he would now answer two objections which he had frequently heard started.
The first of these was, that the abolition of the Slave-trade would operate
to the total ruin of our navy, and to the increase of that of our rivals.
For an answer to these assertions, he referred, to what he considered to be
the most valuable part of the report, and for which the house and the
country were indebted to the indefatigable exertions of Mr. Clarkson. By
the report it appeared, that, instead of the Slave-trade being a nursery
for British seamen, it was their grave. It appeared that more seamen died
in that trade in one year than in the whole remaining trade of the country
in two. Out of 910 sailors in it, 216 died in the year, while upon a fair
average of the same number of men employed in the trades to the East and
West Indies, Petersburgh, Newfoundland, and Greenland, no more than 87
died. It appeared also, that out of 3170, who had left Liverpool in the
slave-ships in the year 1787, only 1428 had returned. And here, while he
lamented the loss which the country thus annually sustained in her seamen,
he had additionally to lament the barbarous usage which they experienced,
and which this trade, by its natural tendency to harden the heart,
exclusively produced. He would just read an extract of a letter from
Governor Parrey, of Barbadoes, to Lord Sydney, one of the secretaries of
state. The Governor declared he could no longer contain himself on account
of the ill treatment, which the British sailors endured at the hands of
their savage captains. These were obliged to have their vessels strongly
manned, not only on account of the unhealthiness of the climate of Africa,
but of the necessity of guarding the slaves, and preventing and suppressing
insurrections; and when they arrived in the West Indies, and were out of
all danger from the latter, they quarrelled with their men on the most
frivolous pretences, on purpose to discharge them, and thus save the
payment of supernumerary wages home. Thus many were left in a diseased and
deplorable state; either to perish by sickness, or to enter into foreign
service; great numbers of whom were for ever lost to their country. The
Governor concluded by declaring, that the enormities attendant on this
trade were so great, as to demand the immediate interference of the
legislature.
The next objection to the abolition was, that if we were to relinquish the
Slave-trade, our rivals, the French, would take it up; so that, while we
should suffer by the measure, the evil would still go on, and this even to
its former extent. This was, indeed, a very weak argument; and, if it would
defend the continuance of the Slave-trade, might equally be urged in favour
of robbery, murder, and every species of wickedness, which, if we did not
practise, others would commit. But suppose, for the sake of argument, that
they were to take it up. What good would it do them? What advantages, for
instance, would they derive from this pestilential commerce to their
marine? Should not we, on the other hand, be benefited by this change?
Would they not be obliged to come to us, in consequence of the cheapness of
our manufactures, for what they wanted for the African market? But he would
not calumniate the French nation so much as to suppose that they would
carry on the trade if we were to relinquish it. He believed, on the other
hand, that they would abolish it also. Mr. Necker, the present minister of
France, was a man of religious principle; and, in his work upon the
administration of the finances, had recorded his abhorrence of this trade.
He was happy also to relate an anecdote of the present King of France,
which proved that he was a friend to the abolition; for, being petitioned
to dissolve a society, formed at Paris, for the annihilation of the
Slave-trade, his majesty answered, that he would not, and was happy to hear
that so humane an association was formed in his dominions. And here, having
mentioned the society in Paris, he could not help paying a due compliment
to that established in London for the same purpose, which had laboured with
the greatest assiduity to make this important subject understood, and which
had conducted itself with so much judgment and moderation as to have
interested men of all religions, and to have united them in their cause.
There was another topic which he would submit to the notice of the house
before he concluded. They were perhaps not aware, that a fair and
honourable trade might be substituted in the natural productions of Africa,
so that our connection with that continent in the way of commercial
advantage need not be lost. The natives had already made some advances in
it; and if they had not appeared so forward in raising and collecting their
own produce for sale as in some other countries, it was to be imputed to
the Slave-trade: but remove the cause, and Africa would soon emerge from
her present ignorant and indolent state. Civilization would go on with her
as well as with other nations. Europe three or four centuries ago was in
many parts as barbarous as Africa at present, and chargeable with as bad
practices. For, what would be said, if, so late as the middle of the
thirteenth century, he could find a parallel there for the
Slave-trade?--Yes. This parallel was to be found even in England. The
people of Bristol, in the reign of Henry the Seventh, had a regular market
for children, which were bought by the Irish: but the latter having
experienced a general calamity, which they imputed as a judgment from
Heaven on account of this wicked traffic, abolished it. The only thing,
therefore, which he had to solicit of the house, was to show that they were
now as enlightened as the Irish were four centuries back, by refusing to
buy the children of other nations. He hoped they would do it. He hoped,
too, they would do it in an unqualified manner. Nothing less than a total
abolition of the trade would do away the evils complained of. The
legislature of Jamaica, indeed, had thought that regulations might answer
the purpose. Their report had recommended, that no person should be
kidnapped, or permitted to be made a slave, contrary to the customs of
Africa. But might he not be reduced to this state very unjustly, and yet by
no means contrary to the African laws? Besides, how could we distinguish
between those who were justly or unjustly reduced to it? Could we discover
them by their physiognomy?--But if we could, Who would believe that the
British captains would be influenced by any regulations made in this
country, to refuse to purchase those who had not been fairly, honestly, and
uprightly enslaved? They who were offered to us for sale were brought, some
of them, three or four thousand miles, and exchanged like cattle from one
hand to another, till they reached the coast. But who could return these to
their homes, or make them compensation for their sufferings during their
long journeyings? He would now conclude by begging pardon of the house for
having detained them so long. He could indeed have expressed his own
conviction in fewer words. He needed only to have made one or two short
statements, and to have quoted the commandment, "Thou shalt do no murder."
But he thought it his duty to lay the whole of the case, and the whole of
its guilt, before them. They would see now that no mitigations, no
palliatives, would either be efficient or admissible. Nothing short of an
absolute abolition could be adopted. This they owed to Africa: they owed
it, too, to their own moral characters. And he hoped they would follow up
the principle of one of the repentant African captains, who had gone before
the committee of privy council as a voluntary witness, and that they would
make Africa all the atonement in their power for the multifarious injuries
she had received at the hands of British subjects. With respect to these
injuries, their enormity and extent, it might be alleged in their excuse,
that they were not fully acquainted with them till that moment, and
therefore not answerable for their former existence: but now they could no
longer plead ignorance concerning them. They had seen them brought directly
before their eyes, and they must decide for themselves, and must justify to
the world and their own consciences the facts and principles upon which
their decision was formed.
