Produced by A. Light. HTML version by Al Haines.
America
Through the Spectacles of an Oriental Diplomat
[Note on text: Italicized sections are capitalized. A few obvious
errors have been corrected. Some footnotes have been added, and are
clearly marked.]
Introduction:
While this book is by no means famous, it is a remarkable chance to
look at America of 1914 through the eyes of an outsider. Wu Tingfang
shows evidence of having thought through many issues of relevance to
the United States, and while some of his thoughts are rather odd--such
as his suggestion that the title of President be replaced by the title
of Emperor; and others are unfortunately wrong--such as his hopes for
peace, written on the eve of the First World War; they are all
well-considered and sometimes show remarkable insight into American
culture.
Even so, it should be remarked that he makes some errors, including
some misunderstandings of American and Western ideas and an
idealization of Chinese culture, and humanity in general, in some
points--while I do not wish to refute his claims about China, I would
simply point out that many of the things he praises have been seen
differently by many outside observers, just as Wu Tingfang sometimes
looks critically at things in America which he does not fully
understand (and, unfortunately, he is sometimes all too correct)--in
all these cases (on both sides) some leeway must be given to account
for mutual misunderstandings. Still, his observations allow us to see
ourselves as others see us--and regardless of accuracy those
observations are useful, if only because they will allow us to better
communicate.
The range of topics covered is also of particular interest. Wu
Tingfang wrote this book at an interesting juncture in
history--airplanes and motion pictures had recently been invented, (and
his expectations for both these inventions have proven correct), and
while he did not know it, a tremendous cultural shift was about to take
place in the West due to the First World War and other factors. I will
leave it to the reader to see which ideas have caught on and which have
not. The topics include:
Immigration; the Arms Race and changes in technology;
one-time six year terms for the office of President;
religion and/or ethics in the classroom; women's equality;
fashion; violence in the theatre (violence on television);
vegetarianism; and, cruelty to animals.
I will also note that a few passages seem satiric in nature, though I
am not certain that it isn't merely a clash of cultures.
Alan R. Light. Birmingham, Alabama. May, 1996.
AMERICA
Through the Spectacles of an Oriental Diplomat
by Wu Tingfang, LL.D.
Late Chinese Minister to the United States of America, Spain, Peru,
Mexico and Cuba; recently Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister
of Justice for the Provincial Government of the Republic of China, etc.
Preface
Of all nations in the world, America is the most interesting to the
Chinese. A handful of people left England to explore this country:
gradually their number increased, and, in course of time, emigrants
from other lands swelled the population. They were governed by
officials from the home of the first settlers, but when it appeared to
them that they were being treated unjustly, they rebelled and declared
war against their rulers, the strongest nation on the face of the
earth. After seven years of strenuous, perilous, and bloody warfare,
during which thousands of lives were sacrificed on both sides, the
younger race shook off the yoke of the older, and England was compelled
to recognize the independence of the American States. Since then, in
the comparatively short space of one hundred and thirty years, those
revolutionists and their descendants, have not only made the
commonwealth the richest in the world, but have founded a nation whose
word now carries weight with all the other great powers.
The territory at first occupied was not larger than one or two
provinces of China, but by purchase, and in other ways, the
commonwealth has gradually grown till now it extends from the Atlantic
to the Pacific Ocean, from the north where ice is perpetual to the
south where the sun is as hot as in equatorial Singapore. This young
republic has already produced many men and women who are distinguished
in the fields of literature, science, art and invention. There hosts
of men, who in their youth were as poor as church mice, have, by dint
of perseverance and business capacity, become multi-millionaires.
