their possession
at the time of the taking of their city. But these appear to be mere
surmises, and if the Teo-Amoxtli ever existed, which on the whole is
not unlikely, it has probably never been seen by a European.
A Native Historian
One of the most interesting of the Mexican historians is Don Fernando
de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, a half-breed of royal Tezcucan descent. He
was responsible for two notable works, entitled Historia Chichimeca
(The History of the Chichimecs) and the Relaciones, a compilation of
historical and semi-historical incidents. He was cursed, or blessed,
however, by a strong leaning toward the marvellous, and has coloured
his narratives so highly that he would have us regard the Toltec or
ancient Nahua civilisations as by far the most splendid and magnificent
that ever existed. His descriptions of Tezcuco, if picturesque in the
extreme, are manifestly the outpourings of a romantic and idealistic
mind, which in its patriotic enthusiasm desired to vindicate the
country of his birth from the stigma of savagery and to prove its
equality with the great nations of antiquity. For this we have not
the heart to quarrel with him. But we must be on our guard against
accepting any of his statements unless we find strong corroboration
of it in the pages of a more trustworthy and less biased author.
Nahua Topography
The geography of Mexico is by no means as familiar to Europeans as
is that of the various countries of our own continent, and it is
extremely easy for the reader who is unacquainted with Mexico and
the puzzling orthography of its place-names to flounder among them,
and during the perusal of such a volume as this to find himself in a
hopeless maze of surmise as to the exact locality of the more famous
centres of Mexican history. A few moments' study of this paragraph
will enlighten him in this respect, and will save him much confusion
further on. He will see from the map (p. 330) that the city of Mexico,
or Tenochtitlan, its native name, was situated upon an island in the
Lake of Tezcuco. This lake has now partially dried up, and the modern
city of Mexico is situated at a considerable distance from it. Tezcuco,
the city second in importance, lies to the north-east of the lake, and
is somewhat more isolated, the other pueblos (towns) clustering round
the southern or western shores. To the north of Tezcuco is Teotihuacan,
the sacred city of the gods. To the south-east of Mexico is Tlaxcallan,
or Tlascala, the city which assisted Cortés against the Mexicans, and
the inhabitants of which were the deadliest foes of the central Nahua
power. To the north lie the sacred city of Cholula and Tula, or Tollan.
Distribution of the Nahua Tribes
Having become acquainted with the relative position of the Nahua
cities, we may now consult for a moment the map which exhibits the
geographical distribution of the various Nahua tribes, and which is
self-explanatory (p. 331).
Nahua History
A brief historical sketch or epitome of what is known of Nahua history
as apart from mere tradition will further assist the reader in the
comprehension of Mexican mythology. From the period of the settlement
of the Nahua on an agricultural basis a system of feudal government had
evolved, and at various epochs in the history of the country certain
cities or groups of cities held a paramount sway. Subsequent to the
"Toltec" period, which we have already described and discussed, we
find the Acolhuans in supreme power, and ruling from their cities
of Tollantzinco and Cholula a considerable tract of country. Later
Cholula maintained an alliance with Tlascala and Huexotzinco.
Bloodless Battles
The maxim "Other climes, other manners" is nowhere better exemplified
than by the curious annual strife betwixt the warriors of Mexico and
Tlascala. Once a year they met on a prearranged battle-ground and
engaged in combat, not with the intention of killing one another,
but with the object of taking prisoners for sacrifice on the altars
of their respective war-gods. The warrior seized his opponent and
attempted to bear him off, the various groups pulling and tugging
desperately at each other in the endeavour to seize the limbs of
the unfortunate who had been first struck down, with the object of
dragging him into durance or effecting his rescue. Once secured, the
Tlascaltec warrior was brought to Mexico in a cage, and first placed
upon a stone slab, to which one of his feet was secured by a chain
or thong. He was then given light weapons, more like playthings than
warrior's gear, and confronted by one of the most celebrated Mexican
warriors. Should he succeed in defeating six of these formidable
antagonists, he was set free. But no sooner was he wounded than he
was hurried to the altar of sacrifice, and his heart was torn out
and offered to Huitzilopochtli, the implacable god of war.
The Tlascaltecs, having finally secured their position by a defeat of
the Tecpanecs of Huexotzinco about A.D. 1384, sank into comparative
obscurity save for their annual bout with the Mexicans.
The Lake Cities
The communities grouped round the various lakes in the valley of Mexico
now command our attention. More than two score of these thriving
communities flourished at the time of the conquest of Mexico,
the most notable being those which occupied the borders of the
Lake of Tezcuco. These cities grouped themselves round two nuclei,
Azcapozalco and Tezcuco, between whom a fierce rivalry sprang up,
which finally ended in the entire discomfiture or Azcapozalco. From
this event the real history of Mexico may be said to commence. Those
cities which had allied themselves to Tezcuco finally overran the
entire territory of Mexico from the Mexican Gulf to the Pacific.