Mr. Wilberforce having concluded his speech, which lasted three hours and a
half, read, and laid on the table of the house, as subjects for their
future discussion, twelve propositions, which he had deduced from the
evidence contained in the privy council report, and of which the following
is the abridged substance:
1. That the number of slaves annually carried from the coast of Africa, in
British vessels, was about 38,000, of which, on an average, 22,500 were
carried to the British islands, and that of the latter only 17,500 were
retained there.
2. That these slaves, according to the evidence on the table, consisted,
First, of prisoners of war; Secondly, of free persons sold for debt, or on
account of real or imputed crimes, particularly adultery and witchcraft; in
which cases they were frequently sold with their whole families, and
sometimes for the profit of those by whom they were condemned; Thirdly, of
domestic slaves sold for the profit of their masters, in some places at the
will of the masters, and in others, on being condemned by them for real or
imputed crimes; Fourthly, of persons made slaves by various acts of
oppression, violence, or fraud, committed either by the princes and chiefs
of those countries on their subjects, or by private individuals on each
other;--or, lastly, by Europeans engaged in this traffic.
3. That the trade so carried on had necessarily a tendency to occasion
frequent and cruel wars among the natives; to produce unjust convictions
and punishments for pretended or aggravated crimes; to encourage acts of
oppression, violence, and fraud, and to obstruct the natural course of
civilization and improvement in those countries.
4. That Africa in its present state furnished several valuable articles of
commerce which were partly peculiar to itself, but that it was adapted to
the production of others, with which we were now either wholly or in great
part supplied by foreign nations. That an extensive commerce with Africa
might be substituted in these commodities, so as to afford a return for as
many articles as had annually been carried thither in British vessels: and,
lastly, that such a commerce might reasonably be expected to increase by
the progress of civilization there.
5. That the Slave-trade was peculiarly destructive to the seamen employed
in it; and that the mortality there had been much greater than in any
British vessels employed upon the same coast in any other service or trade.
6. That the mode of transporting the slaves from Africa to the West Indies
necessarily exposed them to many and grievous sufferings, for which no
regulations could provide an adequate remedy; and that in consequence
thereof a large proportion had annually perished during the voyage.
7. That a large proportion had also perished in the harbours in the West
Indies, from the diseases contracted in the voyage and the treatment of the
same, previously to their being sold, and that this loss amounted to four
and a half per cent. of the imported slaves.
8. That the loss of the newly imported slaves, within the three first years
after their importation, bore a large proportion to the whole number
imported.
9. That the natural increase of population among the slaves in the islands,
appeared to have been impeded principally by the following causes:--First,
By the inequality of the sexes in the importations from Africa. Secondly,
By the general dissoluteness of manners among the slaves, and the want of
proper regulations for the encouragement of marriages and of rearing
children among them. Thirdly, By the particular diseases which were
prevalent among them, and which were in some instances to be attributed to
too severe labour, or rigorous treatment, and in others to insufficient or
improper food. Fourthly, By those diseases, which affected a large
proportion of negro-children in their infancy, and by those, to which the
negros newly imported from Africa had been found to be particularly liable.
10. That the whole number of the slaves in the island of Jamaica in 1768
was about 167,000, in 1774 about 193,000, and in 1787 about 256,000: that
by comparing these numbers with the numbers imported and retained in the
said island during all these years, and making proper allowances, the
annual excess of deaths above births was in the proportion of about
seven-eighths per cent.; that in the first six years of this period it was
in the proportion of rather more than one on every hundred; that in the
last thirteen years of the same it was in the proportion of about
three-fifths on every hundred; and that a number of slaves, amounting to
fifteen thousand, perished during the latter period in consequence of
repeated hurricanes, and of the want of foreign supplies of provisions.
11. That the whole number of slaves in the island of Barbadoes was in the
year 1764 about 70,706; in 1774 about 74,874; in 1780 about 68,270; in
1781, after the hurricane, about 63,248, and in 1786 about 62,115: that by
comparing these numbers with the number imported into this island (not
allowing for any re-exportation), the annual excess of deaths above births
in the ten years from 1764 to 1774 was in the proportion of about five on
every hundred; that in the seven years from 1774 to 1780 it was in the
proportion of about one and one-third on every hundred; that between the
year 1780 and 1781 there had been a decrease in the number of slaves of
about five thousand; that in the six years from 1781 to 1786 the excess of
deaths was in the proportion of rather less than seven-eighths on every
hundred; that in the four years from 1783 to 1786 it was in the proportion
of rather less than one-third on every hundred; and that, during the whole
period, there was no doubt that some had been exported from the island, but
considerably more in the first part of this period than in the last.
12. That the accounts from the Leeward Islands, and from Dominica, Grenada,
and St. Vincent's, did not furnish sufficient grounds for comparing the
state of population in the said islands at different periods with the
number of slaves, which had been from time to time imported there and
exported therefrom; but that from the evidence which had been received
respecting the present state of these islands, as well as that of Jamaica
and Barbadoes, and from a consideration of the means of obviating the
causes, which had hitherto operated to impede the natural increase of the
slaves, and of lessening the demand for manual labour, without diminishing
the profit of the planters, no considerable or permanent inconvenience
would result from discontinuing the further importation of African slaves.
These propositions having been laid upon the table of the house, Lord
Penrhyn rose in behalf of the planters, and, next after him, Mr. Gascoyne
(both members for Liverpool) in behalf of the merchants concerned in the
latter place. They both predicted the ruin and misery, which would
inevitably follow the abolition of the trade. The former said, that no less
than seventy millions were mortgaged upon lands in the West Indies, all of
which would be lost. Mr. Wilberforce therefore should have made a motion to
pledge the house to the repayment of this sum, before he had brought
forward his propositions. Compensation ought to have been agreed upon as a
previously necessary measure. The latter said, that in consequence of the
bill of last year many ships were laid up and many seamen out of employ.
His constituents had large capitals engaged in the trade, and, if it were
to be wholly done away, they would suffer from not knowing where to employ
them. They both joined in asserting, that Mr. Wilberforce had made so many
misrepresentations in all the branches of this subject, that no reliance
whatever was to be placed on the picture, which he had chosen to exhibit.
They should speak however more fully to this point, when the propositions
were discussed.
The latter declaration called up Mr. Wilberforce again, who observed, that
he had no intention of misrepresenting any fact. He did not know that he
had done it in any one instance; but, if he had, it would be easy to
convict him out of the report upon the table.
