The arguments urged by the honourable mover were supported by the facts,

which he had adduced from the evidence, more strongly than any arguments

had been supported in any speech be had ever heard. He wished, however,

that more of these facts had been introduced into the debate; for they were

apt to have a greater effect upon the mind than mere reasonings, however

just and powerful. Many had affirmed that the Slave-trade was politic and

expedient; but it was worthy of remark, that no man had ventured to deny

that it was criminal. Criminal, however, be declared it to be in the

highest degree; and he believed it was equally impolitic. Both its

inexpediency and injustice had been established by the honourable mover. He

dwelt much on the unhappy situation of the Negros in the West Indies, who

were without the protection of government or of efficient laws, and subject

to the mere caprice of men, who were at once the parties, the judges, and

the executioners.

He instanced an overseer, who, having thrown a Negro into a copper of

boiling cane-juice for a trifling offence, was punished merely by the loss

of his place, and by being obliged to pay the value of the slave. He stated

another instance of a girl of fourteen, who was dreadfully whipped for

coming too late to her work. She fell down motionless after it; and was

then dragged along the ground, by the legs, to an hospital; where she died.

The murderer, though tried, was acquitted by a jury of his peers, upon the

idea, that it was impossible a master could destroy his own property. This

was a notorious fact. It was published in the Jamaica Gazette; and it had

even happened since the question of the abolition had been started.

The only argument used against such cruelties, was the master's interest in

the slave. But he urged the common cruelty to horses, in which their

drivers had an actual interest with the drivers of men in the colonies, as

a proof that this was no security. He had never heard an instance of a

master being punished for the murder of his slave. The propagation of the

slaves was so far from being encouraged, that it was purposely checked,

because it was thought more profitable and less troublesome to buy a full

grown Negro, than to rear a child. He repeated that his interest might have

inclined him to the other side of the question; but he did not choose to

compromise between his interest and his duty; for, if he abandoned his

duty, he should not be happy in this world; nor should he deserve happiness

in the next.

Mr. Pitt rose, but he said it was only to move, seeing that justice could

not be done to the subject this evening, that the further consideration of

the question might be adjourned to the next.

Mr. Cawthorne and Colonel Tarleton both opposed this motion, and Colonel

Phipps and Lord Carhampton supported it.

Mr. Fox said, the opposition to the adjournment was uncandid and

unbecoming. They who opposed it well knew that the trade could not bear

discussion. Let it be discussed; and, although there were symptoms of

predetermination in some, the abolition of it must be carried. He would not

believe that there could be found in the House of Commons men of such hard

hearts and inaccessible understandings, as to vote an assent to its

continuance, and then go home to their families, satisfied with their vote,

after they had been once made acquainted with the subject.

Mr. Pitt agreed with Mr. Fox, that from a full discussion of the subject

there was every reason to augur, that the abolition would be adopted. Under

the imputations, with which this trade was loaded, gentlemen should

remember, they could not do justice to their own characters, unless they

stood up, and gave their reasons for opposing the abolition of it. It was

unusual also to force any question of such importance to so hasty a

decision. For his own part, it was his duty, from the situation in which he

stood, to state fully his own sentiments on the question; and, however

exhausted both he and the house might be, he was resolved it should not

pass without discussion, as long as he had strength to utter a word upon

it. Every principle, that could bind a man of honour and conscience, would

impel him to give the most powerful support he could to the motion for the

abolition.

The motion of Mr. Pitt was assented to, and the house was adjourned

accordingly.

On the next day the subject was resumed. Sir William Yonge rose, and said,

that, though he differed from the honourable mover, he had much admired his

speech of the last evening. Indeed the recollection of it made him only the

more sensible of the weakness of his own powers; and yet, having what he

supposed to be irrefragable arguments in his possession, he felt emboldened

to proceed.

And, first, before he could vote for the abolition, he wished to be

convinced, that, whilst Britain were to lose, Africa would gain. As for

himself, he hated a traffic in men, and joyfully anticipated its

termination at no distant period under a wise system of regulation: but he

considered the present measure as crude and indolent; and as precluding

better and wiser measures, which were already in train. A British

Parliament should attain not only the best ends, but by the wisest means.

Great Britain might abandon her share of this trade, but she could not

abolish it. Parliament was not an assembly of delegates from the powers of

Europe, but of a single nation. It could not therefore suppress the trade;

but would eventually aggravate those miseries incident to it, which every

enlightened man must acknowledge, and every good man must deplore. He

wished the traffic for ever closed. But other nations were only waiting for

our decision, to seize the part we should leave them. The new projects of

these would be intemperate; and, in the zeal of rivalship, the present

evils of comparatively sober dealing would be aggravated beyond all

estimate in this new and heated auction of bidders for life and limb. We

might indeed by regulation give an example of new principles of policy and

of justice; but if we were to withdraw suddenly from this commerce, like

Pontius Pilate, we should wash our hands indeed, but we should not be

innocent as to the consequences.

On the first agitation of this business, Mr. Wilberforce had spoken

confidently of other nations following our example. But had not the

National Assembly of France referred the Slave-trade to a select committee,

and had not that committee rejected the measure of its abolition? By the

evidence it appeared, that the French and Spaniards were then giving

bounties to the Slave-trade; that Denmark was desirous of following it;

that America was encouraging it; and that the Dutch had recognized its

necessity, and recommended its recovery. Things were bad enough indeed as

they were, but he was sure this rivalship would make them worse.

He did not admit the disorders imputed to the trade in all their extent.

Pillage and kidnapping could not be general, on account of the populousness

of the country; though too frequent instances of it had been proved. Crimes

might be falsely imputed. This he admitted; but only partially. Witchcraft,

he believed, was the secret of poisoning, and therefore deserved the

severest punishment. That there should be a number of convictions for

adultery, where polygamy was a custom, was not to be wondered at. But he

feared, if a sale of these criminals were to be done away, massacre would

be the substitute.

An honourable member had asked on a former day, "Is it an excuse for

robbery, to say that another would have committed it?" But the Slave-trade

did not necessarily imply robbery. Not long since Great Britain sold her

convicts, indirectly at least, to slavery. But he was no advocate for the

trade. He wished it had never been begun; and that it might soon terminate.

But the means were not adequate to the end proposed.

Mr. Burke had said on a former occasion, "that in adopting the measure we

must prepare to pay the price of our virtue." He was ready to pay his share

of that price. But the effect of the purchase must be first ascertained. If

they did not estimate this, it was not benevolence, but dissipation.

Effects were to be duly appreciated; and though statesmen might rest every

thing on a plausible manifesto of cause, the humbler moralist, meditating

peace and goodwill towards men, would venture to call such statesmen

responsible for consequences.

In regard to the colonies, a sudden abolition would be oppression. The

legislatures there should be led, and not forced, upon this occasion. He

was persuaded they would act wisely to attain the end pointed out to them.

They would see, that a natural increase of their Negros might be effected

by an improved system of legislation; and that in the result the

Slave-trade would be no longer necessary.

A sudden abolition, also, would occasion dissatisfaction there. Supplies

were necessary for some time to come. The Negros did not yet generally

increase by birth. The gradation of ages was not yet duly filled. These and

many defects might be remedied, but not suddenly.

It would cause also distress there. The planters, not having their expected

supplies, could not discharge their debts. Hence their slaves would be

seized and sold. Nor was there any provision in this case against the

separation of families, except as to the mother and infant child. These

separations were one of the chief outrages complained of in Africa. Why

then should we promote them in the West Indies? The confinement on board a

slave-ship had been also bitterly complained of; but, under distraint for

the debt of a master, the poor slave might linger in a gaol twice or thrice

the time of the Middle Passage.

He again stated his abhorrence of the Slave-trade; but as a resource,

though he hoped but a temporary one, it was of such consequence to the

existence of the country, that it could not suddenly be withdrawn. The

value of the imports and exports between Great Britain and the West Indies,

including the excise and customs, was between seven and eight millions

annually; and the tonnage of the ships employed, about an eighth of the

whole tonnage of these kingdoms.

He complained that in the evidence the West India planters had been by no

means spared. Cruel stories had been hastily and lightly told against them.

Invidious comparisons had been made to their detriment. But it was well

known, that one of our best comic writers, when he wished to show

benevolence in its fairest colours, had personified it in the character of

the West Indian. He wished the slave might become as secure as the

apprentice in this country: but it was necessary that the alarms concerning

the abolition of the Slave-trade should, in the mean time, be quieted; and

he trusted that the good sense and true benevolence of the House would

reject the present motion.