Tezcuco
If, as some authorities declare, Tezcuco was originally Otomi in
affinity, it was in later years the most typically Nahuan of all the
lacustrine powers. But several other communities, the power of which
was very nearly as great as that of Tezcuco, had assisted that city to
supremacy. Among these was Xaltocan, a city-state of unquestionable
Otomi origin, situated at the northern extremity of the lake. As we
have seen from the statements of Ixtlilxochitl, a Tezcucan writer, his
native city was in the forefront of Nahua civilisation at the time of
the coming of the Spaniards, and if it was practically subservient to
Mexico (Tenochtitlan) at that period it was by no means its inferior
in the arts.
The Tecpanecs
The Tecpanecs, who dwelt in Tlacopan, Coyohuacan, and Huitzilopocho,
were also typical Nahua. The name, as we have already explained,
indicates that each settlement possessed its own tecpan (chief's
house), and has no racial significance. Their state was probably
founded about the twelfth century, although a chronology of no less
than fifteen hundred years was claimed for it. This people composed
a sort of buffer-state betwixt the Otomi on the north and other Nahua
on the south.
The Aztecs
The menace of these northern Otomi had become acute when the Tecpanecs
received reinforcements in the shape of the Aztecâ, or Aztecs, a
people of Nahua blood, who came, according to their own accounts,
from Aztlan (Crane Land). The name Aztecâ signifies "Crane People,"
and this has led to the assumption that they came from Chihuahua,
where cranes abound. Doubts have been cast upon the Nahua origin of
the Aztecâ. But these are by no means well founded, as the names of
the early Aztec chieftains and kings are unquestionably Nahuan. This
people on their arrival in Mexico were in a very inferior state of
culture, and were probably little better than savages. We have already
outlined some of the legends concerning the coming of the Aztecs to
the land of Anahuac, or the valley of Mexico, but their true origin
is uncertain, and it is likely that they wandered down from the north
as other Nahua immigrants did before them, and as the Apache Indians
still do to this day. By their own showing they had sojourned at
several points en route, and were reduced to slavery by the chiefs
of Colhuacan. They proved so truculent in their bondage, however,
that they were released, and journeyed to Chapoultepec, which they
quitted because of their dissensions with the Xaltocanecs. On their
arrival in the district inhabited by the Tecpanecs a tribute was levied
upon them, but nevertheless they flourished so exceedingly that the
swamp villages which the Tecpanecs had permitted them to raise on the
borders of the lake soon grew into thriving communities, and chiefs
were provided for them from among the nobility of the Tecpanecs.
The Aztecs as Allies
By the aid of the Aztecs the Tecpanecs greatly extended their
territorial possessions. City after city was added to their empire,
and the allies finally invaded the Otomi country, which they speedily
subdued. Those cities which had been founded by the Acolhuans on the
fringes of Tezcuco also allied themselves with the Tecpanecs with
the intention of freeing themselves from the yoke of the Chichimecs,
whose hand was heavy upon them. The Chichimecs or Tezcucans made a
stern resistance, and for a time the sovereignty of the Tecpanecs
hung in the balance. But eventually they conquered, and Tezcuco was
overthrown and given as a spoil to the Aztecs.
New Powers
Up to this time the Aztecs had paid a tribute to Azcapozalco, but now,
strengthened by the successes of the late conflict, they withheld it,
and requested permission to build an aqueduct from the shore for the
purpose of carrying a supply of water into their city. This was refused
by the Tecpanecs, and a policy of isolation was brought to bear upon
Mexico, an embargo being placed upon its goods and intercourse with
its people being forbidden. War followed, in which the Tecpanecs
were defeated with great slaughter. After this event, which may
be placed about the year 1428, the Aztecs gained ground rapidly,
and their march to the supremacy of the entire Mexican valley was
almost undisputed. Allying themselves with Tezcuco and Tlacopan,
the Mexicans overran many states far beyond the confines of the
valley, and by the time of Montezuma I had extended their boundaries
almost to the limits of the present republic. The Mexican merchant
followed in the footsteps of the Mexican warrior, and the commercial
expansion of the Aztecs rivalled their military fame. Clever traders,
they were merciless in their exactions of tribute from the states
they conquered, manufacturing the raw material paid to them by
the subject cities into goods which they afterwards sold again to
the tribes under their sway. Mexico became the chief market of the
empire, as well as its political nucleus. Such was the condition
of affairs when the Spaniards arrived in Anahuac. Their coming has
been deplored by certain historians as hastening the destruction of
a Western Eden. But bad as was their rule, it was probably mild when
compared with the cruel and insatiable sway of the Aztecs over their
unhappy dependents. The Spaniards found a tyrannical despotism in
the conquered provinces, and a faith the accessories of which were
so fiendish that it cast a gloom over the entire national life. These
they replaced by a milder vassalage and the earnest ministrations of
a more enlightened priesthood.