Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy was a young Presbyterian minister, a native
of Maine, who soon after his graduation from college settled in the
city of St. Louis, first as a school-teacher, then as a preacher,
and lastly as the editor of a religious paper. In all these offices
he had commended himself to the respect and affectionate regards of
a large circle of friends. He conducted his paper to very general
acceptance, until he became an Abolitionist. An awful, a diabolical
deed perpetrated in or near St. Louis, compelled him to look after the
evil influences which could have prepared any individuals to be guilty
of such an atrocity, and the community in which it was done to tolerate
it.
Some time in the latter part of 1836, or the beginning of 1837, a
slave was accused of a heinous crime (not worse, however, than many
white men had been guilty of). He was tried by a Lynch Court, over
which a man most appropriately named Judge Lawless presided. He was
found guilty, sentenced _to be burned alive_, and actually suffered
that horrid death at the hands of American citizens, some of whom
were called “most respectable.” Mr. Lovejoy faithfully denounced
the horrible outrage as belonging to the Dark Ages and a community
of savages, and thenceforward devoted a portion of his paper to the
exposure of the sinfulness and demoralizing influence of slaveholding.
This was not long endured. His printing-office was broken up, his press
destroyed, and he was driven out of the State of Missouri. He removed
about twenty miles up the Mississippi River to Alton, Illinois, and
there commenced the publication of a similar paper, called the _Alton
Observer_. But though in a nominally free State, he was not beyond the
power of the slaveholders. The people of that town, obsequious to the
will and tainted with the spirit of their Southern and Southwestern
neighbors, soon followed the example of the Missourians, demolished his
printing-office and threw his press into the river.
Mr. Lovejoy was a man whose determination to withstand oppression was
a high moral principle rather than a resentful passion. He therefore
set about, with calm resolution, to re-establish his office and his
paper. In this he was encouraged and assisted by the sympathy and the
contributions of some of the best people in Alton, St. Louis, and that
region of country. But he had issued only one or two numbers of his
_Observer_, before the ruffians again fell upon his establishment and
destroyed it.
This second violation of his rights, in a State professedly free,
brought him and his patrons to feel that they were indeed “set for the
defence” of the liberty of the press. They appealed in deeper tones of
earnest remonstrance and solemn warning to their fellow-citizens, to
their countrymen, to all who appreciated the value of our political
institutions, to help them re-establish and maintain their desecrated
press. They called a convention of the people to consider the disgrace
that had been brought upon their town and State, and to awaken a
public sentiment that would overbear the minions of the slaveholding
oligarchy, which was assuming to rule our nation. Dr. Edward Beecher,
of Jacksonville, came to Alton and spoke with wisdom and power in
defence of the _Alton Observer_, and its devoted editor.
Mr. Lovejoy gave notice that he felt it to be a momentous duty
incumbent on him, there to vindicate the precious right which had been
so ruthlessly outraged in his person and property. He gave notice that
he had taken measures to procure another printing-press and materials
for the publication of his paper. He hoped the violent men, who had
twice broken up his office, would see their fearful mistake and molest
him no more. He trusted the good people of Alton and the officials of
their city would see to it that he should be protected, if the spirit
of outrage should again appear in their midst.
Many of the good people of the place gathered about him with assurances
of help, if needed. A Mr. Gilman, by all acknowledged to be one of the
very best men in the community, readily consented to receive the press
into his store for safe-keeping, and many other gentlemen agreed to
come there to defend it, if any attempt to take it away should be made.
As the day drew near on which the press was to arrive, alarming threats
were heard about the city, and evidences of preparation for another
deed of violence were too plain to be mistaken. Mr. Gilman called
upon the Mayor for protection,--to appoint a special police for the
occasion, or to have an armed force in readiness, if the emergency
should require their interposition. That official informed him that he
had no military at his service, and did not feel authorized to appoint
a special police. Then Mr. Gilman craved to know if the Mayor would
authorize him to collect an armed force to protect his property if it
should be assaulted. The Mayor gave him to understand that he would be
justified in so doing.
