CAPTURE OF FRANCIS I.
On September the 24th, 1524, Margaret's youngest niece, Katharine, who
had lived most of her life shut up with her mad mother in the gloomy
palace of Tordesillas, was married to John III., King of Portugal. The
marriage took place at Anyaguia, in the presence of Charles, who had
but lately recovered from a bad attack of fever. In a letter to the
Duke of Bourbon on September 5th, he says: 'Regarding my own person, I
would most willingly have gone to Barcelona according to your wish, if
my affairs had permitted me to do so. But I must first conclude the
marriage of my sister, Madame Katharine, and despatch some affairs of
this kingdom. Besides, I have for several days been suffering from an
intermittent fever, which has hindered me from attending much to
business. The said fever is, however, much diminished, and I hope,
with God's help, to be soon restored to health!...'[91]
[91] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._
During the spring of the same year Bourbon (who together with Lannoy,
Viceroy of Naples, and the Marquis of Pescara was in command of the
imperialist army) had gained his first success over the French, and
driven them out of the Milanese with the loss of the Chevalier Bayard
(April 30th); but during the following summer the rebel duke found
great difficulties to encounter. He had marched on Marseilles, hoping
to reduce that town, but lack of means and provisions obliged him to
retrace his steps to Italy, where he was met by a powerful army under
Bonnivet. The French general soon retook Milan, and then laid siege to
Pavia, held for the emperor by Antonio de Leyva. Francis I.,
disregarding all advice, hastened to join his army in Italy
determined, as he said, to take Pavia or fall in the attempt. For four
weary months the siege dragged on, and then came the news which
startled all Europe. On February the 24th (the emperor's birthday),
1525, was fought the battle of Pavia, and before night fell the French
army was utterly defeated, the king a prisoner, and the flower of the
chivalry of France either dead or taken captive.
Whilst the battle was still raging the Abbot of Najera sent the
following despatch to the emperor:--'At midnight the army began to
move. The soldiers penetrated into the enclosure by three openings
they had made in the wall. At daybreak the enemy attacked the
rearguard, and the Imperial German and Spanish troops engaged the
Swiss, German, and Italian troops of the King of France, who soon fled
as they heard the "good" Antonio de Leyva was in their rear.
'The victory is complete. The King of France is made prisoner. He has
two very slight wounds in the face. His horse has been killed. When he
fell to the ground the viceroy placed himself immediately over him.
The king has also an insignificant wound in one of his legs. The whole
of the French army is annihilated.
'The Admiral of France died in my arms, not fifty yards from the
place where the king had fallen. La Pallice is dead. The King of
Navarre, Lescun, Montmorency, and other captains are prisoners.
'A great number of French infantry have been drowned in the Ticino.
The imperial army is still pursuing the enemy. It is expected that at
the end of the day 10,000 of the enemy will have been killed.
'The Marquis of Pescara has done wonders. He has three wounds. The
imperialists had sixteen pieces of artillery, but not a single shot
has been fired.... (From the palace of Pavia, the 24th day of February
1525.)
'_Postscriptum._--To-day is the feast of the Apostle Saint Matthew, on
which, five-and-twenty years ago, your Majesty is said to have been
born. Five-and-twenty thousand times thanks and praise to God for his
mercy! Your Majesty is from this day in a position to prescribe laws
to Christians and Turks according to your pleasure.'[92]
[92] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.
Charles de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, wrote the same day announcing
the victory to the emperor:--
'Sire,--We gave battle yesterday, and it pleased God to give you
victory, which was so well followed up that you hold the King of
France a prisoner in my hands. I beseech you, earnestly as it is
possible to do, to think of your affairs, and to make prompt
execution now that God has sent you such a favourable
opportunity; for you will never have a more propitious time than
the present to demand restitution of the crowns justly
appertaining to you, for you owe no obligation to any prince in
Italy; nor can they longer hope for protection from the King of
France, as you hold him captive. Sire, I think you remember
the saying of M. de Bersale, "that God sends to men once in
their lives a fruitful August, but if they allow it to pass
without gathering a harvest, it is a chance whether the
opportunity is given them again." I say not this believing that
your Majesty is disposed to neglect your advantages, but only
because I feel it a duty so to speak. Sire, M. de Bourbon
acquitted himself well, and performed good service. Sire, the
victory which God has given you happened on St. Matthew's Day,
which is the day of your Majesty's birth.
'From the camp where the King of France was lodged, before
Pavia, the 25th day of February 1525.