Mr. Burke then rose. He would not, he said, detain the committee long.
Indeed he was not able, weary and indisposed as he then felt himself, even
if he had an inclination to do it; but as, on account of his other
parliamentary duty, he might not have it in his power to attend the
business now before them in its course, he would take that opportunity of
stating his opinion upon it.
And, first, the house, the nation, and all Europe were under great
obligations to Mr. Wilberforce for having brought this important subject
forward. He had done it in a manner the most masterly, impressive, and
eloquent. He had laid down his principles so admirably, and with so much
order and force, that his speech had equalled any thing he had ever heard
in modern oratory, and perhaps it had not been excelled by any thing to be
found in ancient times. As to the Slave-trade itself, there could not be
two opinions about it where men were not interested. A trade, begun in
savage war, prosecuted with unheard-of barbarity, continued during the
transportation with the most loathsome imprisonment, and ending in
perpetual exile and slavery, was a trade so horrid in all its
circumstances, that it was impossible to produce a single argument in its
favour. On the ground of prudence, nothing could be said in defence of it;
nor could it be justified by necessity. It was necessity alone, that could
be brought to justify inhumanity; but no case of necessity could be made
out strong enough to justify this monstrous traffic. It was therefore the
duty of the house to put an end to it, and this without further delay. This
conviction, that it became them to do it immediately, made him regret (and
it was the only thing he regretted in the admirable speech he had heard)
that his honourable friend should have introduced propositions on this
subject. He could have wished that the business had been brought to a
conclusion at once, without voting the propositions, which had been read to
them. He was not over fond of abstract propositions. They were seldom
necessary; and often occasioned great difficulty, embarrassment, and delay.
There was besides no occasion whatever to assign detailed reasons for a
vote, which Nature herself dictated, and which Religion enforced. If it
should happen, that the propositions were not carried in that house or the
other, such a complication of mischiefs might follow, as might occasion
them heartily to lament that they were ever introduced. If the ultimate
resolution should happen to be lost, he was afraid the propositions would
pass as waste paper, if not be injurious to the cause at a future time.
And now, as the house must bring this matter to an issue, he would beg
their attention to a particular point. He entreated them to look further
than the present moment, and to ask themselves, if they had fortified their
minds sufficiently to bear the consequences, which might arise from the
abolition of the Slave-trade, supposing they should decide upon it. When
they abandoned it, other foreign powers might take it up, and clandestinely
supply our islands with slaves. Had they virtue enough to see another
country reaping profits, which they themselves had given up; and to abstain
from that envy natural to rivals, and firmly to adhere to their
determination? If so, let them thankfully proceed to vote the immediate
abolition of the Slave-trade. But if they should repent of their virtue
(and he had known miserable instances of such repentance), all hopes of
future reformation of this enormous evil would be lost. They would go back
to a trade they had abandoned with redoubled attachment, and would adhere
to it with a degree of avidity and shameless ardour, to their own
humiliation, and to the degradation and disgrace of the nation in the eyes
of all Europe. These were considerations worth regarding, before they took
a decisive step in a business, in which they ought not to move with any
other determination than to abide by the consequences at all hazards. The
honourable gentleman (who to his eternal honour had introduced this great
subject to their notice) had in his eloquent oration knocked at every door,
and appealed to every passion, well knowing that mankind were governed by
their sympathies. But there were other passions to be regarded. Men were
always ready to obey their sympathies, when it cost them nothing. But were
they prepared to pay the price of their virtue on this great occasion? This
was the question. If they were, they would do themselves immortal honour,
and would have the satisfaction of having done away a commerce, which,
while it was productive of misery not to be described, most of all hardened
the heart, and vitiated the human character.
With respect to the consequences mentioned by the two members for
Liverpool, he had a word or two to offer upon them. Lord Penrhyn had talked
of millions to be lost and paid for. But seeing no probability of any loss
ultimately, he could see no necessity for compensation. He believed, on the
other hand, that the planters would be great gainers by those wholesome
regulations, which they would be obliged to make, if the Slave-trade were
abolished. He did not however flatter them with the idea that this gain
would be immediate. Perhaps they might experience inconveniences at first,
and even some loss. But what then? With their loss, their virtue would be
the greater. And in this light he hoped the house would consider the
matter; for, if they were called upon to do an act of virtuous energy and
heroism, they ought to think it right to submit to temporary disadvantages
for the sake of truth, justice, humanity, and the prospect of greater
happiness.
The other member, Mr. Gascoyne, had said, that his constituents, if the
trade were abolished, could not employ their capitals elsewhere. But
whether they could or not, it was the duty of that house, if they put them
into a traffic, which was shocking to humanity and disgraceful to the
nation, to change their application, and not to allow them to be used to a
barbarous purpose. He believed, however, that the merchants of Liverpool
would find no difficulty on this head. All capitals required active motion.
It was in their nature not to remain passive and unemployed. They would
soon turn them into other channels. This they had done themselves during
the American war; for the Slave-trade was then almost wholly lost, and
yet they had their ships employed, either as transports in the service
of Government, or in other ways.
And as he now called upon the house not to allow any conjectural losses to
become impediments in the way of the abolition of the Slave-trade, so he
called upon them to beware how they suffered any representations of the
happiness of the state of slavery in our islands to influence them against
so glorious a measure. Admiral Barrington had said in his testimony, that
he had often envied the condition of the slaves there. But surely, the
honourable admiral must have meant, that, as he had often toiled like a
slave in the defence of his country, (as his many gallant actions had
proved,) so he envied the day, when he was to toil in a similar manner in
the same cause. If, however, his words to be taken literally, his
sensations could only be accounted for by his having seen the negros in the
hour of their sports, when a sense of the misery of their condition was
neither felt by themselves nor visible to others. But their appearance on
such occasions did by no means disprove their low and abject state. Nothing
made a happy slave but a degraded man. In proportion as the mind grows
callous to its degradation, and all sense of manly pride is lost, the slave
feels comfort. In fact, he is no longer a man. If he were to define a man,
he would say with Shakespeare,
"Man is a being holding large discourse, Looking before and after."
But a slave was incapable of looking before and after. He had no motive to
do it. He was a mere passive instrument in the hands of others, to be used
at their discretion. Though living, he was dead as to all voluntary agency.
Though moving amidst the creation with an erect form, and with the shape
and semblance of a human being, he was a nullity as a man.