Mr. Matthew Montagu rose, and said a few words in support of the motion;

and after condemning the trade in the strongest manner, he declared, that

as long as he had life, he would use every faculty of his body and mind in

endeavouring to promote its abolition.

Lord John Russell succeeded Mr. Montagu. He said, that although slavery was

repugnant to his feelings, he must vote against the abolition, as visionary

and delusive. It was a feeble attempt without the power to serve the cause

of humanity. Other nations would take up the trade. Whenever a bill of wise

regulation should be brought forward, no man would be more ready than

himself to lend his support. In this way the rights of humanity might be

asserted without injury to others. He hoped he should not incur censure by

his vote; for, let his understanding be what it might, he did not know that

he had, notwithstanding the assertions of Mr. Fox, an inaccessible heart.

Mr. Stanley (agent for the islands) rose next. He felt himself called upon,

he said, to refute the many calumnies, which had for years been propagated

against the planters, (even through the medium of the pulpit, which should

have been employed to better purposes,) and which had at length produced

the mischievous measure, which was now under the discussion of the House. A

cry had been sounded forth, and from one end of the kingdom to the other;

as if there had never been a slave from Adam to the present time. But it

appeared to him to have been the intention of Providence, from the very

beginning, that one set of men should be slaves to another. This truth was

as old as it was universal. It was recognized in every history, under every

government, and in every religion. Nor did the Christian religion itself,

if the comments of Dr. Halifax, bishop of Gloucester, on a passage in St.

Paul's epistle to the Corinthians were true, show more repugnance to

slavery than any other.

He denied that the slaves were procured in the manner which had been

described. It was the custom of all savages to kill their prisoners; and

the Africans ought to be thankful that they had been carried safe into the

British colonies.

As to the tales of misery in the Middle Passage, they were gross

falsehoods; and as to their treatment in the West Indies, he knew

personally that it was, in general, indulgent and humane.

With regard to promoting their increase by any better mode of treatment, he

wished gentlemen would point it out to him. As a planter he would thank

them for it. It was absurd to suppose that he and others were blind to

their own interest. It was well known that one Creole slave was worth two

Africans: and their interest therefore must suggest to them that the

propagation of slaves was preferable to the purchase of imported Negros, of

whom one half very frequently died in the seasoning.

He then argued the impossibility of beasts doing the work of the

plantations. He endeavoured to prove that the number of these, adequate to

this purpose, could not be supplied with food; and after having made many

other observations, which, on account of the lowness of his voice, could

not be heard, he concluded by objecting to the motion.

Mr. William Smith rose. He wondered how the last speaker could have had the

boldness to draw arguments from scripture in support of the Slave-trade.

Such arguments could be intended only to impose on those, who never took

the trouble of thinking for themselves. Could it be thought for a moment,

that the good sense of the House could be misled by a few perverted or

misapplied passages, in direct opposition to the whole tenor and spirit of

Christianity; to the theory, he might say, of almost every religion, which

had ever appeared in the world? Whatever might have been advanced, every

body must feel, that the Slave-trade could not exist an hour, if that

excellent maxim, "to do to others as we would wish that others should do to

us," had its proper influence on the conduct of men.

Nor was Mr. Stanley more happy in his argument of the antiquity and

universality of slavery. Because a practice had existed, did it necessarily

follow that it was just? By this argument every crime might be defended

from the time of Cain. The slaves of antiquity, however, were in a

situation far preferable to that of the Negros in the West Indies. A

passage in Macrobius, which exemplified this in the strongest manner, was

now brought to his recollection. "Our ancestors," says Macrobius,

"denominated the master father of the family, and the slave domestic, with

the intention of removing all odium from the condition of the master, and

all contempt from that of the servant." Could this language be applied to

the present state of West India slavery?

It had been complained of by those who supported the trade, that they

laboured under great disadvantages by being obliged to contend against the

most splendid abilities which the House could boast. But he believed they

laboured under one, which was worse, and for which no talents could

compensate; he meant the impossibility of maintaining their ground fairly

on any of those principles, which every man within those walls had been

accustomed, from his infancy, to venerate as sacred. He and his friends too

laboured under some disadvantages. They had been charged with fanaticism.

But what had Mr. Long said, when he addressed himself to those planters,

who were desirous of attempting improvements on their estates? He advised

them "not to be diverted by partial views, vulgar prejudices, or the

ridicule which might spring from weak minds, from a benevolent attention to

the public good." But neither by these nor by other charges were he or his

friends to be diverted from the prosecution of their purpose. They were

convinced of the rectitude and high importance of their object; and were

determined never to desist from pursuing it, till it should be attained.

But they had to struggle with difficulties far more serious. The West

Indian interest, which opposed them, was a collected body; of great power,

affluence, connections, and respectability.

Artifice had also been employed. Abolition and emancipation had been so

often confounded, and by those who knew better, that it must have been

purposely done, to throw an odium on the measure which was now before them.

The abolitionists had been also accused as the authors of the late

insurrection in Dominica. A revolt had certainly taken place in that

island. But revolts there had occurred frequently before. Mr. Stanley

himself, in attempting to fix this charge upon them, had related

circumstances, which amounted to their entire exculpation. He had said,

that all was quiet there till the disturbances in the French islands; when

some Negros from the latter had found their way to Dominica, and had

excited the insurrection in question. He had also said, that the Negros in

our own islands hated the idea of the abolition; for they thought, as no

new labourers were to come in, they should be subjected to increased

hardships. But if they and their masters hated this same measure, how was

this coincidence of sentiment to give birth to insurrection?

Other fallacies also had been industriously propagated. Of the African

trade it had been said, that the exports amounted to a million annually;

whereas, from the report on the table, it had on an average amounted to

little more than half a million; and this included the articles for the

purchase of African produce, which were of the value of a hundred and forty

thousand pounds.

The East Indian trade, also, had been said to depend on the West Indian and

the African. In the first place, it had but very little connection with the

former at all. Its connection with the latter was principally on account of

the saltpetre, which it furnished for making gunpowder. Out of nearly three

millions of pounds in weight of the latter article, which had been exported

in a year from this country, one half had been sent to Africa alone; for

the purposes, doubtless, of maintaining peace, and encouraging civilization

among its various tribes! Four or five thousand persons were said also to

depend for their bread in manufacturing guns for the African trade; and

these, it was pretended, could not make guns of another sort.--But where

lay the difficulty?--One of the witnesses had unravelled it. He had seen

the Negros maimed by the bursting of these guns. They killed more from the

butt than from the muzzle. Another had stated, that on the sea-coast the

natives were afraid to fire a trade-gun.

In the West Indian commerce two hundred and forty thousand tons of shipping

were stated to be employed. But here deception intruded itself again. This

statement included every vessel, great and small, which went from the

British West Indies to America, and to the foreign islands; and, what was

yet more unfair, all the repeated voyages of each throughout the year. The

shipping, which could only fairly be brought into this account, did but

just exceed half that which had been mentioned.

In a similar manner had the islands themselves been overrated. Their value

had been computed, for the information of the privy council, at thirty-six

millions; but the planters had estimated them at seventy. The truth,

however, might possibly lie between these extremes. He by no means wished

to depreciate their importance; but he did not like that such palpable

misrepresentations should go unnoticed.

An honourable member (Colonel Tarleton) had disclaimed every attempt to

interest the feelings of those present, but had desired to call them to

reason and accounts. He also desired (though it was a question of feeling,

if any one ever was,) to draw the attention of the committee to reason and

accounts--to the voice of reason instead of that of prejudice, and to

accounts in the place of idle apprehensions. The result, he doubted not,

would be a full persuasion, that policy and justice were inseparable upon

this, as upon every other occasion.

The same gentleman had enlarged on the injustice of depriving the Liverpool

merchants of a business, on which were founded their honour and their

fortunes. On what part of it they founded their honour he could not

conjecture, except from those passages in the evidence, where it appeared,

that their agents in Africa had systematically practised every fraud and

villainy, which the meanest and most unprincipled cunning could suggest, to

impose on the ignorance of those with whom they traded.