The boat arrived in the night of the 6th of November, and the press was
safely deposited in Messrs. Godfrey & Gilman’s store. The next evening
a mob assembled with the declared purpose of destroying the press or
the building that contained it, in which were goods valued at more than
$100,000. Mr. Gilman went out and calmly remonstrated with the mob. He
assured them that it was his determination, as it was his right, to
defend his own property and that of another, which had been committed
to him for safe-keeping, and that he was prepared so to do; that there
were a considerable number of loaded muskets in his store and resolute
men there to use them. He had no wish to harm any one, and besought
them to refrain from their threatened assault, which would certainly
be repulsed. They heeded him not, but reiterated their cries for the
onset. It was agreed between himself, Mr. Lovejoy, and their helpers
that they would forbear until there could be no longer any doubt of
the fell purpose of the assailants. The suspense was brief. Stones and
other heavy missiles were thrown against the building and through the
windows. These were quickly followed by bullets. At this several of
the besieged party fired upon the mob, killing one man and wounding
another. After a temporary retreat, the madmen returned bringing
materials with which to fire the store. A ladder was raised and a torch
applied to the roof. Mr. Lovejoy came out and aimed his musket at the
incendiary. So soon as he was recognized he was fired upon and fell,
his bosom pierced by five bullets.
Mr. Garrison and most of the oldest Abolitionists regretted that Mr.
Lovejoy and his friends had resorted to deadly weapons. If he was
to fall in our righteous cause we wished that he had chosen to fall
an unresisting martyr. From the beginning we had determined not to
harm our foes. And though we had been insulted, buffeted, starved,
imprisoned, our houses sacked, our property destroyed, our buildings
burnt, not the life of one of our number had hitherto been lost. But we
doubted not that our devoted brother had been governed by his highest
sense of right. He had acted in accordance with the accepted morality
of the Christian world, and in the spirit of our Revolutionary fathers.
A sensation of horror at the murder of that amiable and excellent young
man thrilled the hearts of all the people that were not steeped in the
insensibility to the rights of humanity which slaveholding produces.
The 7th of November, 1837, was fixed in the calendar as one of the days
never to be forgotten in our country, nor remembered but with shame.
The American Antislavery Society, the Massachusetts, and other kindred
societies took especial and very appropriate notice of the dreadful
outrage, and renewed their solemn pledges to labor all the more
assiduously, for the utter extermination of that system of iniquity in
the land, which could be upheld only at the expense of our freedom of
speech and the liberty of the press.
Rev. Dr. Channing and many more of the prominent citizens of Boston
were moved to call a public meeting in their “Old Cradle of Liberty,”
without distinction of sect or party, there to express the alarm and
horror which were felt at the outrage on civil liberty, and the murder
of a Christian minister, for attempting to maintain his constitutional
and inalienable rights. Accordingly, the Doctor and a hundred other
gentlemen made an application to the Mayor and Aldermen of the city for
permission to occupy Faneuil Hall for that purpose. Their application
was rejected as follows:--
“City of Boston. In Board of Aldermen, November 29, 1837: On the
petition of William E. Channing and others, for the use of Faneuil
Hall on the evening of Monday, the 4th of December,
“_Resolved_, That in the opinion of this Board, it is inexpedient
to grant the prayer of said petition, for the reason that
resolutions and votes passed by a public meeting in Faneuil Hall
are often considered, in other places, as the expression of public
opinion in this city; but it is believed by the Board that the
resolutions which would be likely to be sanctioned by the signers
of this petition on this occasion ought not to be regarded as the
public voice of this city.”
This extraordinary conduct of the city authorities kindled a fire
of indignation throughout the city and the Commonwealth, that sent
forth burning words of surprise and censure. Dr. Channing addressed
an eloquent and impressive “letter to the citizens of Boston,” that
produced the intended effect. It was widely circulated, and everywhere
read with deep emotion. A public meeting was called by gentlemen who
were not Abolitionists, to be held in the old Supreme Court Room,
“to take into consideration the reasons assigned by the Mayor and
Aldermen for withholding the use of Faneuil Hall, and to act in the
premises as may be deemed expedient.” A large concourse of citizens
assembled. George Bond, Esq., was chosen chairman, and B. F. Hallett,
Secretary. Dr. Channing’s letter was read, and then a series of
resolutions, “drawn up with consummate ability and strikingly adapted
to the occasion,” were offered by Mr. Hallett, and after an animated
discussion were unanimously adopted. A committee of two from each ward
was appointed to renew the application (precisely in the words of the
former one) for the use of Faneuil Hall, and to obtain signatures to
the same. This request was not to be denied. The Mayor and Aldermen
yielded to the pressure.
On the 8th of December the doors of Faneuil Hall were thrown open, and
as many people as could find a place pressed in. Hon. Jonathan Phillips
was called to the chair, and made some excellent introductory remarks.
Dr. Channing then made an eloquent and impressive address, after
which B. F. Hallett, Esq., read the resolutions which Dr. Channing
had drawn up. These were seconded by George S. Hillard, Esq., in a
very able speech. Then arose James T. Austin, the Attorney-General,
and made a speech in the highest degree inflammatory and mobocratic.