Mr. Pitt thanked his honourable friend Mr. Wilberforce for having at length
introduced this great and important subject to the consideration of the
house. He thanked him also for the perspicuous, forcible, and masterly
manner, in which he had treated it. He was sure that no argument,
compatible with any idea of justice, could be assigned for the continuation
of the Slave-trade. And, at the same time that he was willing to listen
with candour and attention to every thing, that could be urged on the other
side of the question, he was sure that the principles from which his
opinion was deduced were unalterable. He had examined the subject with the
anxiety which became him, where the happiness and interests of so many
thousands were concerned, and with the minuteness which would be expected
of him, on account of the responsible situation which he held; and he
averred, that it was sophistry, obscurity of ideas, and vagueness of
reasoning, which alone could have hitherto prevented all mankind (those
immediately interested in the question excepted) from agreeing in one and
the same opinion upon the subject. With respect to the propriety of
introducing the individual propositions, which had been offered, he
differed with Mr. Burke, and he thanked his honourable friend Mr.
Wilberforce for having chosen the only way, in which it could be made
obvious to the world, that they were warranted on every ground of reason
and of fact in coming to that vote, which he trusted would be the end of
their proceeding. The grounds for the attainment of this end were
distinctly stated in the propositions. Let the propositions be brought
before the house, one by one, and argued from the evidence; and it would
then be seen, that they were such as no one, who was not deaf to the
language of reason, could deny. Let them be once entered upon the journals
of that house, and it was almost impossible they should fail. The abolition
must be voted. As to the mode of it, or how it should be effected, they
were not at present to discuss it; but he trusted it would be such, as
would not invite foreign powers to supply our islands with slaves by a
clandestine trade. After a debt, founded on the immutable principles of
justice, was found to be due, it was impossible but the country had means
to cause it to be paid. Should such an illicit proceeding be attempted, the
only language which it became us to adopt was, that Great Britain had
resources to enable her to protect her islands, and to prevent that traffic
from being clandestinely carried on by them, which she had thought fit from
a regard to her character to abandon. It was highly becoming Great Britain
to take the lead of other nations in such a virtuous and magnificent
measure, and he could not but have confidence, that they would be inclined
to share the honour with us, or be pleased to follow us as their example.
If we were disposed to set about this glorious work in earnest, they might
be invited to concur with us by a negotiation to be immediately opened for
that purpose. He would only now observe, before he sat down, in answer to
certain ideas thrown out, that he could by no means acquiesce in any
compensation for losses, which might be sustained by the people of
Liverpool, or by others in any other part of the kingdom, in the execution
of this just and necessary undertaking.
Sir William Yonge said, he wanted no inducement to concur with the
honourable mover of the propositions, provided the latter could be fairly
established, and no serious mischiefs were to arise from the abolition. But
he was apprehensive that many evils might follow, in the case of any sudden
or unlooked-for decrease in the slaves. They might be destroyed by
hurricanes. They might be swept off by many fatal disorders. In these
cases, the owners of them would not be able to fill up their places, and
they who had lent money upon the lands, where the losses had happened,
would foreclose their mortgages. He was fearful also that a clandestine
trade would be carried on, and then the sufferings of the Africans, crammed
up in small vessels, which would be obliged to be hovering about from day
to day, to watch an opportunity of landing, would be ten times greater than
any which they now experienced in the legal trade. He was glad, however, as
the matter was to be discussed, that it had been brought forward in the
shape of distinct propositions, to be grounded upon the evidence in the
privy council report.
Mr. Fox observed, that he did not like, where he agreed as to the substance
of a measure, to differ with respect to the form of it. If, however, he
differed in any thing in the present case, it was with a view rather to
forward the business than to injure it, or to throw any thing like an
obstacle in its way. Nothing like either should come from him. What he
thought was, that all the propositions were not necessary to be voted
previously to the ultimate decision, though some of them undoubtedly were.
He considered them as of two classes: the one, alleging the grounds upon
which it was proper to proceed to the abolition; such as that the trade was
productive of inexpressible misery, in various ways, to the innocent
natives of Africa; that it was the grave of our seamen; and so on: the
other, merely answering objections which might be started, and where there
might be a difference of opinion. He was however glad that the propositions
were likely to be entered upon the journals; since, if from any misfortune
the business should be deferred, it might succeed another year. Sure he was
that it could not fail to succeed sooner or later. He highly approved of
what Mr. Pitt had said, relative to the language it became us to hold out
to foreign powers in case of a clandestine trade. With respect, however, to
the assertion of Sir William Yonge, that a clandestine trade in slaves
would be worse than a legal one, he could not admit it. Such a trade, if it
existed at all, ought only to be clandestine. A trade in human flesh and
sinews was so scandalous, that it ought not openly to be carried on by any
government whatever, and much less by that of a Christian country. With
regard to the regulation of the Slave-trade, he knew of no such thing as a
regulation of robbery and murder. There was no medium. The legislature must
either abolish it, or plead guilty of all the wickedness which had been
shown to attend it. He would now say a word or two with respect to the
conduct of foreign nations on this subject. It was possible that these,
when they heard that the matter had been discussed in that house, might
follow the example, or they might go before us and set one themselves. If
this were to happen, though we might be the losers, humanity would be the
gainer. He himself had been thought sometimes to use expressions relative
to France, which were too harsh, and as if he could only treat her as the
enemy of this country. Politically speaking, France was our rival. But he
well knew the distinction between political enmity and illiberal prejudice.
If there was any great and enlightened nation in Europe, it was France,
which was as likely as any country upon the face of the globe to catch a
spark from the light of our fire, and to act upon the present subject with
warmth and enthusiasm. France had often been improperly stimulated by her
ambition; and he had no doubt but that, in the present instance, she would
readily follow its honourable dictates.
Mr. (now Lord) Grenville would not detain the house by going into a
question, which had been so ably argued; but he should not do justice to
his feelings, if he did not express publicly to his honourable friend, Mr.
Wilberforce, the pleasure he had received from one of the most masterly and
eloquent speeches he had ever heard,--a speech, which, while it did honour
to him, entitled him to the thanks of the house, of the people of England,
of all Europe, and of the latest posterity. He approved of the
propositions, as the best mode of bringing this great question to a happy
issue. He was pleased also with the language which had been held out with
respect to foreign nations, and with our determination to assert our right
of preventing our colonies from carrying on any trade, which we had thought
it our duty to abandon.