The same gentleman had also lamented, that the evidence had not been taken

upon oath. He himself lamented it too. Numberless facts had been related by

eye-witnesses, called in support of the abolition, so dreadfully atrocious,

that they appeared incredible; and seemed rather, to use the expression of

Ossian, like "the histories of the days of other times." These procured for

the trade a species of acquittal, which it could not have obtained, had the

committee been authorised to administer an oath. He apprehended also, in

this case, that some other persons would have been rather more guarded in

their testimony. Captain Knox would not then perhaps have told the

committee, that six hundred slaves could have had comfortable room at night

in his vessel of about one hundred and forty tons; when there could have

been no more than five feet six inches in length, and fifteen inches in

breadth, to about two thirds of his number.

The same gentleman had also dwelt upon the Slave-trade as a nursery for

seamen. But it had appeared by the muster-rolls of the slave-vessels, then

actually on the table of the House, that more than a fifth of them died in

the service, exclusive of those who perished when discharged in the West

Indies; and yet he had been instructed by his constituents to maintain this

false position. His reasoning, too, was very curious; for, though numbers

might die, yet as one half, who entered, were landsmen, seamen were

continually forming. Not to dwell on the expensive cruelty of forming these

seamen by the yearly destruction of so many hundreds, this very statement

was flatly contradicted by the evidence. The muster-rolls from Bristol

stated the proportion of landmen in the trade there at one twelfth, and the

proper officers of Liverpool itself at but a sixteenth, of the whole

employed. In the face again of the most glaring facts, others had

maintained that the mortality in these vessels did not exceed that of other

trades in the tropical climates. But the same documents, which proved that

twenty-three per cent, were destroyed in this wasting traffic, proved that

in West India ships only about one and a half per cent. were lost,

including every casualty.--But the very men, under whose management this

dreadful mortality had been constantly occurring, had coolly said, that

much of it might be avoided by proper regulations. How criminal then were

they, who, knowing this, had neither publicly proposed, nor in their

practice adopted, a remedy!

The average loss of the slaves on board, which had been calculated by Mr.

Wilberforce at twelve and a half per cent., had been denied. He believed

this calculation, taking in all the circumstances connected with it, to be

true; but that for years not less than one tenth had so perished, he would

challenge those concerned in the traffic to disprove. Much evidence had

been produced on the subject; but the voyages had been generally selected.

There was only one, who had disclosed the whole account. This was Mr.

Anderson of London, whose engagements in this trade had been very

inconsiderable. His loss had only amounted to three per cent.; but,

unfortunately for the Slave-traders of Liverpool, his vessel had not taken

above three fourths of that number in proportion to the tonnage which they

had stated to be necessary to the very existence of their trade.

An honourable member (Mr. Grosvenor) had attributed the protraction of this

business to those who had introduced it. But from whom did the motion for

further evidence (when that of the privy council was refused) originate,

but from the enemies of the abolition? The same gentleman had said, it was

impossible to abolish the trade; but where was the impossibility of

forbidding the further importation of slaves into our own colonies? and

beyond this the motion did not extend.

The latter argument had also been advanced by Sir William Yonge and others.

But allowing it its full force, would there be no honour in the dereliction

of such a commerce? Would it be nothing publicly to recognise great and

just principles? Would our example be nothing?--Yes: every country would

learn, from our experiment, that American colonies could be cultivated

without the necessity of continual supplies equally expensive and

disgraceful.

But we might do more than merely lay down principles or propose examples.

We might, in fact, diminish the evil itself immediately by no

inconsiderable part,--by the whole of our own supply: and here he could not

at all agree with the honourable baronet, in what seemed to him a

commercial paradox, that the taking away from an open trade by far the

largest customer, and the lessening of the consumption of the article,

would increase both the competition and the demand, and of course all those

mischiefs, which it was their intention to avert.

That the civilization of the Africans was promoted, as had been asserted,

by their intercourse with the Europeans, was void of foundation, as had

appeared from the evidence. In manners and dishonesty they had indeed

assimilated with those who frequented their coasts. But the greatest

industry and the least corruption of morals were in the interior, where

they were out of the way of this civilizing connection.

To relieve Africa from famine, was another of the benign reasons which had

been assigned for continuing the trade. That famines had occurred there, he

did not doubt; but that they should annually occur, and with such

arithmetical exactness as to suit the demands of the Slave-trade, was a

circumstance most extraordinary; so wonderful indeed, that, could it once

be proved, he should consider it as a far better argument in favour of the

divine approbation of that trade, than any which had ever yet been

produced.

As to the effect of the abolition on the West Indies, it would give weight

to every humane regulation which had been made; by substituting a certain

and obvious interest, in the place of one depending upon chances and

calculation. An honourable member (Mr. Stanley) had spoken of the

impossibility of cultivating the estates there without further importations

of Negros; and yet, of all the authorities he had brought to prove his

case, there was scarcely one which might not be pressed to serve more or

less effectually against him. Almost every planter he had named had found

his Negros increase under the good treatment he had professed to give them;

and it was an axiom, throughout the whole evidence, that wherever they were

well used importations were not necessary. It had been said indeed by some

adverse witnesses, that in Jamaica all possible means had been used to keep

up the stock by breeding; but how preposterous was this, when it was

allowed that the morals of the slaves had been totally neglected, and that

the planters preferred buying a larger proportion of males than females!

The misfortune was, that prejudice and not reason was the enemy to be

subdued. The prejudices of the West Indians on these points were numerous

and inveterate. Mr. Long himself had characterized them on this account, in

terms which he should have felt diffident in using. But Mr. Long had shown

his own prejudices also. For he justified the chaining of the Negros on

board the slave-vessels, on account of "their bloody, cruel, and malicious

dispositions." But hear his commendation of some of the Aborigines of

Jamaica, "who had miserably perished in caves, whither they had retired to

escape the tyranny of the Spaniards. These," says he, "left a glorious

monument of their having disdained to survive the loss of their liberty and

their country." And yet this same historian could not perceive that this

natural love of liberty might operate as strongly and as laudably in the

African Negro, as in the Indian of Jamaica.

He was concerned to acknowledge that these prejudices were yet further

strengthened by resentment against those who had taken an active part in

the abolition of the Slave-trade. But it was never the object of these to

throw a stigma on the whole body of the West Indians; but to prove the

miserable effects of the trade. This it was their duty to do; and if, in

doing this, disgraceful circumstances had come out, it was not their fault;

and it must never be forgotten that they were true.

That the slaves were exposed to great misery in the islands, was true as

well from inference as from facts: for what might not be expected from the

use of arbitrary power, where the three characters of party, judge, and

executioner were united! The slaves too were more capable on account of

their passions, than the beasts of the field, of exciting the passions of

their tyrants. To what a length the ill treatment of them might be carried,

might be learnt from the instance which General Tottenham mentioned to have

seen in the year 1780 in the streets of Bridge Town, Barbadoes: "A youth

about nineteen (to use his own words in the evidence), entirely naked, with

an iron collar about his neck, having five long projecting spikes. His body

both before and behind, was covered with wounds. His belly and thighs were

almost cut to pieces, with running ulcers all over them; and a finger might

have been laid in some of the weals. He could not sit down, because his

hinder part was mortified; and it was impossible for him to lie down, on

account of the prongs of his collar." He supplicated the General for

relief. The latter asked, who had punished him so dreadfully? The youth

answered, his master had done it. And because he could not work, this same

master, in the same spirit of perversion, which extorts from scripture a

justification of the Slave-trade, had fulfilled the apostolic maxim, that

he should have nothing to eat. The use he meant to make of this instance

was to show the unprotected state of the slaves. What must it be, where

such an instance could pass not only unpunished, but almost unregarded! If,

in the streets of London, but a dog were to be seen lacerated like this

miserable man, how would the cruelty of the wretch be execrated, who had

thus even abused a brute!

