Prussia was again at peace; but the European war lasted till, in the

year 1748, it was terminated by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. Of all

the powers that had taken part in it, the only gainer was Frederic. Not

only had he added to his patrimony the fine province of Silesia: he had,

by his unprincipled dexterity, succeeded so well in alternately

depressing the scale of Austria and that of France, that he was

generally regarded as holding the balance of Europe, a high dignity for

one who ranked lowest among kings, and whose great-grandfather had been

no more than a Margrave. By the public, the King of Prussia was

considered as a politician destitute alike of morality and decency,

insatiably rapacious, and shamelessly false; nor was the public much in

the wrong. He was at the same time allowed to be a man of parts, a

rising general, a shrewd negotiator and administrator. Those qualities

wherein he surpassed all mankind were as yet unknown to others or to

himself; for they were qualities which shine out only on a dark ground.

His career had hitherto, with little interruption, been prosperous; and

it was only in adversity, in adversity which seemed without hope or

resource, in adversity which would have overwhelmed even men celebrated

for strength of mind, that his real greatness could be shown.

He had, from the commencement of his reign, applied himself to public

business after a fashion unknown among kings. Louis the Fourteenth,

indeed, had been his own prime minister, and had exercised a general

superintendence over all the departments of the government; but this was

not sufficient for Frederic. He was not content with being his own prime

minister: he would be his own sole minister. Under him there was no

room, not merely for a Richelieu or a Mazarin, but for a Colbert, a

Louvois, or a Torcy. A love of labor for its own sake, a restless and

insatiable longing to dictate, to intermeddle, to make his power felt, a

profound scorn and distrust of his fellow creatures, made him unwilling

to ask counsel, to confide important secrets, to delegate ample powers.

The highest functionaries under his government were mere clerks, and

were not so much trusted by him as valuable clerks are often trusted by

the heads of departments. He was his own treasurer, his own

commander-in-chief, his own intendant of public works, his own minister

for trade and justice, for home affairs and foreign affairs, his own

master of the horse, steward, and chamberlain. Matters of which no chief

of an office in any other government would ever hear were, in this

singular monarchy, decided by the King in person. If a traveller wished

for a good place to see a review, he had to write to Frederic, and

received next day, from a royal messenger, Frederic's answer signed by

Frederic's own hand. This was an extravagant, a morbid activity. The

public business would assuredly have been better done if each department

had been put under a man of talents and integrity, and if the King had

contented himself with a general control. In this manner the advantages

which belong to unity of design, and the advantages which belong to the

division of labor, would have been to a great extent combined. But such

a system would not have suited the peculiar temper of Frederic. He could

tolerate no will, no reason, in the state save his own. He wished for

no abler assistance, than that of penmen who had just understanding

enough to translate and transcribe, to make out his scrawls, and to put

his concise Yes and No into an official form. Of the higher intellectual

faculties, there is as much in a copying machine, or a lithographic

press, as he required from a secretary of the cabinet.

His own exertions were such as were hardly to be expected from a human

body or a human mind. At Potsdam, his ordinary residence, he rose at

three in summer and four in winter. A page soon appeared, with a large

basket full of all the letters which had arrived for the King by the

last courier, dispatches from ambassadors, reports from officers of

revenue, plans of buildings, proposals for draining marshes, complaints

from persons who thought themselves aggrieved, applications from persons

who wanted titles, military commissions, and civil situations. He

examined the seals with a keen eye; for he was never for a moment free

from the suspicion that some fraud might be practised on him. Then he

read the letters, divided them into several packets, and signified his

pleasure, generally by a mark, often by two or three words, now and then

by some cutting epigram. By eight he had generally finished this part of

his task. The adjutant-general was then in attendance, and received

instructions for the day as to all the military arrangements of the

kingdom. Then the King went to review his guards, not as kings

ordinarily review their guards, but with the minute attention and

severity of an old drill-sergeant. In the meantime the four cabinet

secretaries had been employed in answering the letters on which the King

had that morning signified his will. These unhappy men were forced to

work all the year round like negro slaves in the time of the sugar crop.

They never had a holiday. They never knew what it was to dine. It was

necessary that, before they stirred, they should finish the whole of

their work. The King, always on his guard against treachery, took from

the heap a handful of letters at random, and looked into them to see

whether his instructions had been exactly followed. This was no bad

security against foul play on the part of the secretaries; for if one of

them were detected in a trick, he might think himself fortunate if he

escaped with five years of imprisonment in a dungeon. Frederic then

signed the replies, and all were sent off the same evening.