He declared that “Lovejoy died as the fool dieth.” He justified the
riotous procedure of the Altonians, and compared them to “the patriotic
Tea-Party of the Revolution.” What he said of the slaves was really
atrocious. Hear him!
“We have a menagerie in our city with lions, tigers, hyenas, an
elephant, a jackass or two, and monkeys in plenty. Suppose, now, some
new cosmopolite, some man of philanthropic feelings, not only towards
men but animals, who believes that all are entitled to freedom as an
inalienable right, should engage in the humane task of giving liberty
to these wild beasts of the forest, some of whom are nobler than
their keepers, or, having discovered some new mode to reach their
understandings, should try to induce them _to break their cages and
be free_? The people of Missouri had as much reason to be afraid of
their _slaves_ as we should have to be afraid of the wild beasts of
the menagerie. They had the same dread of Lovejoy that we should have
of this supposed instigator, if we really believed the bars would be
broken and the caravan let loose to prowl about our streets.”
Though this was the most disgusting passage in Mr. Austin’s speech,
nearly all of it was offensive to every true American heart, and some
parts were really impious. He likened the Alton and St. Louis rioters
to the men who inspired and led our Revolution. He infused so much of
his riotous spirit into a portion of his audience that at the close of
his speech they attempted to break up the meeting in an uproar. Happily
for the reputation of Boston, there were present a preponderance of
the moral _élite_ of the city. So soon as the disorder had subsided,
a young man, then unknown to most of his fellow-citizens, took the
platform, and soon arrested and then riveted the attention of the
vast assembly to a reply to the Attorney-General that was “sublime,
irresistible, annihilating.” I wish there were room in these columns
for the whole of it. I can give you but a brief passage.
“Mr. Chairman, when I heard the gentleman lay down principles which
placed the rioters, incendiaries, and murderers of Alton side by
side with Otis and Hancock, with Quincy and Adams, I thought those
pictured lips [pointing to the portraits in the hall] would have
broken into voice to rebuke the recreant American, the slanderer of
the dead. [Great applause and counter-applause.] Sir, the gentleman
said that he should sink into insignificance if he dared not to gainsay
the principles of the resolutions before this meeting. Sir, for the
sentiments he has uttered on soil consecrated by the prayers of
Puritans and the blood of patriots, the earth should have yawned and
swallowed him up!”
I need only tell my readers that this was the _début_ of our Wendell
Phillips, who has since become the leading orator of our nation, and
the dauntless champion of our enslaved, down-trodden countrymen. He
was then just established in the practice of law in Boston, with the
most brilliant prospect of success in his profession. No young man
would have risen so soon as he, or to so great a height as an advocate
at the bar and a speaker in the forum, if he had pursued his course as
a lawyer and a politician. But, blessed be the God of the oppressed,
the cry of the millions, to whom in our Republic every right of
humanity was denied, entered into his bosom. He espoused their cause
with no hope of fee or reward, but that best of all compensations, the
consciousness of having relieved suffering, and maintained great moral
and political principles, and throughout the thirty-two years that
have since passed away, he has consecrated his brilliant powers to the
service of the enslaved with an assiduity and effect of which our whole
nation has been the admiring witness.
Another young man, to whom we owe scarcely less than to Mr. Phillips,
was brought into our ranks and impelled to take upon himself the odium
of an Abolitionist by the awful catastrophe at Alton,--a young man
bearing a name illustrious in the history of our country, and still
highly honored in our State and nation. I allude to Edmund Quincy, a
son of Hon. Josiah Quincy, who, having filled almost every other office
in the gift of the people, was then President of Harvard College, and
grandson of Josiah Quincy, Jr., one of the leading spirits of the
American Revolution.
From the beginning of our antislavery efforts Mr. Edmund Quincy had
been deeply interested in our undertaking. But, like very many others,
he distrusted the wisdom of some of our measures, and especially the
terrible severity of Mr. Garrison’s condemnation of slaveholders.
The outrages perpetrated upon Mr. Lovejoy and the liberty of the press
at St. Louis and Alton dispelled all doubt of the unparalleled iniquity
of holding human beings in the condition of domesticated brutes, and
of the sinfulness of all who consent thereto. He has since been one of
the towers of our strength; has presided, often with signal ability, at
our meetings in the most troublous times, and occasionally spoken with
force and marked effect. But he has rendered us especial services by
his able pen. His contributions to _The Antislavery Standard_ and _The
Liberator_ have been numerous and invaluable. His style has been as
vigorous and penetrating as that of Junius, and his satire sometimes as
keen. Thus have the attempts of slaveholders and their minions to crush
the spirit of liberty served rather to bring to her standard the ablest
defenders.