Aldermen Newnham, Sawbridge, and Watson, though they wished well to the
cause of humanity, could not, as representatives of the city of London,
give their concurrence to a measure, which would injure it so essentially
as that of the abolition of the Slave-trade. This trade might undoubtedly
be put under wholesome regulations, and made productive of great commercial
advantages. But, if it were abolished, it would render the city of London
one scene of bankruptcy and ruin. It became the house to take care, while
they were giving way to the goodness of their hearts, that they did not
contribute to the ruin of the mercantile interests of their country.
Mr. Martin stated, that he was so well satisfied with the speech of the
honourable gentleman, who had introduced the propositions, and with the
language held out by other distinguished members on this subject, that he
felt himself more proud than ever of being an Englishman. He hoped and
believed, that the melancholy predictions of the worthy aldermen would not
prove true, and that the citizens of London would have too much public
spirit to wish that a great national object (which comprehended the great
duties of humanity, and justice) should be set aside, merely out of
consideration to their own private interests.
Mr. Dempster expected, notwithstanding all he had heard, that the first
proposition submitted to them, would have been to make good out of the
public purse all the losses individuals were liable to sustain from an
abolition of the Slave-trade. This ought to have been, as Lord Penrhyn had
observed, a preliminary measure. He did not like to be generous out of the
pockets of others. They were to abolish the trade, it was said, out of a
principle of humanity. Undoubtedly they owed humanity to all mankind. But
they also owed justice to those, who were interested in the event of the
question, and had embarked their fortunes on the faith of parliament. In
fact, he did not like to see men introducing even their schemes of
benevolence to the detriment of other people; and much less did he like to
see them going to the colonies, as it were upon their estates, and
prescribing rules to them for their management. With respect to his own
speculative opinion, as it regarded cultivation, he had no objection to
give it. He was sure that sugar could be raised cheaper by free men than by
slaves. This the practice in China abundantly proved. But yet neither he
nor any other person had a right to force a system upon others. As to the
trade itself, by which the present labourers were supplied, it had been
considered by that house as so valuable, that they had preferred it to all
others, and had annually voted a considerable sum towards carrying it on.
They had hitherto deemed it an essential nursery for our seamen. Had it
really been such as had been represented, our ancestors would scarcely have
encouraged it; and therefore, upon these and other considerations, he could
not help thinking that they would be wanting in their duty, if they
abolished it altogether.
Mr. William Smith would not detain the house long at that late hour upon
this important subject; but he could not help testifying the great
satisfaction he felt at the manner, in which the honourable gentleman who
opened the debate (if it could be so called) had treated it. He approved of
the propositions as the best mode of bringing the decision to a happy
issue. He gave Mr. Fox great credit for the open and manly way, in which he
had manifested his abhorrence of this trade, and for the support he meant
to give to the total and unqualified abolition of it; for he was satisfied,
that the more it was inquired into, the more it would be found that nothing
short of abolition would cure the evil. With respect to certain assertions
of the members for Liverpool, and certain melancholy predictions about the
consequences of such an event, which others had held out, he desired to lay
in his claim for observation upon them, when the great question should come
before the house.
Soon after this the house broke up; and the discussion of the propositions,
which was the next parliamentary measure intended, was postponed to a
future day, which was sufficiently distant to give all the parties
concerned time to make the necessary preparations for it.
Of this interval the committee for the abolition availed themselves to
thank Mr. Wilberforce for the very able and satisfactory manner, in which
he had stated to the house his propositions for the abolition of the
Slave-trade, and for the unparalleled assiduity and perseverance, with
which he had all along endeavoured to accomplish this object, as well as to
take measures themselves for the further promotion of it. Their opponents
availed themselves of this interval also. But that, which now embarrassed
them, was the evidence contained in the privy council report. They had no
idea, considering the number of witnesses they had sent to be examined,
that this evidence, when duly weighed, could by right reasoning have given
birth to the sentiments, which had been displayed in the speeches of the
most distinguished members of the House of Commons, or to the contents of
the propositions, which had been laid upon their table. They were
thunder-struck as it were by their own weakness; and from this time they
were determined, if possible, to get rid of it as a standard for decision,
or to interpose every parliamentary delay in their power.
On the twenty-first of May, the subject came again before the attention of
the house. It was ushered in, as was expected, by petitions collected in
the interim, and which were expressive of the frightful consequences, which
would attend the abolition of the Slave-trade. Alderman Newnham presented
one from certain merchants in London; Alderman Watson another from certain
merchants, mortgagees, and creditors of the sugar-islands; Lord Maitland
another from the planters of Antigua; Mr. Blackburne another from certain
manufacturers of Manchester; Mr. Gascoyne another from the corporation of
Liverpool; and Lord Penrhyn others from different interested bodies in the
same town.
Mr. Wilberforce then moved the order of the day, for the house to go into a
committee of the whole house on the report of the privy council, and the
several matters of evidence already upon the table relative to the
Slave-trade.
Mr. Alderman Sawbridge immediately arose, and asked Mr. Wilberforce, if he
meant to adduce any other evidence, besides that in the privy council
report, in behalf of his propositions, or to admit other witnesses, if such
could be found, to invalidate them. Mr. Wilberforce replied, that he was
quite satisfied with the report on the table. It would establish all his
propositions. He should call no witnesses himself: as to permission to
others to call them, that must be determined by the house.
This question and this answer gave birth immediately to great disputes upon
the subject. Aldermen Sawbridge, Newnham, and Watson; Lords Penrhyn and
Maitland; Mr. Gascoyne, Marsham, and others spoke against the admission of
the evidence, which had been laid upon the table. They contended, that it
was insufficient, defective, and contradictory; that it was _ex parte_
evidence; that it had been manufactured by ministers; that it was founded
chiefly on hearsay, and that the greatest part of it was false; that it had
undergone no cross-examination; that it was unconstitutional; and that, if
they admitted it, they would establish a dangerous precedent, and abandon
their rights. It was urged on the other hand by Mr. Courtenay, that it
could not be _ex parte_ evidence, because it contained testimony on both
sides of the question. The circumstance also of its being contradictory,
which had been alleged against it, proved that it was the result of an
impartial examination. Mr. Fox observed, that it was perfectly admissible.
He called upon those, who took the other side of the question, to say why,
if it was really inadmissible, they had not opposed it at first. It had
now been a long time on the table, and no fault had been found with it.