CHARLES DE LANNOY'[93]
[93] Lanz, _Correspondenz des Kaisers, Karl V._
[Illustration: FRANCIS I
FROM A PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FRENCH SCHOOL)]
Francis showed extraordinary courage throughout the battle. When
surrounded, unhorsed, and wounded he refused to yield to Bourbon,
exclaiming: 'I know no Duke of Bourbon but myself!' but handed his
sword to Lannoy, who received it on his knees, and immediately offered
the captive king his own, saying, 'It did not become so great a
monarch to remain disarmed in the presence of one of the emperor's
subjects.' Francis was immediately taken to the imperial camp, and de
Lannoy despatched Commander Peñalosa to the emperor announcing the
great victory. Francis gave the envoy a passport through France, and
the following letter to his mother, Louise of Savoy:--
'Madame,--To let you know the extent of my misfortune--of all
things nothing remains to me but honour, and life which is safe.
Knowing that in your adversity and sorrow this news would give
you comfort, I requested permission to send you this letter,
which was readily granted. I beg you not to yield to the
extremity of grief, but to direct all things with your
accustomed prudence; for I have firm hope that at last God will
not abandon me. I commend to your care my children and your own.
I beseech you, moreover, to grant free passage to the messenger
who brings you this letter, as he is bound for Spain, on a
mission to the emperor, to learn what kind of treatment I am to
receive. Commending myself to your favour and affection, I
remain, your very humble and obedient son,
FRANCOYS'
With Francis were also captured Henry, King of Navarre, the Marshal de
Montmorency, the Duke de Nevers, the high treasurer Babou de la
Bourdaizière, the Count of Saint Paul, the Marshal of Fleuranges, Du
Bellay, and many others. Meanwhile Margaret had been kept well
informed of the progress of affairs in Italy, and on the 6th of March
wrote to the Count of Gavre, Governor-General of Flanders: 'I have had
certain news to-day that on the 24th of February the emperor's army
attacked the King of France in the camp of Forte; that, although it
was well fortified, the king was made a prisoner, fourteen hundred men
of war killed in the camp, and that the rest who took flight were all
taken and killed, and it is not known if any escaped. I require you,
because of the consolation this news will be to the vassals and
subjects of your government, to inform them of it, and exhort and
command them to give thanks to God for the victory he has sent us, by
fireworks, processions, prayers, and other devout works, and above all
to pray for the souls of those who have died.'[94]
[94] _MSS. de la Bibliothèque de Bourgogne._
On the 13th of this same month she confirmed this joyful news in a
letter sent from Malines to the Council of Flanders announcing the
arrival of Grapain 'with letters in which he certifies that he was
present at the said battle, and the capture of the King of France by
the hand of the viceroy, he himself helping to disarm the king, and
confirms the capture and death of the principal personages in the
kingdom... and in the said battle only a hundred and fifty of our men
were killed... and that the said king has sent to release the Prince
of Orange and the Lord of Bossu and others of our side who were
prisoners.'[95]
[95] _MSS. de la Bibliothèque de Bourgogne._
This great victory was of the utmost importance to the Netherlands,
and Margaret hoped that it would lead to the recovery of the duchy of
Burgundy and the county of Charolais and their dependencies.
Three days after the battle Francis received a visit from the chiefs
of the victorious army, who offered him their sympathy, the Marquis of
Pescara even appearing in mourning. During the interview the king
showed great fortitude, and with a show of cheerfulness discussed
various points of the battle with his capturers. The castle of
Pizzighitone was chosen for his temporary prison until instructions
were received from Spain.
The emperor was at Madrid when the messenger arrived with the news of
the victory. Charles showed extraordinary self-control, and neither by
voice nor manner gave any outward sign of exultation. As if dazed, he
repeated the words of the messenger: 'The battle is fought and the
king is your prisoner!'[96] And then, hardly permitting the
congratulations of the surrounding courtiers, he retired to his
oratory, where, falling on his knees, he spent a long interval in
prayer, after which he asked for details of his victory. Bonfires and
illuminations and all public rejoicings were strictly forbidden as
being unsuitable 'when a Christian king had fallen into such great
misfortune.' This moderation and humility called forth the admiration
of all who witnessed it. Dr. Sampson, King Henry's ambassador at the
Court of Madrid, wrote to Wolsey: '... The emperor hath used such
demeanour in all things, both by word, deed, and countenance, and
toward all manner of persons, that every wise man hath been most
joyful to see it....'[97]
[96] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._
[97] Ellis, _Original Letters_.
On the following day Charles went in procession to the church of Our
Lady of Atocha to give thanks for the victory, the preacher, however,
being forbidden to enlarge on the triumph. But this extremely humble
attitude did not prevent Charles from making the most of his success.