The judicial punishments also inflicted upon the Negro showed the low

estimation, in which, in consequence of the strength of old customs and

deep-rooted prejudices, they were held. Mr. Edwards, in his speech to the

Assembly at Jamaica, stated the following case, as one which had happened

in one of the rebellions there. Some slaves surrounded the dwelling-house

of their mistress. She was in bed with a lovely infant. They deliberated

upon the means of putting her to death in torment. But in the end one of

them reserved her for his mistress; and they killed her infant with an axe

before her face. "Now," says Mr. Edwards, (addressing himself to his

audience,) "you will think that no torments were too great for such

horrible excesses. Nevertheless I am of a different opinion. I think that

death, unaccompanied with cruelty, should be the utmost exertion of human

authority over our unhappy fellow-creatures." Torments, however, were

always inflicted in these cases. The punishment was gibbeting alive, and

exposing the delinquents to perish by the gradual effects of hunger,

thirst, and a parching sun; in which situation they were known to suffer

for nine days, with a fortitude scarcely credible, never uttering a single

groan. But horrible as the excesses might have been, which occasioned these

punishments, it muse be remembered, that they were committed by ignorant

savages, who had been dragged from all they held most dear; whose patience

had been exhausted by a cruel and loathsome confinement during their

transportation; and whose resentment had been wound up to the highest pitch

of fury by the lash of the driver.

But he would now mention another instance, by way of contrast, out of the

evidence. A child on board a slave-ship, of about ten months old, took sulk

and would not eat. The captain flogged it with a cat; swearing that he

would make it eat, or kill it. From this and other ill-treatment the

child's legs swelled. He then ordered some water to be made hot to abate

the swelling. But even his tender mercies were cruel; for the cook, on

putting his hand into the water, said it was too hot. Upon this the captain

swore at him, and ordered the feet to be put in. This was done. The nails

and skin came off. Oiled cloths were then put round them. The child was at

length tied to a heavy log. Two or three days afterwards, the captain

caught it up again; and repeated that he would make it eat, or kill it. He

immediately flogged it again, and in a quarter of an hour it died. But,

after the child was dead, whom should the barbarian select to throw it

overboard, but the wretched mother? In vain she started from the office. He

beat her, till he made her take up the child and carry it to the side of

the vessel. She then dropped it into the sea, turning her head the other

way that she might not see it. Now it would naturally be asked, Was not

this captain also gibbered alive? Alas! although the execrable, barbarity

of the European exceeded that of the Africans before mentioned, almost as

much as his opportunities of instruction had been greater than theirs, no

notice whatsoever was taken of this horrible action; and a thousand similar

cruelties had been committed in this abominable trade with equal impunity:

but he would say no more. He should vote for the abolition, not only as it

would do away all the evils complained of in Africa and the Middle Passage;

but as it would be the most effectual means of ameliorating the condition

of those unhappy persons, who were still to continue slaves in the British

colonies.

Mr. Courtenay rose. He said, he could not but consider the assertion of Sir

William Yonge as a mistake, that the Slave-trade, if abandoned by us, would

fall into the hands of France. It ought to be recollected, with what

approbation the motion for abolishing it, made by the late Mirabeau, had

been received; although the situation of the French colonies might then

have presented obstacles to carrying the measure into immediate execution.

He had no doubt, if parliament were to begin, so wise and enlightened a

body as the National Assembly would follow the example. But even if France

were not to relinquish the trade, how could we, if justice required its

abolition, hesitate as to our part of it?

The trade, it had been said, was conducted upon the principles of humanity.

Yes: we rescued the Africans from what we were pleased to call their

wretched situation in their own country, and then we took credit for our

humanity; because, after having killed one half of them in the seasoning,

we substituted what we were again pleased to call a better treatment than

that which they would have experienced at home.

It had been stated that the principle of war among savages was a general

massacre. This was not true. They frequently adopted the captives into

their own families; and, so far from massacring the women and children,

they often gave them the protection which the weakness of their age and sex

demanded.

There could be no doubt, that the practice of kidnapping prevailed in

Africa. As to witchcraft, it had been made a crime in the reign of James

the First in this country, for the purpose of informations; and how much

more likely were informations to take place in Africa, under the

encouragement afforded by the Slave-trade! This trade, it had been said,

was sanctioned by twenty-six acts of parliament. He did not doubt but

fifty-six might be found, by which parliament had sanctioned witchcraft; of

the existence of which we had now no belief whatever.

It had been said by Mr. Stanley, that the pulpit had been used as an

instrument of attack on the Slave-trade. He was happy to learn it had been

so well employed; and he hoped the Bishops would rise up in the House of

Lords, with the virtuous indignation which became them, to abolish a

traffic so contrary to humanity, justice, and religion.

He entreated every member to recollect, that on his vote that night

depended the happiness of millions; and that it was then in his power to

promote a measure, of which the benefits would be felt over one whole

quarter of the globe; that the seeds of civilization might, by the present

bill, be sown all over Africa; and the first principles of humanity be

established in regions, where they had hitherto been excluded by the

existence of this execrable trade.

Lord Carysfort rose, and said, that the great cause of the abolition had

flourished by the manner in which it had been opposed. No one argument of

solid weight has been adduced against it. It had been shown, but never

disproved, that the colonial laws were inadequate to the protection of the

slaves; that the punishments of the latter were most unmerciful; that they

were deprived of the right of self-defence against any White man; and, in

short, that the system was totally repugnant to the principles of the

British constitution.

Colonel Phipps followed Lord Carysfort. He denied that this was a question

in which the rights of humanity and the laws of nature were concerned. The

Africans became slaves in consequence of the constitution of their own

governments. These were founded in absolute despotism. Every subject was an

actual slave. The inhabitants were slaves to the great men; and the great

men were slaves to the Prince. Prisoners of war, too, were by law subject

to slavery. Such being the case, he saw no more cruelty in disposing of

them to our merchants, than to those of any other nation. Criminals also in

cases of adultery and witchcraft became slaves by the same laws.

It had been said, that there were no regulations in the West Indies for the

protection of slaves. There were several; though he was ready to admit,

that more were necessary; and he would go in this respect as far as

humanity might require. He had passed ten months in Jamaica, where he had

never seen any such acts of cruelty as had been talked of. Those which he

had seen were not exercised by the Whites, but by the Blacks. The dreadful

stories, which had been told, ought no more to fix a general stigma upon

the planters, than the story of Mrs. Brownrigg to stamp this polished

metropolis with the general brand of murder. There was once a haberdasher's

wife (Mrs. Nairne) who locked up her apprentice girl, and starved her to

death; but did ever any body think of abolishing haberdashery on this

account? He was persuaded the Negros in the West Indies were cheerful and

happy. They were fond of ornaments; but it was not the characteristic of

miserable persons to show a taste for finery. Such a taste, on the

contrary, implied a cheerful and contented mind. He was sorry to differ

from his friend Mr. Wilberforce, but he must oppose his motion.

Mr. Pitt rose, and said, that from the first hour of his having had the

honour to sit in parliament down to the present, among all the questions,

whether political or personal, in which it had been his fortune to take a

share, there had never been one in which his heart was so deeply interested

as in the present; both on account of the serious principles it involved,

and the consequences connected with it.

The present was not a mere question of feeling. The argument, which ought

in his opinion to determine the committee, was, that the Slave-trade was

unjust. It was therefore such a trade as it was impossible for him to

support, unless it could be first proved to him, that there were no laws of

morality binding upon nations; and that it was not the duty of a

legislature to restrain its subjects from invading the happiness of other

countries, and from violating the fundamental principles of justice.

Several had stated the impracticability of the measure before them. They

wished to see the trade abolished; but there was some necessity for

continuing it, which they conceived to exist. Nay, almost every one, he

believed, appeared to wish, that the further importation of slaves might

cease; provided it could be made out, that the population of the West

Indies could be maintained without it. He proposed therefore to consider

the latter point; for, as the impracticability of keeping up the population

there appeared to operate as the chief objection, he trusted that, by

showing it to be ill founded, he should clear away all other obstacles

whatever; so that, having no ground either of justice or necessity to stand

upon, there could be no excuse left to the committee for resisting the

present motion.

He might reasonably, however, hope that they would not reckon any small or

temporary disadvantage, which might arise from the abolition, to be a

sufficient reason against it. It was surely not any slight degree of

expediency, nor any small balance of profit, nor any light shades of

probability on the one side, rather than on the other, which would

determine them on this question. He asked pardon even for the supposition.

The Slave-trade was an evil of such magnitude, that there must be a common

wish in the committee at once to put an end to it, if there were no great

and serious obstacles. It was a trade, by which multitudes of unoffending

nations were deprived of the blessings of civilization, and had their peace

and happiness invaded. It ought therefore to be no common expediency, it

ought to be nothing less than the utter ruin of our islands, which it

became those to plead, who took upon them to defend the continuance of it.