The truth was, it did not suit them, and they were determined by a
side-wind as it were to put an end to the inquiry. Mr. Pitt observed
that, if parliament had previously resolved to receive no evidence
on a given subject but from the privy council, such a resolution
indeed would strike at the root of the privileges of the House of
Commons; but it was absurd to suppose that the house could upon
no occasion receive evidence, taken where it was most convenient
to take it, and subject throughout to new investigation, if any
one doubted its validity. The report of the privy council consisted, first,
of calculations and accounts from the public offices, and, next, of written
documents on the subject; both of which were just as authentic, as if they
had been laid upon the table of that house. The remaining part of it
consisted of the testimony of living witnesses, all of whose names were
published, so that if any one doubted their veracity, it was open to him to
reexamine all or each of them. It had been said by adversaries that the
report on the table was a weak and imperfect report, but would not these
have the advantage of its weakness and imperfection? It was strange, when
his honourable friend, Mr. Wilberforce, had said, "Weak and imperfect as
the report may be thought to be, I think it strong enough to bear me out in
all my propositions," that they, who objected to it, should have no better
reason to give than this, "We object, because the ground of evidence on
which you rest is too weak to support your cause." Unless it were meant to
say (and the meaning seemed to be but thinly disguised) that the house
ought to abandon the inquiry, he saw no reason whatever for not going
immediately into a committee; and he wished gentlemen to consider whether
it became the dignity of their proceedings to obstruct the progress of an
inquiry, which the house had pledged itself to undertake. Their conduct
indeed seemed extraordinary on this occasion. It was certainly singular
that, while the report had been five weeks upon the table, no argument had
been brought against its sufficiency; but that on the moment when the house
was expected to come to an ultimate vote upon the subject, it should be
thought defective, contradictory, unconstitutional, and otherwise
objectionable. These objections, he was satisfied, neither did nor could
originate with the country gentlemen; but they were brought forward, for
purposes not now to be concealed, by the avowed enemies of this noble
cause.
In the course of the discussion, which arose upon this subject, every
opportunity was taken to impress the house with the dreadful consequences
of the abolition. Mr. Henniker read a long letter from the King of Dahomey
to George the First; which had been found among the papers of James, first
Duke of Chandos, and which had remained in the family till that time. In
this, the King of Dahomey boasted of his victory over the King of Ardrah,
and how he had ornamented the pavement and walls of his palace with the
heads of the vanquished. These cruelties, Mr. Henniker said, were not
imputable to the Slave-trade. They showed the Africans to be naturally a
savage people, and that we did them a great kindness by taking them from
their country. Alderman Sawbridge maintained that, if the abolition passed,
the Africans, who could not be sold as slaves, would be butchered at home;
while those, who had been carried to our islands, would be no longer under
control. Hence insurrections, and the manifold evils which belonged to
them. Alderman Newnham was certain that the abolition would be the ruin of
the trade of the country. It would affect even the landed interest, and the
funds. It would be impossible to collect money to diminish the national
debt. Every man in the kingdom would feel the abolition come home to him.
Alderman Watson maintained the same argument, and pronounced the trade
under discussion to be a merciful and humane trade.
Compensation was also insisted upon by Mr. Drake, Alderman Newnham, Mr.
Henniker, Mr. Cruger, and others. This was resisted by Mr. Burke; who said
that compensation in such a case would be contrary to every principle of
legislation. Government gave encouragement to any branch of commerce, while
it was regarded as conducive to the welfare of the community, or compatible
with humanity and justice. But they were competent to withdraw their
countenance from it, when it was found to be immoral, and injurious, and
disgraceful to the state. They, who engaged in it, knew the terms under
which they were placed, and adopted it with all the risks with which it was
accompanied; and of consequence it was but just, that they should be
prepared to abide by the loss which might accrue, when the public should
think it right no longer to support it. But such a trade as this it was
impossible any longer to support. Indeed it was not a trade. It was a
system of robbery. It was a system, too, injurious to the welfare of other
nations.
How could Africa ever be civilized under it? While we continued to purchase
the natives, they must remain in a state of barbarism. It was impossible to
civilize slaves. It was contrary to the system of human nature. There was
no country placed under such disadvantageous circumstances, into which the
shadow of improvement had ever been introduced.
Great pains were taken to impress the house with the propriety of
regulation. Sir Grey Cooper; Aldermen Sawbridge, Watson, and Newnham; Mr.
Marsham, and Mr. Cruger, contended strenuously for it, instead of
abolition. It was also stated that the merchants would consent to any
regulation of the trade, which might be offered them.
In the course of the debate much warmth of temper was manifested on both
sides. The expression of Mr. Fox in a former debate, "that the Slave-trade
could not be regulated, because there could be no regulation of robbery and
murder," was brought up, and construed by planters in the house as a charge
of these crimes upon themselves. Mr. Fox, however, would not retract the
expression. He repeated it. He had no notion, however, that any individual
would have taken it to himself. If it contained any reflection at all, it
was on the whole parliament, who had sanctioned such a trade. Mr. Molyneux
rose up, and animadverted severely on the character of Mr. Ramsay, one of
the evidences in the privy council report, during his residence in the West
Indies. This called up Sir William Dolben and Sir Charles Middleton in his
defence, the latter of whom bore honourable testimony to his virtues from
an intimate acquaintance with him, and a residence in the same village with
him, for twenty years. Mr. Molyneux spoke also in angry terms of the
measure of abolition. To annihilate the trade, he said, and to make no
compensation on account of it, was an act of swindling. Mr. Macnamara
called the measure hypocritical, fanatic, and methodistical. Mr. Pitt was
so irritated at the insidious attempt to set aside the privy council
report, when no complaint had been alleged against it before, that he was
quite off his guard, and he thought it right afterwards to apologize for
the warmth into he had been betrayed. The Speaker too was obliged
frequently to interfere. On this occasion no less than thirty members
spoke. And there had probably been few seasons, when so much disorder had
been discoverable in that house.
The result of the debate was, a permission to those interested in the
continuance of the Slave-trade to bring counsel to the bar on the
twenty-sixth of May, and then to introduce such witnesses, as might throw
further light on the propositions in the shortest time: for Mr. Pitt only
acquiesced in this new measure on a supposition, "that there would be no
unnecessary delay, as he could, by no means submit to the ultimate
procrastination of so important a business." He even hoped (and in this
hope he was joined by Mr. Fox) that those concerned would endeavour to
bring the whole of the evidence they meant to offer at the first
examination.