On the 14th of March he sent the following letter to his
brother-in-law, the King of Portugal:--
'It is known to you how the King of France, at the head of a
powerful army, made a descent upon Italy, to seize and usurp
territories appertaining to our empire, and also our kingdom of
Naples, which he had sent the Duke of Albany to invade, and how
he had besieged the city of Pavia, and the progress he had made,
all which he wrote to you by Luis Alvarez de Tavora, a noble
hidalgo of your own lineage. By a courier who came to us from
thence (Pavia), we learned the news of the victory which God has
given to our army against the said King of France, whom we hold
prisoner, all which we did not then make known to you, because
we were expecting the arrival of a cavalier who was present at
the battle, bringing letters from the captains-general of our
said army. This said cavalier has since arrived, from whom we
have minutely heard all that occurred, which is as follows: On
St. Matthew's Day, the day of our birth, which is the 24th of
February, although the said King of France was entrenched very
strongly, and tried by every possible means to avoid giving
battle, his camp was forced by our army with no small labour;
when it pleased God, who knows how just is our cause, to give us
victory. The said King of France is taken, and the Prince of
Béarn, Seigneur d'Albret, with many other principal nobles. The
Admiral of France, M. de la Trimouille, and M. de la Palice are
killed, with numberless others of equal note, so that all the
chief nobles present at the battle are either taken or slain.
The loss of the French, we are informed, amounts to 16,000 men,
while we on our side have lost only 400. We have given, and do
give thanks to our Lord for this victory; and we hope that it
may conduce to universal peace throughout Christendom, which is
a thing we have always desired, and still desire. Remember to
avail yourself of the knowledge of these matters which Don
Alonzo Enriques de Guzman possesses, who is the bearer of this
letter, and a gentleman of our household; for we know that this
news will give you pleasure, even as it pleases us to hear good
tidings of you. Most serene and very excellent king, our dear
and much-loved brother and cousin, may the Holy Trinity have you
in special keeping.
'From Madrid, this 14th day of March 1525.
'I, THE KING'
On the 30th of March Queen Katharine sent her congratulations to her
nephew from Greenwich:--
'I have charged the ambassadors of the king, my husband and
master, now going to Spain, to inform your Highness of the great
pleasure and content I have experienced at hearing of the very
signal victory which God Almighty, by His infinite mercy, has
been pleased to grant to the imperial arms in Italy, trusting
that your Highness will offer thanksgiving to that same God, as
the king, my master, is now doing, ordering solemn processions
and other religious acts, throughout this kingdom.
'As the king, my husband and master, has never failed to be the
constant and faithful ally of your Highness--as his words and
deeds have sufficiently testified on every occasion--and as from
the continuance of such friendship and alliance the best results
may be anticipated, I humbly beseech your Highness to persevere
in the path of friendship and affection towards us, since the
king has always done his duty and is now rejoicing at your
success. I shall say no more, but will refer entirely to the
said ambassadors, to whom your Highness will be pleased to give
full credence on my part.--Greenwich, 30th of March.
'(Signed) Your good aunt, KATHERINA'[98]
[98] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.
The emperor also received congratulations from Henry VIII. and Pope
Clement VII. On the 31st of March the king wrote:--'My most beloved
Son,--This present letter is to congratulate you upon your recovery,
as also upon the honourable victory which our Lord has been pleased to
grant to your arms, having vanquished and taken prisoner the French
king, our common enemy....' The letter is signed, 'C'est de la main
de votre père, frère, et cousin, et bel oncle, HENRY.'[99]
[99] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.
Just before the battle of Pavia Margaret had sent ambassadors to
England with instructions to try and persuade King Henry to send
substantial help to the imperial troops, which were badly in need of
money, suggesting that an attack might now be made on France during
the absence of the king in Italy. Margaret concludes her instructions
by proposing that the Princess Mary (who was only nine years old)
should be sent to Spain with an increased dowry, and placed under the
emperor's care until old enough to be married. The ambassadors are
told to add 'that madame and the legate (Wolsey) having already been
match-makers in two different cases, there is no reason for not
promoting this one. She herself desires this marriage more than any
other thing whatsoever, and will leave nothing undone that can bring
it about.'[100]
[100] _Ibid._
Wolsey replied to these requests by stating that the king, his master,
was quite ready to cross the Channel into France under the following
conditions: 1st. That madame (Margaret) should provide 3000 horse and
3000 foot. 2nd. That the army should enter France by way of Normandy.