There you may see the richest man in the world living a simple and
abstemious life, without pomp and ostentation, daily walking in the
streets unattended even by a servant. Many of them have so much money
that they do not know what to do with it. Many foreign counts, dukes,
and even princes have been captured by their wealthy and handsome
daughters, some of whom have borne sons who have become high officers
of state in foreign lands. There you find rich people who devote their
time and wealth to charitable works, sometimes endowing libraries not
only in their own land, but all over the world; there you will find
lynching tolerated, or impossible of prevention; there one man may kill
another, and by the wonderful process of law escape the extreme penalty
of death; there you meet the people who are most favorably disposed
toward the maintenance of peace, and who hold conferences and
conventions with that object in view almost every year; there an
American multi-millionaire devotes a great proportion of his time to
the propaganda of peace, and at his own expense has built in a foreign
country a palatial building to be used as a tribunal of peace.[1] Yet
these people have waged war on behalf of other nationalities who they
thought were being unjustly treated and when victorious they have not
held on to the fruits of their victory without paying a reasonable
price.[2] There the inhabitants are, as a rule, extremely patriotic,
and in a recent foreign war many gave up their businesses and
professions and volunteered for service in the army; one of her richest
sons enlisted and equipped a whole regiment at his own expense, and
took command of it. In that country all the citizens are heirs
apparent to the throne, called the White House. A man may become the
chief ruler for a few years, but after leaving the White House he
reverts to private citizenship; if he is a lawyer he may practise and
appear before a judge, whom he appointed while he was president. There
a woman may become a lawyer and plead a case before a court of justice
on behalf of a male client; there freedom of speech and criticism are
allowed to the extreme limit, and people are liable to be annoyed by
slanders and libels without much chance of obtaining satisfaction;
there you will see women wearing "Merry Widow" hats who are not widows
but spinsters, or married women whose husbands are very much alive, and
the hats in many cases are as large as three feet in diameter;[3] there
you may travel by rail most comfortably on palace cars, and at night
you may sleep on Pullman cars, to find in the morning that a young lady
has been sleeping in the berth above your bed. The people are most
ingenious in that they can float a company and water the stock without
using a drop of fluid; there are bears and bulls in the Stock Exchange,
but you do not see these animals fight, although they roar and yell
loudly enough. It is certainly a most extraordinary country. The
people are wonderful and are most interesting and instructive to the
Chinese.
Such a race should certainly be very interesting to study. During my
two missions to America where I resided nearly eight years, repeated
requests were made that I should write my observations and impressions
of America. I did not feel justified in doing so for several reasons:
first, I could not find time for such a task amidst my official duties;
secondly, although I had been travelling through many sections of the
country, and had come in contact officially and socially with many
classes of people, still there might be some features of the country
and some traits of the people which had escaped my attention; and
thirdly, though I had seen much in America to arouse my admiration, I
felt that here and there, there was room for improvement, and to be
compelled to criticize people who had been generous, courteous, and
kind was something I did not wish to do. In answer to my scruples I
was told that I was not expected to write about America in a partial or
unfair manner, but to state impressions of the land just as I had found
it. A lady friend, for whose opinion I have the highest respect, said
in effect, "We want you to write about our country and to speak of our
people in an impartial and candid way; we do not want you to bestow
praise where it is undeserved; and when you find anything deserving of
criticism or condemnation you should not hesitate to mention it, for we
like our faults to be pointed out that we may reform." I admit the
soundness of my friend's argument. It shows the broad-mindedness and
magnanimity of the American people. In writing the following pages I
have uniformly followed the principles laid down by my American lady
friend. I have not scrupled to frankly and freely express my views,
but I hope not in any carping spirit; and I trust American readers will
forgive me if they find some opinions they cannot endorse. I assure
them they were not formed hastily or unkindly. Indeed, I should not be
a sincere friend were I to picture their country as a perfect paradise,
or were I to gloss over what seem to me to be their defects.
[1] This magnificent building at The Hague, which is aptly called the
Palace of Peace, was formally opened on the 28th of August, 1913, in
the presence of Queen Wilhelmina, Mr. Carnegie (the founder) and a
large assembly of foreign representatives.