The general principles on which this strange government was conducted

deserve attention. The policy of Frederic was essentially the same as

his father's; but Frederic, while he carried that policy to lengths to

which his father never thought of carrying it, cleared it at the same

time from the absurdities with which his father had encumbered it. The

King's first object was to have a great, efficient, and well-trained

army. He had a kingdom which in extent and population was hardly in the

second rank of European powers; and yet he aspired to a place not

inferior to that of the sovereigns of England, France, and Austria. For

that end it was necessary that Prussia should be all sting. Louis the

Fifteenth, with five times as many subjects as Frederic, and more than

five times as large a revenue, had not a more formidable army. The

proportion which the soldiers in Prussia bore to the people seems hardly

credible. Of the males in the vigor of life, a seventh part were

probably under arms; and this great force had, by drilling, by

reviewing, and by the unsparing use of cane and scourge, been taught to

perform all evolutions with a rapidity and a precision which would have

astonished Villars or Eugene. The elevated feelings which are necessary

to the best kind of army were then wanting to the Prussian service. In

those ranks were not found the religious and political enthusiasm which

inspired the pikemen of Cromwell, the patriotic ardor, the thirst of

glory, the devotion to a great leader, which inflamed the Old Guard of

Napoleon. But in all the mechanical parts of the military calling, the

Prussians were as superior to the English and French troops of that day

as the English and French troops to a rustic militia.

Though the pay of the Prussian soldier was small, though every

rix-dollar of extraordinary charge was scrutinized by Frederic with a

vigilance and suspicion such as Mr. Joseph Hume never brought to the

examination of an army estimate, the expense of such an establishment

was, for the means of the country, enormous. In order that it might not

be utterly ruinous, it was necessary that every other expense should be

cut down to the lowest possible point. Accordingly Frederic, though his

dominions bordered on the sea, had no navy. He neither had nor wished to

have colonies. His judges, his fiscal officers, were meanly paid. His

ministers at foreign courts walked on foot, or drove shabby old

carriages till the axletrees gave way. Even to his highest diplomatic

agents, who resided at London and Paris, he allowed less than a thousand

pounds sterling a year. The royal household was managed with a frugality

unusual in the establishments of opulent subjects, unexampled in any

other palace. The King loved good eating and drinking, and during great

part of his life took pleasure in seeing his table surrounded by guests;

yet the whole charge of his kitchen was brought within the sum of two

thousand pounds sterling a year. He examined every extraordinary item

with a care which might be thought to suit the mistress of a boarding

house better than a great prince. When more than four rix-dollars were

asked of him for a hundred oysters, he stormed as if he had heard that

one of his generals had sold a fortress to the Empress Queen. Not a

bottle of champagne was uncorked without his express order. The game of

the royal parks and forests, a serious head of expenditure in most

kingdoms, was to him a source of profit. The whole was farmed out; and

though the farmers were almost ruined by their contract, the King would

grant them no remission. His wardrobe consisted of one fine gala dress,

which lasted him all his life; of two or three old coats fit for

Monmouth Street, of yellow waistcoats soiled with snuff, and of huge

boots embrowned by time. One taste alone sometimes allured him beyond

the limits of parsimony, nay, even beyond the limits of prudence, the

taste for building. In all other things his economy was such as we might

call by a harsher name, if we did not reflect that his funds were drawn

from a heavily taxed people, and that it was impossible for him, without

excessive tyranny, to keep up at once a formidable army and a splendid

court.

Considered as an administrator, Frederic had undoubtedly many titles to

praise. Order was strictly maintained throughout his dominions. Property

was secure. A great liberty of speaking and of writing was allowed.

Confident in the irresistible strength derived from a great army, the

King looked down on malcontents and libellers with a wise disdain; and

gave little encouragement to spies and informers. When he was told of

the disaffection of one of his subjects, he merely asked, "How many

thousand men can he bring into the field?" He once saw a crowd staring

at something on a wall. He rode up, and found that the object of

curiosity was a scurrilous placard against himself. The placard had been

posted up so high that it was not easy to read it. Frederic ordered his

attendants to take it down and put it lower. "My people and I," he said,

"have come to an agreement which satisfies us both. They are to say what

they please, and I am to do what I please." No person would have dared

to publish in London satires on George the Second approaching to the

atrocity of those satires on Frederic, which the booksellers at Berlin

sold with impunity. One bookseller sent to the palace a copy of the most

stinging lampoon that perhaps was ever written in the world, the Memoirs

of Voltaire, published by Beaumarchais, and asked for his Majesty's

orders. "Do not advertise it in an offensive manner," said the King,

"but sell it by all means. I hope it will pay you well." Even among

statesmen accustomed to the license of a free press, such steadfastness

of mind as this is not very common.