He could not help thinking that the West India gentlemen had manifested an

over great degree of sensibility as to the point in question; and that

their alarms had been unreasonably excited upon it. He had examined the

subject carefully for himself; and he would now detail those reasons, which

had induced him firmly to believe, not only that no permanent mischief

would follow from the abolition; but not even any such temporary

inconvenience, as could be stated to be a reason for preventing the House

from agreeing to the motion before them; on the contrary, that the

abolition itself would lay the foundation for the more solid improvement of

all the various interests of those colonies.

In doing this he should apply his observations chiefly to Jamaica, which

contained more than half the slaves in the British West Indies; and if he

should succeed in proving that no material detriment could arise to the

population there, this would afford so strong a presumption with respect to

the other islands, that the House could no longer hesitate, whether they

should, or should not, put a stop to this most horrid trade.

In the twenty years ending in 1788, the annual loss of slaves in Jamaica

(that is, the excess of deaths above the births,) appeared to be one in the

hundred. In a preceding period the loss was greater; and, in a period

before that, greater still; there having been a continual gradation in the

decrease through the whole time. It might fairly be concluded, therefore,

that (the average loss of the last period being one per cent.) the loss in

the former part of it would be somewhat more, and in the latter part

somewhat less, than one per cent.; insomuch that it might be fairly

questioned, whether, by this time, the births and deaths in Jamaica might

not be stated as nearly equal. It was to be added, that a peculiar

calamity, which swept away fifteen thousand slaves, had occasioned a part

of the mortality in the last-mentioned period. The probable loss,

therefore, now to be expected was very inconsiderable indeed.

There was, however, one circumstance to be added, which the West India

gentlemen, in stating this matter, had entirely overlooked; and which was

so material, as clearly to reduce the probable diminution in the population

of Jamaica down to nothing. In all the calculations he had referred to of

the comparative number of births and deaths, all the Negros in the island

were included. The newly imported, who died in the seasoning, made a part.

But these swelled, most materially, the number of the deaths. Now as these

extraordinary deaths would cease, as soon as the importations ceased, a

deduction of them ought to be made from his present calculation.

But the number of those, who thus died in the seasoning, would make up of

itself nearly the whole of that one per cent., which had been stated. He

particularly pressed an attention to this circumstance; for the complaint

of being likely to want hands in Jamaica, arose from the mistake of

including the present unnatural deaths, caused by the seasoning, among the

natural and perpetual causes of mortality. These deaths, being erroneously

taken into the calculations, gave the planters an idea, that the numbers

could not be kept up. These deaths, which were caused merely by the

Slave-trade, furnished the very ground, therefore, on which the continuance

of that trade had been thought necessary.

The evidence as to this point was clear; for it would be found in that

dreadful catalogue of deaths, arising from the seasoning and the passage,

which the House had been condemned to look into, that one half died. An

annual mortality of two thousand slaves in Jamaica might be therefore

charged to the importation; which, compared with the whole number on the

island, hardly fell short of the whole one per cent. decrease.

Joining this with all the other considerations, he would then ask, Could

the decrease of the slaves in Jamaica be such--could the colonies be so

destitute of means--could the planters, when by their own accounts they

were establishing daily new regulations for the benefit of the

slaves--could they, under all these circumstances, be permitted to plead

that total impossibility of keeping up their number, which they had rested

on, as being indeed the only possible pretext for allowing fresh

importations from Africa? He appealed therefore to the sober judgment of

all, whether the situation of Jamaica was such, as to justify a hesitation

in agreeing to the present motion.

It might be observed also, that, when the importations should stop, that

disproportion between the sexes, which was one of the obstacles to

population, would gradually diminish; and a natural order of things be

established. Through the want of this natural order a thousand grievances

were created, which it was impossible to define; and which it was in vain

to think that, under such circumstances, we could cure. But the abolition

of itself would work this desirable effect. The West Indians would then

feel a near and urgent interest to enter into a thousand little details,

which it was impossible for him to describe, but which would have the

greatest influence on population. A foundation would thus be laid for the

general welfare of the islands; a new system would rise up, the reverse of

the old; and eventually both their general wealth and happiness would

increase.

He had now proved far more than he was bound to do; for, if he could only

show that the abolition would not be ruinous, it would be enough. He could

give up, therefore, three arguments out of four, through the whole of what

he had said, and yet have enough left for his position. As to the Creoles,

they would undoubtedly increase. They differed in this entirely from the

imported slaves, who were both a burthen and a curse to themselves and

others. The measure now proposed would operate like a charm; and, besides

stopping all the miseries in Africa and the passage, would produce even

more benefit in the West Indies than legal regulations could effect.

He would now just touch upon the question of emancipation. A rash

emancipation of the slaves would be mischievous. In that unhappy situation,

to which our baneful conduct had brought ourselves and them, it would be no

justice on either side to give them liberty. They were as yet incapable of

it; but their situation might be gradually amended. They might be relieved

from every thing harsh and severe; raised from their present degraded

state; and put under the protection of the law. Till then, to talk of

emancipation was insanity. But it was the system of fresh importations,

which interfered with these principles of improvement; and it was only the

abolition which could establish them. This suggestion had its foundation in

human nature. Wherever the incentive of honour, credit, and fair profit

appeared, energy would spring up; and when these labourers should have the

natural springs of human action afforded them, they would then rise to the

natural level of human industry.

From Jamaica he would now go to the other islands. In Barbadoes the slaves

had rather increased. In St. Kitts the decrease for fourteen years had been

but three fourths per cent.; but here many of the observations would apply,

which he had used in the case of Jamaica. In Antigua many had died by a

particular calamity. But for this, the decrease would have been trifling.

In Nevis and Montserrat there was little or no disproportion of the sexes;

so that it might well be hoped, that the numbers would be kept up in these

islands. In Dominica some controversy had arisen about the calculation; but

Governor Orde had stated an increase of births above the deaths. From

Grenada and St. Vincents no accurate accounts had been delivered in answer

to the queries sent them; but they were probably not in circumstances less

favourable than in the other islands.

On a full review then, of the state of the Negro population in the West

Indies, was there any serious ground of alarm from the abolition of the

Slave-trade? Where was the impracticability, on which alone so many had

rested their objections? Must we not blush at pretending, that it would

distress our consciences to accede to this measure, as far as the question

of the Negro population was concerned?

Intolerable were the mischiefs of this trade, both in its origin and

through every stage of its progress. To say that slaves could be furnished

us by fair and commercial means was ridiculous. The trade sometimes ceased,

as during the late war. The demand was more or less according to

circumstances. But how was it possible, that to a demand so exceedingly

fluctuating the supply should always exactly accommodate itself? Alas! we

made human beings the subject of commerce; we talked of them as such; and

yet we would not allow them the common principle of commerce, that the

supply must accommodate itself to the consumption. It was not from wars,

then, that the slaves were chiefly procured. They were obtained in

proportion as they were wanted. If a demand for slaves arose, a supply was

forced in one way or other; and it was in vain, overpowered as we then were

with positive evidence, as well as the reasonableness of the supposition,

to deny that by the Slave-trade we occasioned all the enormities which had

been alleged against it.

Sir William Yonge had said, that, if we were not to take the Africans from

their country, they would be destroyed. But he had not yet read, that all

uncivilized nations destroyed their captives. We assumed therefore what was

false. The very selling of them implied this: for, if they would sell their

captives for profit, why should they not employ them so as to receive a

profit also? Nay, many of them, while there was no demand from the

slave-merchants, were often actually so employed. The trade, too, had been

suspended during the war; and it was never said, or thought, that any such

consequence had then followed.

The honourable baronet had also said in justification of the Slave-trade,

that witchcraft commonly implied poison, and was therefore a punishable

crime; but did he recollect that not only the individual accused, but that

his whole family, were sold as slaves? The truth was, we stopped the

natural progress of civilization in Africa. We cut her off from the

opportunity of improvement. We kept her down in a state of darkness,

bondage, ignorance and bloodshed. Was not this an awful consideration for

this country? Look at the map of Africa, and see how little useful

intercourse had been established on that vast continent! While other

countries were assisting and enlightening each other, Africa alone had none

of these benefits. We had obtained as yet only so much knowledge of her

productions, as to show that there was a capacity for trade, which we

checked. Indeed, if the mischiefs there were out of the question, the

circumstance of the Middle Passage alone would, in his mind, be reason

enough for the abolition. Such a scene as that of the slave-ships passing

over with their wretched cargoes to the West Indies, if it could be spread

before the eyes of the House, would be sufficient of itself to make them

vote in favour of it; but when it could be added, that the interest even of

the West Indies themselves rested on the accomplishment of this great

event, he could not conceive an act of more imperious duty, than that,

which was imposed upon the House, of agreeing to the present motion.