[2] I refer to the Spanish-American War. Have captured the Philippine
Islands, the United States paid $20,000,000, gold, for it to the
Spanish Government.
[3] This was several years ago. Fashions change every year. The
present type is equally ludicrous.
Contents
Preface
Chapter 1. The Importance of Names
Chapter 2. American Prosperity
Chapter 3. American Government
Chapter 4. America and China
Chapter 5. American Education
Chapter 6. American Business Methods
Chapter 7. American Freedom and Equality
Chapter 8. American Manners
Chapter 9. American Women
Chapter 10. American Costumes
Chapter 11. American versus Chinese Civilization
Chapter 12. American versus Chinese Civilization (Continued)
Chapter 13. Dinners, Banquets, Etc.
Chapter 14. Theaters
Chapter 15. Opera and Musical Entertainments
Chapter 16. Conjuring and Circuses
Chapter 17. Sports
AMERICA
Through the Spectacles of an Oriental Diplomat
Chapter 1. The Importance of Names
"What's in a name? That which we call a rose
By any other name would smell as sweet."
Notwithstanding these lines, I maintain that the selection of names is
important. They should always be carefully chosen. They are apt to
influence friendships or to excite prejudices according to their
significance. We Chinese are very particular in this matter. When a
son is born the father or the grandfather chooses a name for the infant
boy which, according to his horoscope, is likely to insure him success,
or a name is selected which indicates the wish of the family for the
new-born child. Hence such names as "happiness", "prosperity",
"longevity", "success", and others, with like propitious import, are
common in China. With regard to girls their names are generally
selected from flowers, fruits, or trees. Particular care is taken not
to use a name which has a bad meaning. In Washington I once met a man
in an elevator whose name was "Coffin". Was I to be blamed for
wondering if the elevator would be my coffin? On another occasion I
met a man whose name was "Death", and as soon as I heard his name I
felt inclined to run away, for I did not wish to die. I am not
superstitious. I have frequently taken dinner with thirteen persons at
the table, and I do not hesitate to start on a journey on a Friday. I
often do things which would not be done by superstitious persons in
China. But to meet a man calling himself "Coffin" or "Death" was too
much for me, and with all my disbelief in superstition I could not help
showing some repugnance to those who bore such names.
Equally important, if not more so, is the selection of a name for a
state or a nation. When the several states of America became
independent they called themselves the "United States of America"--a
very happy idea. The Union was originally composed of thirteen states,
covering about 300,000 square miles; it is now composed of forty-eight
states and three territories, which in area amount to 3,571,492 square
miles, practically as large in extent as China, the oldest nation in
the world. It should be noted that the name is most comprehensive: it
might comprise the entire continent of North and South America. It is
safe to say that the founders of the nation did not choose such a name
without consideration, and doubtless the designation "United States of
America" conceals a deep motive. I once asked a gentleman who said he
was an American whether he had come from South or North America, or
whether he was a Mexican, a Peruvian or a native of any of the
countries in Central America? He replied with emphasis that he was an
American citizen of the United States. I said it might be the United
States of Mexico, or Argentina, or other United States, but he answered
that when he called himself a citizen it could not mean any other than
that of the United States of America. I have asked many other
Americans similar questions and they all have given me replies in the
same way. We Chinese call our nation "The Middle Kingdom"; it was
supposed to be in the center of the earth. I give credit to the
founders of the United States for a better knowledge of geography than
that possessed by my countrymen of ancient times and do not assume that
the newly formed nation was supposed to comprise the whole continent of
North and South America, yet the name chosen is so comprehensive as to
lead one naturally to suspect that it was intended to include the
entire continent. However, from my observation of their national
conduct, I believe their purpose was just and humane; it was to set a
noble example to the sister nations in the Western Hemisphere, and to
knit more closely all the nations on that continent through the bonds
of mutual justice, goodwill and friendship. The American nation is,
indeed, itself a pleasing and unique example of the principle of
democracy. Its government is ideal, with a liberal constitution, which
in effect declares that all men are created equal, and that the
government is "of the people, for the people, and by the people."