3rd. The emperor should procure sufficient money to keep up his
Italian army, etc., etc. But when the envoys stated that 200,000
ducats, which the emperor was sending to his army in Italy, had fallen
into the hands of the enemy, the cardinal replied, that if madame
agreed to make remittances of 50,000 crowns, the king would contribute
an equal sum, to which the envoys answered: 'Madame has not the means
to do that; nobody will lend her money, though she is willing, for the
stipend of the said 3000 horse and 3000 foot, to sell or pawn her own
rings and jewels.' Respecting the delivery of Princess Mary, the
cardinal said 'that she was too young, and that the English looked
upon her as the treasure of the kingdom, and that no hostages were
sufficient security for her.'[101] But soon after the small princess
was made to send a fine emerald to the emperor with a message that
when they married she would be able to know by the clearness or
otherwise of the jewel 'whether his Majesty do keep himself as
continent and chaste as, with God's grace, she will.' The emperor
being twenty-five, whilst his little fiancée was only nine, the cases
were hardly similar; and three months later Charles had engaged
himself to marry his cousin, Isabella of Portugal.[102]
[101] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.
[102] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._
A council was held in Spain in order to decide what was to be done
with King Francis, in which the Duke of Alva suggested the most
exorbitant terms as the price of the king's freedom. The Bishop of
Osma pleaded for more generous treatment, but the duke's advice
prevailed, and Francis was offered the most humiliating terms, which
he indignantly rejected, but finally agreed to the proposals that he
should marry the emperor's sister Eleanor, the Dowager-Queen of
Portugal, and settle the duchy of Burgundy upon the issue of the
marriage; that he should pardon Bourbon, restore the whole of his
possessions, giving him his sister, the Duchess of Alençon, in
marriage; pay a large ransom, and furnish troops to attend the
emperor's coronation in Rome.
Francis was sent to Genoa and thence to Spain in charge of Lannoy,
Viceroy of Naples, to the indignation of Bourbon and Pescara, who
both hoped to have had the honour of escorting the royal prisoner to
Madrid.
On his arrival in Spain Charles sent a courteous letter to Louise of
Savoy, who was acting as regent during her son's absence. Louise in
reply says: 'Monseigneur! By the letter which it has pleased you to
write to me, I have learned the arrival of monseigneur the king, my
son, in your country, and the goodwill and good disposition you
entertain to treat him well, for which I know not how sufficiently to
express to you my thanks and gratitude, humbly beseeching you, sir, to
continue to act in this liberal manner, which so well befits your
greatness and magnanimity. As for the rest, monseigneur, in pursuance
of what you have required of me, I have given a safe conduct to your
courier, desiring to do your pleasure in this and all other things, as
I would for the said monseigneur, my son, the king, and this the Lord
knows, whom I pray to give you a good and long life.--Your most humble
LOYSE.'[103]
[103] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._
On June the 25th, 1525, Charles wrote a long letter to his brother
Ferdinand from Toledo, in which he says: 'As to the movement of the
Lutherans, and the evil they have done, and to all appearance mean to
do, it has annoyed, and does continue to annoy me bitterly. If it were
in my power to remedy it speedily, I would spare neither my person nor
my estates in the cause, but you see the difficulty there is in it,
especially since I hope to be in Italy so soon, in order to take
possession of my crowns[104] as I have already written you word.
[104] The emperor's coronation at Bologna did not take place till
February 1530, when he received the crowns of Lombardy and of the
empire.
'When that is done, I mean to exert all my power in the extermination
of this said sect of Lutherans....' Charles goes on to say, in answer
to his brother's request that he would use his influence to get him
(Ferdinand) elected King of the Romans, that for the present the
matter had better be kept secret until he had been crowned emperor, as
the electors 'would probably allege, and with truth, that at present I
am myself, in fact, no more than King of the Romans, and that on this
account the election of another ought to be deferred....
'The King of France is now here. I have caused him to be placed in the
castle of Patina, where he will be well treated. He has offered me
certain articles of peace, which I send you a copy of, and has
promised to do still better. I will let you know the result; and if it
tends to my honour and advantage, and to the preserving of my friends,
I will follow your advice in coming to terms, well knowing that it
would be very propitious to my interests to make peace before I leave
this for Italy. If the said peace cannot be concluded, I shall order
the said King of France to be kept here in all safety, and will
deliberate on the subject of a war for next year....