Sir Archibald Edmonstone rose, and asked, whether the present motion went

so far, as to pledge those who voted for it, to a total and immediate

abolition.

Mr. Alderman Watson rose next. He defended the Slave-trade as highly

beneficial to the country, being one material branch of its commerce. But

he could not think of the African trade without connecting it with the West

Indian. The one hung upon the other. A third important branch also depended

upon it; which was the Newfoundland fishery: the latter could not go on, if

it were not for the vast quantity of inferior fish bought up for the Negros

in the West Indies; and which was quite unfit for any other market. If

therefore we destroyed the African, we destroyed the other trades. Mr.

Turgot, he said, had recommended in the National Assembly of France the

gradual abolition of the Slave-trade. He would therefore recommend it to

the House to adopt the same measure, and to soften the rigours of slavery

by wholesome regulations; but an immediate abolition he could not

countenance.

Mr. Fox at length rose. He observed that some expressions, which he had

used on the preceding day, had been complained of as too harsh and severe.

He had since considered them; but he could not prevail upon himself to

retract them; because, if any gentleman, after reading the evidence on the

table, and attending to the debate, could avow himself an abetter of this

shameful traffic in human flesh, it could only be either from some hardness

of heart, or some difficulty of understanding, which he really knew not how

to account for.

Some had considered this question as a question of political, whereas it

was a question of personal, freedom. Political freedom was undoubtedly a

great blessing; but, when it came to be compared with personal, it sank to

nothing. To confound the two, served therefore to render all arguments on

either perplexing and unintelligible. Personal freedom was the first right

of every human being. It was a right, of which he who deprived a

fellow-creature was absolutely criminal in so depriving him, and which he

who withheld was no less criminal in withholding. He could not therefore

retract his words with respect to any, who (whatever respect he might

otherwise have for them) should, by their vote of that night, deprive their

fellow-creatures of so great a blessing. Nay, he would go further. He would

say, that if the House, knowing what the trade was by the evidence, did not

by their vote mark to all mankind their abhorrence of a practice so savage,

so enormous, so repugnant to all laws human and divine, they would consign

their character to eternal infamy.

That the pretence of danger to our West Indian islands from the abolition

of the Slave-trade was totally unfounded, Mr. Wilberforce had abundantly

proved: but if there were they, who had not been satisfied with that proof,

was it possible to resist the arguments of Mr. Pitt on the same subject? It

had been shown, on a comparison of the births and deaths in Jamaica, that

there was not now any decrease of the slaves. But if there had been, it

would have made no difference to him in his vote; for, had the mortality

been ever so great there, he should have ascribed it to the system of

importing Negros, instead of that of encouraging their natural increase.

Was it not evident, that the planters thought it more convenient to buy

them fit for work, than to breed them? Why, then, was this horrid trade to

be kept up?--To give the planters, truly, the liberty of misusing their

slaves, so as to check population; for it was from ill-usage only that, in

a climate so natural to them, their numbers could diminish. The very

ground, therefore, on which the planters rested the necessity of fresh

importations, namely, the destruction of lives in the West Indies, was

itself the strongest argument that could be given, and furnished the most

imperious call upon parliament for the abolition of the trade.

Against this trade innumerable were the charges. An honourable member, Mr.

Smith, had done well to introduce those tragical stories, which had made

such an impression upon the House. No one of these had been yet

controverted. It had indeed been said, that the cruelty of the African

captain to the child was too bad to be true; and we had been desired to

look at the cross-examination of the witness, as if we should find traces

of the falsehood of his testimony there. But his cross-examination was

peculiarly honourable to his character; for after he had been pressed, in

the closest manner, by some able members of the House, the only

inconsistency they could fix upon him was, whether the fact had happened on

the same day of the same month of the year 1764 or the year 1765.

But it was idle to talk of the incredibility of such instances. It was not

denied, that absolute power was exercised by the slave-captains; and if

this was granted, all the cruelties charged upon them would naturally

follow. Never did he hear of charges so black and horrible as those

contained in the evidence on the table. They unfolded such a scene of

cruelty, that if the House, with all their present knowledge of the

circumstances, should dare to vote for its continuance, they must have

nerves, of which he had no conception. We might find instances indeed, in

history, of men violating the feelings of nature on extraordinary

occasions. Fathers had sacrificed their sons and daughters, and husbands

their wives; but to imitate their characters we ought to have not only

nerves as strong as the two Brutuses, but to take care that we had a cause

as good; or that we had motives for such a dereliction of our feelings as

patriotic as those, which historians had annexed to these when they handed

them to the notice of the world.

But what was our motive in the case before us?--to continue a trade which

was a wholesale sacrifice of a whole order and race of our

fellow-creatures; which carried them away by force from their native

country, in order to subject them to the mere will and caprice, the tyranny

and oppression, of other human beings, for their whole natural lives, them

and their posterity for ever!! O most monstrous wickedness! O unparalleled

barbarity! And, what was more aggravating, this most complicated scene of

robbery and murder which mankind had ever witnessed, had been honoured by

the name of--trade.

That a number of human beings should be at all times ready to be furnished

as fair articles of commerce, just as our occasions might require, was

absurd. The argument of Mr. Pitt on this head was unanswerable. Our demand

was fluctuating: it entirely ceased at some times: at others it was great

and pressing. How was it possible, on every sudden call, to furnish a

sufficient return in slaves, without resorting to those execrable means of

obtaining them, which were stated in the evidence? These were of three

sorts, and he would now examine them.

Captives in war, it was urged, were consigned either to death or slavery.

This, however, he believed to be false in point of fact. But suppose it

were true; Did it not become us, with whom it was a custom, founded in the

wisest policy, to pay the captives a peculiar respect and civility, to

inculcate the same principles in Africa? But we were so far from doing

this, that we encouraged wars for the sake of taking, not men's goods and

possessions, but men themselves; and it was not the war which was the cause

of the Slave-trade, but the Slave-trade which was the cause of the war. If

was the practice of the slave-merchants to try to intoxicate the African

kings in order to turn them to their purpose. A particular instance

occurred in the evidence of a prince, who, when sober, resisted their

wishes; but in the moment of inebriety he gave the word for war, attacked

the next village, and sold the inhabitants to the merchants.

The second mode was kidnapping. He referred the House to various instances

of this in the evidence: but there was one in particular, from which we

might immediately infer the frequency of the practice. A Black trader had

kidnapped a girl and sold her; but he was presently afterwards kidnapped

and sold himself; and, when he asked the captain who bought him, "What! do

you buy me, who am a great trader?" the only answer was, "Yes, I will buy

you, or her, or any body else, provided any one will sell you;" and

accordingly both the trader and the girl were carried to the West Indies

and sold for slaves.

The third mode of obtaining slaves was by crimes committed or imputed. One

of these was adultery. But was Africa the place, where Englishmen, above

all others, were to go to find out and punish adulterers? Did it become us

to cast the first stone? It was a most extraordinary pilgrimage for a most

extraordinary purpose! And yet upon this plea we justified our right of

carrying off its inhabitants. The offence alleged next was witchcraft. What

a reproach it was to lend ourselves to this superstition!--Yes: we stood

by; we heard the trial; we knew the crime to be impossible; and that the

accused must be innocent: but we waited in patient silence for his

condemnation; and then we lent our friendly aid to the police of the

country, by buying the wretched convict, with all his family; whom, for the

benefit of Africa, we carried away also into perpetual slavery.

With respect to the situation of the slaves in their transportation, he

knew not how to give the House a more correct idea of the horrors of it,

than by referring them to the printed section of the slave-ship; where the

eye might see what the tongue must fall short in describing. On this dismal

part of the subject he would not dwell. He would only observe, that the

acts of barbarity, related of the slave-captains in these voyages, were so

extravagant, that they had been attributed in some instances to insanity.

But was not this the insanity of arbitrary power? Who ever read the facts

recorded of Nero without suspecting he was mad? Who would not be apt to

impute insanity to Caligula--or Domitian--or Caracalla--or Commodus--or

Heliogabalus? Here were six Roman emperors, not connected in blood, nor by

descent, who, each of them, possessing arbitrary power, had been so

distinguished for cruelty, that nothing short of insanity could be imputed

to them. Was not the insanity of the masters of slave-ships to be accounted

for on the same principles?