Anyone with ordinary intelligence and with open eyes, who should visit
any city, town or village in America, could not but be impressed with
the orderly and unostentatious way in which it is governed by the local
authorities, or help being struck by the plain and democratic character
of the people. Even in the elementary schools, democracy is taught and
practised. I remember visiting a public school for children in
Philadelphia, which I shall never forget. There were about three or
four hundred children, boys and girls, between seven and fourteen years
of age. They elected one of their students as mayor, another as judge,
another as police commissioner, and in fact they elected for the
control of their school community almost all the officials who usually
govern a city. There were a few Chinese children among the students,
and one of them was pointed out to me as the police superintendent.
This not only eloquently spoke of his popularity, but showed goodwill
and harmony among the several hundred children, and the entire absence
of race feeling. The principals and teachers told me that they had no
difficulty whatever with the students. If one of them did anything
wrong, which was not often, he would be taken by the student policeman
before the judge, who would try the case, and decide it on its merits,
and punish or discharge his fellow student as justice demanded. I was
assured by the school authorities that this system of self-government
worked admirably; it not only relieved the teachers of the burden of
constantly looking after the several hundred pupils, but each of them
felt a moral responsibility to behave well, for the sake of preserving
the peace and good name of the school. Thus early imbued with the idea
of self-government, and entrusted with the responsibilities of its
administration, these children when grown up, take a deep interest in
federal and municipal affairs, and, when elected for office, invariably
perform their duties efficiently and with credit to themselves.
It cannot be disputed that the United States with its democratic system
of government has exercised a great influence over the states and
nations in Central and South America. The following data showing the
different nations of America, with the dates at which they turned their
respective governments from Monarchies into Republics, all subsequent
to the independence of the United States, are very significant.
Mexico became a Republic in 1823, Honduras in 1839, Salvador in 1839,
Nicaragua in 1821, Costa Rica in 1821, Panama in 1903, Colombia in
1819, Venezuela in 1830, Ecuador in 1810, Brazil in 1889, Peru in 1821,
Bolivia in 1825, Paraguay in 1811, Chile in 1810, Argentina in 1824,
and Uruguay in 1828.
These Republics have been closely modelled upon the republican form of
government of the United States; thus, nearly all the nations or states
on the continent of America have become Republics. Canada still
belongs to Great Britain. The fair and generous policy pursued by the
Imperial Government of Great Britain accounts for the Canadians'
satisfaction with their political position, and for the fact that they
do not wish a change. It must be noted, however, that a section of the
American people would like to see Canada incorporated with the United
States. I remember that at a public meeting held in Washington, at
which Sir Wilfrid Laurier, then Premier of Canada, was present, an
eminent judge of the Federal Supreme Court jocularly expressed a wish
that Canada should be annexed to the United States. Later, Mr. Champ
Clark, a leader of the Democratic party in the House of
Representatives, addressed the House urging the annexation of Canada.
Even if these statements are not taken seriously they at least show the
feelings of some people, and he would be a bold man who would prophesy
the political status of Canada in the future. There is, however, no
present indication of any change being desired by the Canadians, and it
may be safely presumed that the existing conditions will continue for
many years to come. This is not to be wondered at, for Canada though
nominally a British colony practically enjoys almost all the privileges
of an independent state. She possesses a constitution similar to that
of the United Kingdom, with a parliament of two houses, called the
"Senate", and the "House of Commons". The Sovereign of Great Britain
appoints only the Governor General who acts in his name, but the
Dominion is governed by a responsible Ministry, and all domestic
affairs are managed by local officials, without interference from the
Home Government. Canadians enjoy as many rights as the inhabitants of
England, with the additional advantage that they do not have to bear
the burden of maintaining an army and navy. Some years ago, if I
remember rightly, in consequence of some agitation or discussion for
independence, the late Lord Derby, then Secretary of State for the
Colonies, stated that if the Canadians really wished for independence,
the Home Government would not oppose, but that they should consider if
they would gain anything by the change, seeing that they already had
self-government, enjoyed all the benefits of a free people, and that
the only right the Home Government reserved was the appointment of the
Governor-General, although it assumed the responsibility of protecting
every inch of their territory from encroachment. Since this sensible
advice from the Colonial Secretary, I have heard nothing more of the
agitation for independence.