'In order to leave these kingdoms under good government, I see no
other remedy than to marry the Infanta Donna Isabella of Portugal,
since the Cortes of the said kingdoms have required me to propose
myself for such a union, and that on his part the King of Portugal
offers me a million of ducats, most of them to be paid at once, in
order to assist in defraying the expenses of our said journey to
Italy. Were this marriage to take place, I could leave the Government
here in the person of the said Infanta, who should be provided with a
good council, so that there would be no apparent cause to fear any
new movement.'[105]
[105] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._
On the 31st of July Charles again writes to Ferdinand: 'As to the
affairs of my marriage in Portugal, it remains in the same state as
when I last wrote to you, waiting for the consent of England, as also
for your advice on the subject. Besides, it is right that before my
departure, I should know whether I shall have peace or war; and seeing
that there is every hope of the said peace being concluded, only that
time is requisite for it, I have settled to put off my Italian journey
till next March or April. Thus I shall have time enough to be married
in September, by which arrangement also I shall be able to receive the
said consent, and your advice, and to ascertain the fact or failure of
the said peace.'[106]
[106] _Ibid._
The following letter from Charles to Henry VIII., breaking off his
marriage with Princess Mary, and giving all his reasons for so doing,
is a most interesting diplomatic document. It is a pity that King
Henry's answer has, as far as we know, not been preserved:--
'My good Father and Brother,--I had ordered Peñalosa to tell you
what you must since have heard through your ambassadors at this
my Court, who have likewise delivered your message to me. My
answer to them has been that no alliance in the whole of
Christendom could give me more pleasure than yours, not only
owing to the great friendship which has existed of old between
our royal houses, but on account of the great affection and love
which you have shown me, whenever we have met together. I
believe that my sentiments are well known to you, and I can
assure you that my affection has not diminished in the least,
but, on the contrary, is daily increasing, so as to become in
time an almost indissoluble tie betwixt two brothers.
'You must know as well as I do the disasters and public
calamities which this present war has brought on the Christian
world at large, and on the empire in particular, and the great
lack there is of appropriate remedy. To the cure of those evils
it is my intention to apply myself entirely, since I am duly
bound to do so; but I find one great obstacle in my way. You are
aware of the great evils and disasters which my absence from
these kingdoms once caused, owing to my not having been able to
make such provision as was needed for the government of this
country. In consequence whereof my subjects are pressingly
requesting me to marry a princess who may fill my place, and
govern during my absence, which is, in my opinion, the only way
to keep them contented, and enable me to go about freely, and
attend to my personal affairs. The only remedy I see for this
difficulty, and for many others--which to so poor a writer as
myself would take too much time to describe--is to anticipate
the time of my said marriage, and likewise the payment of the
sums to be allotted as the princess's dower. But as your
ambassadors here have positively declared to me, in your name,
that this expedient can nowise be adopted, nor the said marriage
effected until the conclusion of a solid and lasting peace, I
see no way to obviate the said difficulties, and ward off the
impending evils. I hope you will be reasonable enough to
appreciate at its due value the answer I have just given to your
ambassadors, and will consider it as both just and expedient in
the present state of my affairs. As to the continuance of our
mutual friendship, on that point there is not the least danger.
I can assure you there is nothing I desire so much, being of
opinion that, although the form and terms of our alliance might
be altered through my marrying in another quarter, yet our amity
is to continue the same as ever, and so to be increased as to
secure the mutual and lasting alliance which would have ensured
from my union with the princess, your daughter. The better to
accomplish the said object, and provide for our common interest,
thereby promoting the welfare of Christendom at large, I propose
that you and I should work together for the conclusion of a
durable peace, likely to turn to our own mutual advantage and
profit, so as to satisfy our consciences and discharge our duty
towards God as Christian princes; and if, through our enemy's
fault, the said peace should not be made, to devise together
such means as may ensure the fulfilment of our common wishes,
and the satisfaction of our claims.
'If, therefore, owing to the above-named reasons, I were obliged
to marry (another princess), I beg you not to take it in bad
part, or suffer it to be the cause of our mutual love and
affection being lessened, for I can assure you that I shall wait
for your answer, and delay as much as possible the said
marriage; and that when the ambassadors receive your powers and
communicate your wishes to me, you will be convinced of my
goodwill and desire to foster and increase our mutual amity, and
to procure your welfare as much as my own. And that you may
trust to the sincerity of my professions I hereby affix my
signature as a proof of my constant wish to be for ever your
good son, brother, nephew and good friend.
CHARLES
'(Toledo) 12th August 1525'[107]
[107] _Calendar of State Papers_, vol. iii.