Of the slaves in the West Indies it had been said, that they were taken

from a worse state to a better. An honourable member, Mr. W. Smith, had

quoted some instances out of the evidence to the contrary. He also would

quote one or two others. A slave under hard usage had run away. To prevent

a repetition of the offence his owner sent for his surgeon, and desired him

to cut off the man's leg. The surgeon refused. The owner, to render it a

matter of duty in the surgeon, broke it. "Now," says he, "you must cut it

off; or the man will die." We might console ourselves, perhaps, that this

happened in a French island; but he would select another instance, which

had happened in one of our own. Mr. Ross heard the shrieks of a female

issuing from an outhouse; and so piercing, that he determined to see what

was going on. On looking in he perceived a young female tied up to a beam

by her wrists; entirely naked; and in the act of involuntary writhing and

swinging; while the author of her torture was standing below her with a

lighted torch in his hand, which he applied to all the parts of her body as

it approached him. What crime this miserable woman had perpetrated he knew

not; but the human mind could not conceive a crime warranting such a

punishment.

He was glad to see that these tales affected the House. Would they then

sanction enormities, the bare recital of which made them shudder? Let them

remember that humanity did not consist in a squeamish ear. It did not

consist in shrinking and starting at such tales as these; but in a

disposition of the heart to remedy the evils they unfolded. Humanity

belonged rather to the mind than to the nerves. But, if so, it should

prompt men to charitable exertion. Such exertion was necessary in the

present case. It was necessary for the credit of our jurisprudence at home,

and our character abroad. For what would any man think of our justice, who

should see another hanged for a crime, which would be innocence itself, if

compared with those enormities, which were allowed in Africa and the West

Indies under the sanction of the British parliament?

It had been said, however, in justification of the trade, that the Africans

were less happy at home than in the Islands. But what right had we to be

judges of their condition? They would tell us a very different tale, if

they were asked. But it was ridiculous to say, that we bettered their

condition, when we dragged them from every thing dear in life to the most

abject state of slavery.

One argument had been used, which for a subject so grave was the most

ridiculous he had ever heard. Mr. Alderman Watson had declared the

Slave-trade to be necessary on account of its connection with our

fisheries. But what was this but an acknowledgment of the manner, in which

these miserable beings were treated? The trade was to be kept up, with all

its enormities, in order that there might be persons to consume the refuse

fish from Newfoundland, which was too bad for any body else to eat.

It had been said that England ought not to abolish the Slave-trade, unless

other nations would also give it up. But what kind of morality was this?

The trade was defensible upon no other principle than that of a highwayman.

Great Britain could not keep it upon these terms. Mere gain was not a

motive for a great country to rest on, as a justification of any measure.

Honour was its superior; and justice was superior to honour.

With regard to the emancipation of those in slavery, he coincided with Mr.

Wilberforce and Mr. Pitt; and upon this principle, that it might be as

dangerous to give freedom at once to a man used to slavery, as, in the case

of a man who had never seen day-light, to expose him all at once to the

full glare of a meridian sun.

With respect to the intellect and sensibility of the Africans, it was pride

only, which suggested a difference between them and ourselves. There was a

remarkable instance to the point in the evidence, and which he would quote.

In one of the slave-ships was a person of consequence; a man, once high in

a military station, and with a mind not insensible to the eminence of his

rank. He had been taken captive and sold; and was then in the hold,

confined promiscuously with the rest. Happening in the night to fall

asleep, he dreamed that he was in his own country; high in honour and

command; caressed by his family and friends; waited on by his domestics;

and surrounded with all his former comforts in life. But awaking suddenly,

and finding where he was, he was heard to burst into the loudest groans and

lamentations on the miserable contrast of his present state; mixed with the

meanest of his subjects; and subjected to the insolence of wretches a

thousand times lower than himself in every kind of endowment. He appealed

to the House, whether this was not as moving a picture of the miserable

effects of the Slave-trade, as could be well imagined. There was one way,

by which they might judge of it. Let them make the case their own. This was

the Christian rule of judging; and, having mentioned Christianity, he was

sorry to find that any should suppose, that it had given countenance to

such a system of oppression. So far was this from being the case, that he

thought it one of the most splendid triumphs of this religion, that it had

caused slavery to be so generally abolished on its appearance in the world.

It had done this by teaching us, among other beautiful precepts, that, in

the sight of their Maker, all mankind were equal. Its influence appeared to

have been more powerful in this respect than that of all the ancient

systems of philosophy; though even in these, in point of theory, we might

trace great liberality and consideration for human rights. Where could be

found finer sentiments of liberty than in Demosthenes and Cicero? Where

bolder assertions of the rights of mankind, than in Tacitus and Thucydides?

But, alas! these were the holders of slaves! It was not so with those who

had been converted to Christianity. He knew, however, that what he had been

ascribing to Christianity had been imputed by others to the advances which

philosophy had made. Each of the two parties took the merit to itself. The

philosopher gave it to philosophy, and the divine to religion. He should

not then dispute with either of them; but, as both coveted the praise, why

should they not emulate each other by promoting this improvement in the

condition of the human race?

He would now conclude by declaring, that the whole country, indeed the

whole civilized world, must rejoice that such a bill as the present had

been moved for, not merely as a matter of humanity, but as an act of

justice; for he would put humanity out of the case. Could it be called

humanity to forbear from committing murder? Exactly upon this ground did

the present motion stand; being strictly a question of national justice. He

thanked Mr. Wilberforce for having pledged himself so strongly to pursue

his object till it was accomplished; and, as for himself, he declared,

that, in whatever situation he might ever be, he would use his warmest

efforts for the promotion of this righteous cause.

Mr. Stanley (the member for Lancashire) rose, and declared that, when he

came into the house, he intended to vote against the abolition; but that

the impression made both on his feelings and on his understanding was such,

that he could not persist in his resolution. He was now convinced that the

entire abolition of the Slave-trade was called for equally by sound policy

and justice. He thought it right and fair to avow manfully this change in

his opinion. The abolition, he was sure, could not long fail of being

carried. The arguments for it were irresistible.

The honourable Mr. Ryder said, that he came to the house, not exactly in

the same circumstances as Mr. Stanley, but very undecided on the subject.

He was, however, so strongly convinced by the arguments he had heard, that

he was become equally earnest for the abolition.

Mr. Smith (member for Pontefract) said, that he should not trouble the

House at so late an hour, further than to enter his protest, in the most

solemn manner, against this trade, which he considered as most disgraceful

to the country, and contrary to all the principles of justice and religion.

Mr. Sumner declared himself against the total, immediate, and unqualified

abolition, which he thought would wound at least the prejudices of the West

Indians, and might do mischief; but a gradual abolition should have his

hearty support.

Major Scott declared there was no member in the house, who would give a

more independent vote upon this question than himself. He had no concern

either in the African or West Indian trades; but in the present state of

the finances of the country, he thought it would be a dangerous experiment

to risk any one branch of our foreign commerce. As far as regulation would

go, he would join in the measure.

Mr. Burke said he would use but few words. He declared that he had for a

long time had his mind drawn towards this great subject. He had even

prepared a bill for the regulation of the trade, conceiving at that time

that the immediate abolition of it was a thing hardly to be hoped for; but

when he found that Mr. Wilberforce had seriously undertaken the work, and

that his motion was for the abolition, which he approved much more than his

own, he had burnt his papers; and made an offering of them in honour of his

nobler proposition, much in the same manner as we read, that the curious

books were offered up and burnt at the approach of the Gospel. He highly

applauded the confessions of Mr. Stanley and Mr. Ryder. It would be a

glorious tale for them to tell their constituents, that it was impossible

for them, however prejudiced, if sent to hear discussion in that house, to

avoid surrendering up their hearts and judgments at the shrine of reason.

Mr. Drake said, that he would oppose the abolition to the utmost. We had by

a want of prudent conduct lost America. The house should be aware of being

carried away by the meteors with which they had been dazzled. The leaders,

it was true, were for the abolition; but the minor orators, the dwarfs, the

pigmies, he trusted, would that night carry the question against them. The

property of the West Indians was at stake; and, though men might be

generous with their own property, they should not be so with the property

of others.