On the day appointed, the house met for the purposes now specified; when
Alderman Newnham, thinking that such an important question should not be
decided but in a full assembly of the representatives of the nation, moved
for a call of the house on that day fortnight. Mr. Wilberforce stated that
he had no objection to such a measure; believing the greater the number
present the more favourable it would be to his cause. This motion, however,
produced a debate and a division, in which it appeared that there were one
hundred and fifty-eight in favour of it, and twenty-eight against it. The
business of the day now commenced. The house went into a committee, and Sir
William Dolben was put into the chair. Mr. Serjeant Le Blanc was then
called in. He made an able speech in behalf of his clients; and introduced
John Barnes, esquire, as his first witness, whose examination took up the
remainder of the day. By this step they, who were interested in the
continuance of the trade, attained their wishes, for they had now got
possession of the ground with their evidence; and they knew they could keep
it, almost as long as they pleased, for the purposes of delay. Thus they,
who boasted, when the privy council examinations began, that they would
soon do away all the idle tales, which had been invented against them, and
who desired the public only to suspend their judgment till the report
should come out, when they would see the folly and wickedness of all our
allegations, dared not abide by the evidence, which they themselves had
taught others to look up to as the standard by which they were desirous of
being judged: thus they, who had advantages beyond measure in forming a
body of evidence in their own favour, abandoned that, which they had
collected. And here it is impossible for me not to make a short comparative
statement on this subject, if it were only to show how little can be made
out, with the very best opportunities, against the cause of humanity and
religion. With respect to ourselves, we had almost all our witnesses to
seek. We had to travel after them for weeks together. When we found them,
we had scarcely the power of choice. We were obliged to take them as they
came. When we found them, too, we had generally to implore them to come
forward in our behalf. Of those so implored three out of four refused, and
the plea for this refusal was a fear lest they should injure their own
interests. The merchants, on the other hand, had their witnesses ready on
the spot. They had always ships in harbour containing persons, who had a
knowledge of the subject. They had several also from whom to choose. If one
man was favourable to their cause in three of the points belonging to it,
but was unfavourable in the fourth, he could be put aside and replaced.
When they had thus selected them, they had not to entreat, but to command,
their attendance. They had no fear, again, when they thus commanded, of a
refusal on the ground of interest; because these were promoting their
interest by obliging those who employed them. Viewing these and other
circumstances, which might be thrown into this comparative statement, it
was some consolation to us to know, amidst the disappointment which this
new measure occasioned, and our apparent defeat in the eyes of the public,
that we had really beaten our opponents at their own weapons, and that, as
this was a victory in our own private feelings, so it was the presage to us
of a future triumph.
On the twenty-ninth of May, Mr. Tierney made a motion to divide the
consideration of the Slave-trade into two heads, by separating the African
from the West Indian part of the question. This he did for the more clear
discussion of the propositions, as well as to save time. This motion,
however, was overruled by Mr. Pitt.
At length, on the ninth of June, by which time it was supposed that new
light, and this in sufficient quantity, would have been thrown upon the
propositions, it appeared that only two witnesses had been fully heard. The
examinations, therefore, were continued, and they went on till the
twenty-third. On this day, the order for the call of the house, which had
been prolonged, standing unrepealed, there was a large attendance of
members. A motion was then made to get rid of the business altogether, but
it failed. It was now seen, however, that it was impossible to bring the
question to a final decision in this session, for they, who were interested
in it, affirmed that they had yet many important witnesses to introduce.
Alderman Newnham, therefore, by the consent of Mr. Wilberforce, moved, that
"the further consideration of the subject be deferred to the next session."
On this occasion, Mr. William Smith remarked, that though the decision on
the great question was thus to be adjourned, he hoped the examinations, at
least, would be permitted to go on. He had not heard any good reason, why
they might not be carried on for some weeks longer. It was known that the
hearing of evidence was at all times thinly attended. If therefore the few
members, who did attend, were willing to give up their time a little
longer, why should other members complain of an inconvenience in the
suffering of which they took no share? He thought that by this proceeding
the examination of witnesses on the part of the merchants might be
finished, and of consequence the business brought into a very desirable
state of forwardness against the ensuing session. These observations had
not the desired effect, and the motion of Mr. Alderman Newnham was carried
without a division. Thus the great question, for the elucidation of which
all the new evidences were to be heard at the very first examination, in
order that it might be decided by the ninth of June, was by the intrigue of
our opponents deferred to another year.
The order of the day for going into the further consideration of the
Slave-trade having been discharged, Sir William Dolben rose, to state, that
it was his intention to renew his bill of the former year, relative to the
conveyance of the unhappy Africans from their own country to the West
Indies, and to propose certain alterations in it. He made a motion
accordingly, which was adopted; and he and Mr. Wilberforce were desired to
prepare the same.
This bill he introduced soon afterwards, and it passed; but not without
opposition. It was a matter, however, of great pleasure to find that the
worthy baronet was enabled by the assistance of Captain (afterwards
Admiral) Macbride, and other naval officers in the house, to carry such
clauses, as provided in some degree for the comfort of the poor seamen, who
were seduced into this wicked trade. They could not indeed provide against
the barbarity of their captains; but they secured them a space under the
half deck in which to sleep. They prescribed a form of muster-rolls, which
they were to see and sign in the presence of the clearing officer. They
regulated their food both as to kind and quantity; and they preserved them
from many of the impositions, to which they had been before exposed.
From the time when Mr. Wilberforce gave his first notice this session to
the present, I had been variously employed, but more particularly in the
composition of a new work. It was soon perceived to be the object of our
opponents, to impress upon the public the preference of regulation to
abolition. I attempted therefore to show the fallacy and wickedness of this
notion. I divided the evils belonging to the Slave-trade into two kinds.
These I enumerated in their order. With respect to those of the first kind,
I proved that they were never to be remedied by any acts of the British
parliament. Thus, for instance, what bill could alter the nature of the
human passions? What bill could prevent fraud and violence in Africa, while
the Slave-trade existed there? What bill could prevent the miserable
victims of the trade from rising, when on board the ships, if they saw an
opportunity, and felt a keen sense of their oppression? Those of the second
I stated to admit of a remedy, and, after making accurate calculations on
the subject of each, I showed that those merchants, who were to do them
away effectually, would be ruined by their voyages. The work was called An
Essay on the comparative Efficiency of Regulation or Abolition as applied
to the Slave-trade.