We do not know how King Henry received the above communication, but
soon after, the news reached Margaret that he was thinking of entering
into an alliance with France. This she foresaw would probably lead to
another war, and at once prepared to put the Netherlands into a state
of defence. She summoned the States, and again begged for 100,000
florins. The States refused to grant her request, saying the country
had been drained to the uttermost, and commerce was at a standstill.
But Margaret would not give in, and the States were convoked again at
Gertruydenberg. The Count of Hochstrate, as head of the council of
finance, going from town to town trying, by coaxing and promises, to
raise the desired sum.
Louise of Savoy now sent her secretary, Viardi, to Brussels to
persuade Margaret to arrange a truce of six months in order to give
her time to treat for the king's ransom and conclude a peace. Margaret
listened favourably to Viardi's mission, and commanded the Count of
Hochstrate, the Archbishop of Palermo, and the Count of Berg to meet
him at Breda, where a truce was arranged in Henry of Nassau's palace.
Charles does not appear to have been consulted as to the terms of this
armistice, and, much annoyed, he sent the following sharp rebuke to
his aunt:--
'Madame, my good Aunt!--I have received your letters by Richard,
and quite approve what you were able to communicate to him in
what your memory served you.
'I have received also a copy of the treaty of cessation of
hostilities, which you have concluded. But I cannot conceal from
you, madame, that I have found it very strange, and very far
from satisfactory, that this should have been done without
knowing my intentions, and without receiving instructions on
this behalf, and powers from me. I have found it convenient,
both for the advantage of my affairs and the preservation of my
authority as heretofore, to declare to the ambassadors of
England, and still more to those of France, that since the said
treaty has been entered into without instructions and powers
from me, I shall neither acknowledge it, nor ratify it, nor
cause it to be observed.
'Before the arrival of the said Richard, I was already in
communication on the subject of a cessation of hostilities in
all my kingdoms and countries generally, which I consider much
more suitable than any partial or particular arrangement, and
have just concluded a treaty, with the participation and consent
of the said ambassadors of England (as principal contracting
parties jointly with myself), wherein the articles are much more
to my honour than they were in yours. In fact, there are two
points in the latter so ill-advised as to condemn the whole. You
bring forward England alone as an ally (as does also the Duke of
Cleves), and promise to offer no assistance to the enemies of
France, which is directly in contradiction with the treaties in
force with England, and tending to call forth war against Spain
and other of my states, in which case you become incapable of
offering any assistance whatever. Thus the ambassadors of
England know very well how to pretend that they cannot escape
from the position in which they would be placed, which is in
fact as much, or more, to my disadvantage than theirs; and as to
the French, they may fairly say that all which has been demanded
has been granted them.
'I am quite sure that this great error, madame, is not arising
from any oversight of yours, and that you have been led to
understand that there was some necessity for it; at the same
time I am very far from being satisfied with those who have
allowed themselves to proceed in this matter without my command,
and who have presumed to counsel you on subjects of such grave
importance as ought never to be treated of without my knowledge
and approval.
'Madame! I send you a copy of the cessation of hostilities
concluded here, in order that you may cause it to be published
duly, and at the time therein declared, and to be strictly kept
and performed according to its form and tenor, setting aside
your own as null and void, as well as the publications which may
have taken place; for it is my express intention that it should
not be held of the smallest force or value; insomuch that if I
had not even concluded a treaty, as aforesaid, here, I would not
have permitted yours to be carried into effect.
'Madame! may our Lord have you in His holy keeping. Written at
Toledo, the 13th of August.
* * * * *
'Further, madame,... I have ratified the neutrality of
Burgundy, as you desire, and I have included you, as well as my
brother the archduke and all your country and subjects, in the
treaty for the cessation of hostilities, which has been here
negotiated; and in all I may be able to do for you, for your
affairs and your welfare, I shall always and most willingly do
the same for you, my good mother and aunt, as for myself,
praying God to give you all your heart's desire. Written at
Toledo, the 15th of August 1525.'[108]
[108] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._
We can imagine how much upset Margaret must have been at receiving
this severe rebuke which was called forth by the report that the
emperor had just received from his ambassadors in London giving an
account of an interview they had had with Wolsey, in which he
expressed great surprise and annoyance at the truce which Margaret had
just concluded with France. 'The treaties of Windsor stipulated,' he
said, 'that neither of the contracting parties was to conclude a truce
without the consent and full approval of the other one. We have so far
adhered to this, that, though the king has been often solicited by the
French, he has never given his consent to it.... I should never have
thought that, after so many stipulations, promises, and declarations
made by madame, she would have been the first to break through them.
'... Any plans and designs which the emperor, Mons. de Bourbon,
and the king, my master, may have formed in this particular
matter are ruined for ever through madame having granted this
truce to our common enemy.