Lord Sheffield reprobated the overbearing language, which had been used by

some gentlemen towards others, who differed in opinion from them on a

subject of so much difficulty as the present. He protested against a

debate, in which he could trace nothing like reason; but, on the contrary,

downright phrensy, raised perhaps by the most extraordinary eloquence. The

abolition, as proposed, was impracticable. He denied the right of the

legislature to pass a law for it. He warned the Chancellor of the Exchequer

to beware of the day, on which the bill should pass, as the worst he had

ever seen.

Mr. Milnes declared, that he adopted all those expressions against the

Slave-trade, which had been thought so harsh; and that the opinion of the

noble lord had been turned in consequence of having become one of the

members for Bristol. He quoted a passage from Lord Sheffield's pamphlet;

and insisted that the separation of families in the West Indies, there

complained of by himself, ought to have compelled him to take the contrary

side of the question.

Mr. Wilberforce made a short reply to some arguments in the course of the

debate; after which, at half past three in the morning, the House divided.

There appeared for Mr. Wilberforce's motion eighty-eight, and against it

one hundred and sixty-three; so that it was lost by a majority of

seventy-five votes.

By this unfavourable division the great contest, in which we had been so

long engaged, was decided. We were obliged to give way to superior numbers.

Our fall, however, grievous as it was, was rendered more tolerable by the

circumstance of having been prepared to expect it. It was rendered more

tolerable also by other considerations; for we had the pleasure of knowing,

that we had several of the most distinguished characters in the kingdom,

and almost all the splendid talents of the House of Commons[A], in our

favour. We knew too, that the question had not been carried against us

either by evidence or by argument; but that we were the victims of the

accidents and circumstances of the times. And as these considerations

comforted us, when we looked forward to future operations on this great

question, so we found great consolation as to the past, in believing, that,

unless human constitutions were stronger then they really were, we could

not have done more than we had done towards the furtherance of the cause.

[Footnote A: It is a pity that no perfect list was ever made of this or of

any other division in the House of Commons on this subject. I can give,

however, the names of the following members, as having voted for Mr.

Wilberforce's motion at this time.

Mr. Pitt, Hon. R. Fitzpatrick,

Mr. Fox, Sir William Dolben,

Mr. Burke, Sir Henry Houghton,

Mr. Grey, Sir Edward Lyttleton,

Mr. Windham, Sir William Scott,

Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Samuel Thornton,

Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Henry Thornton,

Mr. Courtenay, Mr. Robert Thornton,

Mr. Francis, Mr. Duncombe,

Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Martin,

Mr. Ryder, Mr. Milnes,

Mr. William Smith, Mr. Steele,

Mr. John Smyth, Mr. Coke,

Mr. Robert Smith, Mr. Elliott,

Mr. Powys, Mr. Montagu,

Lord Apsley, Mr. Bastard,

Lord Bayham, Mr. Stanley,

Lord Arden, Mr. Plumer,

Lord Carysfort, Mr. Beaufoy,

Lord Muncaster, Mr. I.H. Browne,

Lord Barnard, Mr. G.N. Edwards,

Lord North, Mr. W.M. Pitt,

Lord Euston, Mr. Bankes.

General Burgoyne]

The committee for the abolition held a meeting soon after this our defeat.

It was the most impressive I ever attended. The looks of all bespoke the

feelings of their hearts. Little was said previously to the opening of the

business; and, after it was opened, it was conducted with a kind of solemn

dignity, which became the occasion. The committee, in the course of its

deliberations, came to the following resolutions:

That the thanks of this committee be respectfully given to the illustrious

minority of the House of Commons, who lately stood forth the assertors of

British justice and humanity, and the enemies of a traffic in the blood of

man.

That our acknowledgements are particularly due to William Wilberforce,

esquire, for his unwearied exertions to remove this opprobrium of our

national character; and to the right honourable William Pitt, and the right

honourable Charles James Fox, for their virtuous and dignified cooperation

in the same cause.

That the solemn declarations of these gentlemen, and of Matthew Montagu and

William Smith, esquires, that they will not relinquish, but with life,

their struggle for the abolition of the Slave-trade, are not only highly

honourable to themselves as Britons, as Statesmen, and as Christians, but

must eventually, as the light of evidence shall be more and more diffused,

be seconded by the good wishes of every man not immediately interested in

the continuance of that detestable commerce.

And, lastly, that anticipating the opposition they should have to sustain

from persons trained to a familiarity with the rapine and desolation

necessarily attendant on the Slave-trade, and sensible also of the

prejudices which implicitly arise from long-established usages, this

committee consider the late decision in the House of Commons as a delay,

rather than a defeat. In addressing a free and enlightened nation on a

subject, in which its justice, its humanity, and its wisdom are involved,

they cannot despair of final success; and they do hereby, under an

increasing conviction of the excellence of their cause, and inconformity to

the distinguished examples before them, renew their firm protestation, that

they will never desist from appealing to their countrymen, till the

commercial intercourse with Africa shall cease to be polluted with the

blood of its inhabitants.

These resolutions were published, and they were followed by a suitable

report.

The committee, in order to strengthen themselves for the prosecution of

their great work, elected Sir William Dolben, baronet, Henry Thornton,

Lewis Alexander Grant, and Matthew Montagu, esquires, who were members of

parliament, and Truman Harford, Josiah Wedgwood, jun. esquire, and John

Clarkson, esquire, of the royal navy, as members of their own body; and

they elected the Reverend Archdeacon Plymloy (now Corbett) an honorary and

corresponding member, in consequence of the great services which he had

rendered their cause in the shires of Hereford and Salop, and the adjacent

counties of Wales.

The several committees, established in the country, on receiving the

resolutions and report as before mentioned, testified their sympathy in

letters of condolence to that of London on the late melancholy occasion;

and expressed their determination to support it as long as any vestiges of

this barbarous traffic should remain.

At length the session ended; and though, in the course of it, the

afflicting loss of the general question had occurred, there was yet an

attempt made by the abolitionists in parliament, which met with a better

fate. The Sierra Leone company received the sanction of the legislature.

The object of this institution was to colonize a small portion of the coast

of Africa. They, who were to settle there, were to have no concern in the

Slave-trade, but to discourage it as much as possible. They were to

endeavour to establish a new species of commerce, and to promote

cultivation in its neighbourhood by free labour. The persons more generally

fixed upon for colonists, were such Negros, with their wives and families,

as chose to abandon their habitations in Nova Scotia. These had followed

the British arms in America; and had been settled there, as a reward for

their services, by the British government. My brother, just mentioned to

have been chosen a member of the committee, and who had essentially served

the great cause of the abolition on many occasions, undertook a visit to

Nova Scotia, to see if those in question were willing to undergo the

change; and in that case to provide transports, and conduct them to Sierra

Leone. This object he accomplished. He embarked more than eleven hundred

persons in fifteen vessels, of all which he took the command. On landing

them he became the first Governor of the new Colony. Having laid the

foundation of it, he returned to England; when a successor was appointed.

From that time many unexpected circumstances, but particularly devastations

by the French in the beginning of the war, took place, which, contributed

to ruin the trading company, which was attached to it. It is pleasing,

however, to reflect, that though the object of the institution, as far as

mercantile profit was concerned, thus failed, the other objects belonging

to it were promoted. Schools, places of worship, agriculture, and the

habits of civilized life, were established. Sierra Leone, therefore, now

presents itself as the medium of civilization for Africa. And, in this

latter point of view, it is worth all the treasure which has been lost in

supporting it: for the Slave-trade, which was the great obstacle to this

civilization, being now happily abolished, there is a metropolis,

consisting of some hundreds of persons, from which may issue the seeds of

reformation to this injured continent; and which, when sown, may be

expected to grow into fruit without interruption. New schools may be

transplanted from thence into the interior. Teachers, and travellers on

discovery, may be sent from thence in various directions; who may return to

it occasionally as to their homes. The natives too, able now to travel in

safety, may resort to it from various parts. They may see the improvements

which are going on from time to time. They may send their children to it

for education. And thus it may become the medium[A] of a great intercourse

between England and Africa, to the benefit of each other.

[Footnote A: To promote this desirable end an association took place last

year, called The African Institution, under the patronage of the Duke of

Gloucester, as president, and of the friends to the African cause,

particularly of such as were in parliament, and as belonged to the

committee for the abolition of the Slave-trade.]