It is due also to the memory of Frederic to say that he earnestly

labored to secure to his people the great blessing of cheap and speedy

justice. He was one of the first rulers who abolished the cruel and

absurd practice of torture. No sentence of death, pronounced by the

ordinary tribunals, was executed without his sanction; and his sanction,

except in cases of murder, was rarely given. Towards his troops he acted

in a very different manner. Military offences were punished with such

barbarous scourging that to be shot was considered by the Prussian

soldier as a secondary punishment. Indeed, the principle which pervaded

Frederic's whole policy was this, that the more severely the army is

governed, the safer it is to treat the rest of the community with

lenity.

Religious persecution was unknown under his government, unless some

foolish and unjust restrictions which lay upon the Jews may be regarded

as forming an exception. His policy with respect to the Catholics of

Silesia presented an honorable contrast to the policy which, under very

similar circumstances, England long followed with respect to the

Catholics of Ireland. Every form of religion and irreligion found an

asylum in his states. The scoffer whom the parliaments of France had

sentenced to a cruel death was consoled by a commission in the Prussian

service. The Jesuit who could show his face nowhere else, who in Britain

was still subject to penal laws, who was proscribed by France, Spain,

Portugal, and Naples, who had been given up even by the Vatican, found

safety and the means of subsistence in the Prussian dominions.

Most of the vices of Frederic's administration resolve themselves into

one vice,--the spirit of meddling. The indefatigable activity of his

intellect, his dictatorial temper, his military habits, all inclined him

to this great fault. He drilled his people as he drilled his

grenadiers. Capital and industry were diverted from their natural

direction by a crowd of preposterous regulations. There was a monopoly

of coffee, a monopoly of tobacco, a monopoly of refined sugar. The

public money, of which the King was generally so sparing, was lavishly

spent in ploughing bogs, in planting mulberry trees amidst the sand, in

bringing sheep from Spain to improve the Saxon wool, in bestowing prizes

for fine yarn, in building manufactories of porcelain, manufactories of

carpets, manufactories of hardware, manufactories of lace. Neither the

experience of other rulers, nor his own, could ever teach him that

something more than an edict and a grant of public money was required to

create a Lyons, a Brussels, or a Birmingham.

For his commercial policy, however, there was some excuse. He had on his

side illustrious examples and popular prejudice. Grievously as he erred,

he erred in company with his age. In other departments his meddling was

altogether without apology. He interfered with the course of justice as

well as with the course of trade; and set up his own crude notions of

equity against the law as expounded by the unanimous voice of the

gravest magistrates. It never occurred to him that men whose lives were

passed in adjudicating on questions of civil right were more likely to

form correct opinions on such questions than a prince whose attention

was divided among a thousand objects, and who had never read a law book

through. The resistance opposed to him by the tribunals inflamed him to

fury. He reviled his Chancellor. He kicked the shins of his Judges. He

did not, it is true, intend to act unjustly. He firmly believed that he

was doing right, and defending the cause of the poor against the

wealthy. Yet this well-meant meddling probably did far more harm than

all the explosions of his evil passions during the whole of his long

reign. We could make shift to live under a debauchee or a tyrant; but

to be ruled by a busybody is more than human nature can bear.

The same passion for directing and regulating appeared in every part of

the King's policy. Every lad of a certain station in life was forced to

go to certain schools within the Prussian dominions. If a young Prussian

repaired, though but for a few weeks, to Leyden or Gottingen, for the

purpose of study, the offence was punished with civil disabilities, and

sometimes with the confiscation of property. Nobody was to travel

without the royal permission. If the permission were granted, the pocket

money of the tourist was fixed by royal ordinance. A merchant might take

with him two hundred and fifty rix-dollars in gold, a noble was allowed

to take four hundred; for it may be observed, in passing, that Frederic

studiously kept up the old distinction between the nobles and the

community. In speculation, he was a French philosopher, but in action, a

German prince. He talked and wrote about the privileges of blood in the

style of Sieyes; but in practice no chapter in the empire looked with a

keener eye to genealogies and quarterings.

Such was Frederic the Ruler. But there was another Frederic,--the

Frederic of Rheinsberg, the fiddler and flute-player, the poetaster and

metaphysician. Amidst the cares of state the King had retained his

passion for music, for reading, for writing, for literary society. To

these amusements he devoted all the time that he could snatch from the

business of war and government; and perhaps more light is thrown on his

character by what passed during his hours of relaxation than by his

battles or his laws.