From a commercial point of view, and for the welfare of the people,
there is not much to choose to-day between a Limited Monarchy and a
Republic. Let us, for instance, compare England with the United
States. The people of England are as free and independent as the
people of the United States, and though subjects, they enjoy as much
freedom as Americans. There are, however, some advantages in favor of
a Republic. Americans until recently paid their President a salary of
only $50,000 a year; it is now $75,000 with an additional allowance of
$25,000 for travelling expenses. This is small indeed compared with
the Civil List of the King or Emperor of any great nation. There are
more chances in a Republic for ambitious men to distinguish themselves;
for instance, a citizen can become a president, and practically assume
the functions of a king or an emperor. In fact the President of the
United States appoints his own cabinet officials, ambassadors,
ministers, etc. It is generally stated that every new president has
the privilege of making more than ten thousand appointments. With
regard to the administration and executive functions he has in practice
more power than is usually exercised by a king or an emperor of a
Constitutional Monarchy. On the other hand, in some matters, the
executive of a Republic cannot do what a king or an emperor can do; for
example, a president cannot declare war against a foreign nation
without first obtaining the consent of Congress. In a monarchical
government the king or the cabinet officials assume enormous
responsibilities. Lord Beaconsfield (then Mr. D'Israeli), while he was
Prime Minister of England, purchased in 1875 from the Khedive of Egypt
176,602 Suez Canal shares for the sum of 3,976,582 Pounds on his own
responsibility, and without consulting the Imperial Parliament. When
Parliament or Congress has to be consulted about everything, great
national opportunities to do some profitable business must undoubtedly
be sometimes lost. No such bold national investment as that made by
Lord Beaconsfield could have been undertaken by any American president
on his own responsibility. Mr. Cleveland, when president of the United
States, said that "the public affairs of the United States are
transacted in a glass house."
Washington, in his farewell address, advised his compatriots that on
account of the detached and distant situation of their country they
should, in extending their commercial relations with foreign nations,
have as little political connection with them as possible; and he asked
this pertinent and pregnant question, "Why, by interweaving our destiny
with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in
the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or
caprice?" In 1823, twenty-seven years after Washington's celebrated
address, President Monroe in his annual message to Congress warned the
European Powers not to plant any new colonies on any portion of the
American hemisphere, as any attempt on their part to extend their
system in that part of the world would be considered as dangerous to
the peace and safety of the United States. This "Monroe Doctrine", as
it has since been called, practically protects every state and country
on the American continent from attack or interference by any foreign
power, and it cannot be denied that it has been and is now the chief
factor in preserving the integrity of all the countries on that
continent. Thus the United States is assuming the role of guardian
over the other American nations. In the city of Washington there is an
International Bureau of the American Republics, in which all the
Republics of Central and South America are represented. It is housed
in a magnificent palace made possible by the beneficence of Mr. Andrew
Carnegie, the American multi-millionaire and philanthropist, and the
contributions of the different governments. It cost 750,000 gold
dollars, and Mr. John Barrett, the capable and popular director of the
Bureau, has well called it "a temple of friendship and commerce and a
meeting place for the American Republics." The Bureau is supported by
the joint contributions of the twenty-one American Republics, and its
affairs are controlled by a governing board composed of their
diplomatic representatives in Washington, with the American Secretary
of State as chairman ex officio. This institution no doubt strengthens
the position of the United States and is calculated to draw the
American Republics into closer friendship.