The committee also in this interval brought out their famous print of the
plan and section of a slave-ship; which was designed to give the spectator
an idea of the sufferings of the Africans in the Middle Passage, and this
so familiarly, that he might instantly pronounce upon the miseries
experienced there. The committee at Plymouth had been the first to suggest
the idea; but that in London had now improved it. As this print seemed
to make an instantaneous impression of horror upon all who saw it, and
as it was therefore very instrumental, in consequence of the wide
circulation given it, in serving the cause of the injured Africans,
I have given the reader a copy of it in the annexed plate, and I will
now state the ground or basis, upon which it was formed.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
It must be obvious that it became the committee to select some one ship,
which had been engaged in the Slave-trade, with her real dimensions, if
they meant to make a fair representation of the manner of the
transportation. When Captain Parrey, of the royal navy, returned from
Liverpool, to which place Government had sent him, he brought with him the
admeasurement of several vessels, which had been so employed, and laid them
on the table of the House of Commons. At the top of his list stood the ship
Brookes. The committee therefore, in choosing a vessel on this occasion,
made use of the ship Brookes; and this they did, because they thought it
less objectionable to take the first that came, than any other. The vessel
then in the plate is the vessel now mentioned, and the following is her
admeasurement as given in by Captain Parrey.
Ft. In.
Length of the lower deck, gratings, and bulkheads
included at A A, 100 0
Breadth of beam on the lower deck inside, B B, 25 0
Depth of hold O O O, from ceiling to ceiling, 10 0
Height between decks from deck to deck, 5 0
Length of the men's room, C C, on the lower deck, 46 0
Breadth of the men's room, C C, on the lower deck, 25 4
Length of the platform, D D, in the men's room, 46 0
Breadth of the platform, in the men's room, on
each side, 6 0
Length of the boys' room, E E, 13 0
Breadth of the boys' room, 25 0
Breadth of platform, F F, in boys' room, 6 0
Length of women's room, G G, 28 6
Breadth of women's room, 23 6
Length of platform, H H, in women's room, 28 6
Breadth of platform in women's room, 6 0
Length of the gun-room, I I, on the lower deck, 10 6
Breadth of the gun-room on the lower deck, 12 0
Length of the quarter deck, K K, 33 6
Breadth of the quarter deck, 19 6
Length of the cabin, L L, 14 0
Height of the cabin, 6 2
Length of the half deck, M M, 16 6
Height of the half deck, 6 2
Length of the platform, N N, on the half deck, 16 6
Breadth of the platform on the half deck, 6 0
Upper deck, P P,
The committee, having proceeded thus far, thought that they should now
allow certain dimensions for every man, woman, and child; and then see, how
many persons, upon such dimensions and upon the admeasurements just given,
could be stowed in this vessel. They allowed, accordingly, to every man
slave six feet by one foot four inches for room, to every woman five feet
by one foot four, to every boy five feet by one foot two, and to every girl
four feet six by one foot. They then stowed them, and found them as in the
annexed plate, that is, they found (deducting the women stowed in Z of
figures 6 and 7, which spaces, being half of the half deck, were allowed by
Sir William Dolben's last bill to the seamen) that only four hundred and
fifty could be stowed in her; and the reader will find, if he should think
it worth while to count the figures in the plate, that, on making the
deduction mentioned, they will amount to this number.
The committee then thought it right to inquire how many slaves, the act of
Sir William Dolben allowed this vessel to carry, and they found the number
to be one hundred and fifty-four; that is, they found it allowed her to
carry four more than could be put in without trespassing upon the room
allotted to the rest; for we see that the bodies of the slaves, except just
at the head of the vessel, already touch each other, and that no deduction
has been made for tubs or stanchions to support the platforms and decks.
Such was the picture, which the committee were obliged to draw, if they
regarded mathematical accuracy, of the room allotted to the slaves in this
vessel. By this picture was exhibited the nature of the Elysium, which Mr.
Norris and others had invented for them during their transportation from
their own country. By this picture were seen also the advantages of Sir
William Dolben's bill; for many, on looking at the plate, considered the
regulation itself as perfect barbarism. The advantages however obtained by
it were considerable; for the Brookes was now restricted to four hundred
and fifty slaves, whereas it was proved that she carried six hundred and
nine in a former voyage.
The committee, at the conclusion of the session of parliament, made a
suitable report. It will be unnecessary to detail this for obvious reasons.
There was, however, one thing contained in it, which ought not to be
omitted. It stated, with appropriate concern, the death of the first
controversial writer, and of one of the most able and indefatigable
labourers, in their cause. Mr. Ramsay had been for some time indisposed.
The climate of the West Indies, during a residence of twenty years, and the
agitation in which his mind had been kept for the last four years of his
life, in consequence of the virulent attacks on his word and character by
those interested in the continuance of the trade, had contributed to
undermine his constitution. During his whole illness he was cheerful and
composed; nor did he allow it to hinder him, severe as it was, from taking
any opportunity which offered of serving those unhappy persons, for whose
injuries he had so deeply felt. A few days only before he died, I received
from him probably the last letter he ever wrote, of which the following is
an extract:
"My health has certainly taken a most alarming turn; and if some
considerable alteration does not take place for the better in a very little
time, it will be all over with me; I mean as to the present life. I have
lost all appetite; and suffer grievously from an almost continual pain in
my stomach, which leaves me no enjoyment of myself, but such as I can
collect from my own reflections, and the comforts of religion. I am glad
the bill for the abolition is in such forwardness. Whether it goes through
the House or not, the discussion attending it will have a most beneficial
effect. The whole of this business I think now to be in such a train, as to
enable me to bid farewell to the present scene with the satisfaction of not
having lived in vain, and of having done something towards the improvement
of our common nature; and this at no little expense of time and reputation.
The little I have now written is my utmost effort; yet yesterday I thought
it necessary to write an answer to a scurrilous libel in The Diary by one
Scipio. On my own account he should have remained unnoticed, but our great
cause must be kept unsullied."
Mr. Ramsay was a man of active habit, of diligence and perseverance in his
undertakings, and of extraordinary application. He was of mild and humble
manners. He possessed a strong understanding, with great coolness and
courage. Patriotism and public spirit were striking traits in his
character. In domestic life he was amiable: in the ministry, exemplary and
useful; and he died to the great regret of his parishioners, but most of
all to that of those, who moved with him in his attempts to bring about the
important event of the abolition of the Slave-trade.