It was the just boast of Schiller that, in his country, no Augustus, no

Lorenzo, had watched over the infancy of poetry. The rich and energetic

language of Luther, driven by the Latin from the schools of pedants, and

by the French from the palaces of kings, had taken refuge among the

people. Of the powers of that language Frederic had no notion. He

generally spoke of it, and of those who used it, with the contempt of

ignorance. His library consisted of French books; at his table nothing

was heard but French conversation. The associates of his hours of

relaxation were, for the most part, foreigners. Britain furnished to the

royal circle two distinguished men, born in the highest rank, and driven

by civil dissensions from the land to which, under happier

circumstances, their talents and virtues might have been a source of

strength and glory. George Keith, Earl Marischal of Scotland, had taken

arms for the House of Stuart in 1715; and his younger brother James,

then only seventeen years old, had fought gallantly by his side. When

all was lost they retired together to the Continent, roved from country

to country, served under various standards, and so bore themselves as to

win the respect and good will of many who had no love for the Jacobite

cause. Their long wanderings terminated at Potsdam; nor had Frederic any

associates who deserved or obtained so large a share of his esteem. They

were not only accomplished men, but nobles and warriors, capable of

serving him in war and diplomacy, as well as of amusing him at supper.

Alone of all his companions they appear never to have had reason to

complain of his demeanor towards them. Some of those who knew the palace

best pronounced that Lord Marischal was the only human being whom

Frederic ever really loved.

Italy sent to the parties at Potsdam the ingenious and amiable

Algarotti, and Bastiani, the most crafty, cautious, and servile of

Abbes. But the greater part of the society which Frederic had assembled

round him was drawn from France. Maupertuis had acquired some celebrity

by the journey which he had made to Lapland, for the purpose of

ascertaining, by actual measurement, the shape of our planet. He was

placed in the Chair of the Academy of Berlin, a humble imitation of the

renowned Academy of Paris. Baculard d'Arnaud, a young poet who was

thought to have given promise of great things, had been induced to quit

his country, and to reside at the Prussian Court. The Marquess D'Argens

was among the King's favorite companions, on account, as it should seem,

of the strong opposition between their characters. The parts of D'Argens

were good, and his manners those of a finished French gentleman; but his

whole soul was dissolved in sloth, timidity, and self-indulgence. His

was one of that abject class of minds which are superstitious without

being religious. Hating Christianity with a rancor which made him

incapable of rational inquiry, unable to see in the harmony and beauty

of the universe the traces of divine power and wisdom, he was the slave

of dreams and omens, would not sit down to table with thirteen in

company, turned pale if the salt fell towards him, begged his guests not

to cross their knives and forks on their plates, and would not for the

world commence a journey on Friday. His health was a subject of constant

anxiety to him. Whenever his head ached, or his pulse beat quick, his

dastardly fears and effeminate precautions were the jest of all Berlin.

All this suited the King's purpose admirably. He wanted somebody by whom

he might be amused, and whom he might despise. When he wished to pass

half an hour in easy polished conversation, D'Argens was an excellent

companion; when he wanted to vent his spleen and contempt, D'Argens was

an excellent butt.

With these associates, and others of the same class, Frederic loved to

spend the time which he could steal from public cares. He wished his

supper parties to be gay and easy. He invited his guests to lay aside

all restraint, and to forget that he was at the head of a hundred and

sixty thousand soldiers, and was absolute master of the life and liberty

of all who sat at meat with him. There was, therefore, at these parties

the outward show of ease. The wit and learning of the company were

ostentatiously displayed. The discussions on history and literature

were often highly interesting. But the absurdity of all the religions

known among men was the chief topic of conversation; and the audacity

with which doctrines and names venerated throughout Christendom were

treated on these occasions startled even persons accustomed to the

society of French and English freethinkers. Real liberty, however, or

real affection, was in this brilliant society not to be found. Absolute

kings seldom have friends; and Frederic's faults were such as, even

where perfect equality exists, make friendship exceedingly precarious.

He had indeed many qualities which, on a first acquaintance, were

captivating. His conversation was lively; his manners, to those whom he

desired to please, were even caressing. No man could flatter with more

delicacy. No man succeeded more completely in inspiring those who

approached him with vague hopes of some great advantage from his

kindness. But under this fair exterior he was a tyrant, suspicious,

disdainful, and malevolent. He had one taste which may be pardoned in a

boy, but which when habitually and deliberately indulged by a man of

mature age and strong understanding, is almost invariably the sign of a

bad heart,--a taste for severe practical jokes. If a courtier was fond

of dress, oil was flung over his richest suit. If he was fond of money,

some prank was invented to make him disburse more than he could spare.

If he was hypochondriacal, he was made to believe that he had the

dropsy. If he had particularly set his heart on visiting a place, a

letter was forged to frighten him from going thither. These things, it

may be said, are trifles. They are so; but they are indications, not to

be mistaken, of a nature to which the sight of human suffering and human

degradation is an agreeable excitement.

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