'... In fact, I do not know how I shall be able to appease the
king's anger when he hears of it, for he has always maintained
that madame was incapable of doing anything in this matter
without letting him know first. The perplexity and doubt by
which madame is said to be assailed, and which have induced her
to take this step, are no excuse for her acting thus; for she
ought first to have consulted the king, my master, and stated
her reasons, instead of deciding, as she has done, for herself,
and then sending an agent to acquaint him with her resolution,
which was by no means an honourable proceeding....'[109]
[109] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.
Margaret's reply to her nephew explaining her reasons for her conduct
has unfortunately not been preserved, but she evidently found means to
soothe his anger, for ere long they were again on the best of terms.
Charles was genuinely devoted to his aunt and held her in the highest
esteem, and to the end of her life Margaret enjoyed his full
confidence, and was always consulted by him on every occasion of
importance.
King Francis had been brought to Spain in June, but it was not until
August that he was removed from Valencia and its neighbourhood to
Madrid. On his arrival in the latter town he was bitterly disappointed
to learn that the emperor was away hunting in Segovia, for he had
hoped much from a personal interview and his own powers of persuasion.
Although comfortably lodged and treated with every mark of respect,
the unaccustomed life of seclusion soon told on his health, and the
report spread that he was dangerously ill. On hearing of his illness
his sister Margaret, Duchess of Alençon, hastened to Spain, provided
with full powers from her mother, the regent, to treat for peace. On
the evening of September the 18th Charles was out hunting when he
received the news that the French king was dying. Immediately he set
out for Madrid, and without hardly drawing rein he rode straight to
the Alcazar. Francis was asleep when he arrived, but the emperor
waited until his prisoner awoke, and then as the invalid slowly raised
himself, exclaiming, 'Here I am, my lord emperor, your servant and
your slave!' courteously replied, 'Not so; you are my good friend and
brother, and I hope that you will always be so.' He begged Francis to
keep up his spirits, and only to think of getting well: saying 'that
when his sister the Duchess of Alençon arrived, peace and liberty
would soon follow, for he only asked for what was reasonable, and did
not doubt that Francis would do what was just.'[110] The next day
Charles paid the king another visit, and was equally kind and
considerate, leaving him very much improved in health. As the emperor
descended the stairs from the invalid's room, he met the Duchess of
Alençon, who had just arrived, and after warmly greeting her,
conducted her to her brother. The Duchess Margaret was a very
attractive, graceful woman, and Charles had been warned by his
Ministers not to receive her, for as they said, 'Being young and a
widow she comes... to see and to be seen,' and they feared that the
emperor might fall in love with her; but though Charles kissed her and
had private interviews, not all her charms could make him relax one
point in his conditions of her brother's release. After many fruitless
efforts and endless discussions Margaret was obliged to return to
France without having secured the much-desired peace. On the 19th of
November 1525 Perrenot de Granvelle[111] wrote a long letter to
Margaret of Austria from Toledo, giving her an account of the Duchess
of Alençon's visit:--
'Madame!... In fulfilment of your wishes, and in accordance
with the good pleasure of the emperor,... I forthwith went to
take your letters to the king (Francis I.), and on your part to
pay him a visit. I had long audiences with him, at four
different times after the fever had subsided, when I found him
in a good disposition to receive me, though extremely weak from
the severity of his malady. He told me that he and his kingdom
were much indebted to you, madame, for the desire you had
manifested for peace, and a good intelligence and amity between
the emperor and him, and consequently for his deliverance;
which, if God should please to grant, he must always esteem you,
even as a second mother, with whose advice and counsel he should
be happy to govern his affairs; adding many other fair and
courteous expressions. On this subject and his ardent desire for
peace, as well as for the friendship and good graces of the
emperor, he spoke much, devising at large the means of effecting
it, and always recurring to the idea of a marriage as the
principal thing to build upon. He also repeated his assurances
of the desire he had to contribute to the aggrandisement of the
emperor, and to assist in forwarding all his enterprises,
referring all the means and details to the aforesaid Madame
d'Alençon.... Madame! I met on my journey the said lady, and
delivered to her your letters; and whilst I had this
opportunity, with the knowledge and will of the emperor, I went
to visit her, and have reason to think that I gave satisfaction
without any cause of distrust on the one side or the other.
'Madame! I have since recovered the copy of the letter which the
emperor had written to M. de Praet, and of other writings which
I now send, as a summary of the communications which here took
place. At the commencement, the said lady recapitulated the
proposition which had already been entertained respecting the
marriage, the ransom, or the cession of the duchy (of Burgundy)
on condition that it should be pronounced by the Parliament of
Paris a possession belonging of right to the king, who would be
ready to give hostages in this case, to ensure its surrender. On
this point, however, the emperor declared, as he had before
done, without any reference to the marriage, that no ransom
would satisfy him, nothing less than the duchy, his ancient
heritage, the foundation of his order, of which he bore the name
and arms, rejecting the conditions attached to it as wholly
inadmissible. Some days afterwards, the said lady made a
proposition to the emperor, who went to visit her at her
lodgings, to choose arbitrators, which he had before refused,
and which he then, as she told me the same day, was ready to
agree to. Afterwards, however, when she was in conference with
the ambassadors, they came to a standstill when they touched on
the aforesaid condition relating to the Parliament of Paris, and
the hostages which the emperor, they maintain, would not
accept.... Communications have passed in writing on both sides,
of which the result has been nothing more than is above related.
They have now taken their leave, both the Duchess of Alençon and
the ambassadors, declaring that the king has fully made up his
mind not to resign the said duchy except on the condition
already proposed, choosing rather to submit to perpetual
imprisonment; and this very day the said lady has sent to demand
her passports, that she may return to France under the same
security as she travelled hither, which has been granted her. No
further movements or proposals have since taken place, the
emperor continuing in the same determination to obtain
possession of the duchy; and if the said lady takes her
departure, as appears her intention, the hope of peace which has
been excited by her arrival, and the subsequent attempts at
negotiation, as well as by the arbitration supposed to be agreed
on, will altogether vanish for the present.
'Madame! On Sunday last, the 15th of this month, I received by
Richard the letters and other papers which you were pleased to
send me. The emperor was at that time on a hunting expedition
five leagues hence, with a few attendants, having previously
taken leave of the Duchess of Alençon; and on his return I
presented to him your letters. I discussed with him at length
the two principal points relative to the peace or truce, and the
commercial arrangements in which your country is concerned....
To all this his Majesty gave a willing ear, and seemed to take
in good part all that was said....
'Madame! Whatever might have been the opinion offered, it has
certainly come to pass... that peace has been made with
England, and according to articles which had been proposed and
resolved upon before the battle and capture of the king....
Among other causes, it has chiefly arisen, as is pretended, out
of the truce made in your country, as well as from the
correspondence which has passed, and your frequent declarations,
that as far as your interest was concerned, you had abandoned
all thoughts of war. Concerning this matter I gave a sufficient
explanation, and satisfied his said Majesty, as I hope
thereupon....'[112]
[110] E. Armstrong.
[111] Nicolas de Perrenot, known as the Sieur de Granvelle.
[112] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._
At last, on the 14th of January 1526, the Treaty of Madrid was signed
between Charles V. and Francis I., and the emperor at once wrote to
Margaret to inform her of the joyful news, enclosing a summary of the
treaty. In return for his freedom the French king agreed to give up
the much-coveted duchy of Burgundy and the counties of Charolais and
Hesdin, to allow the sovereignty of Flanders and other countries of
the emperor within France. To renounce all claim to Naples, Milan,
Genoa, and Asti, as well as to Tournay and Arras. To reinstate the
Duke of Bourbon in all his property; and set at liberty the Prince of
Orange without any ransom. It was agreed that all prisoners on both
sides should be liberated; and that the Duke of Gueldres should be
allowed to retain his title during his lifetime, on condition that at
his death his duchy should pass to the emperor.
The king's marriage with Queen Eleanor of Portugal was to take place
as soon as possible, the queen bringing 200,000 crowns in gold as her
dower, besides the counties of Macon, Auxerre, and Bar-sur-Seine,
which were to be settled on her and her heirs. It was especially
stipulated that if the king should be unable to restore Burgundy or
carry out other parts of the treaty, he should again return to
captivity, leaving the Dauphin and his second son as hostages.[113]
[113] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.
The emperor also wrote to Margaret on the 15th January asking her to
convoke the States-General for the 22nd of May, to inform them of the
peace that had just been concluded.
But Francis had no intention of keeping the promises which had been
wrung from him under compulsion, and he secretly resolved to break
faith with the emperor as soon as he regained his liberty.
A few days after the Treaty of Madrid had been signed Margaret had the
sorrow of losing her niece, Isabel, the young Queen of Denmark, who
died near Ghent on the 19th of January, at the age of twenty-five, and
was buried in that city. Her life with Christian II. had not been a
happy one, and it was said that she died of a broken heart. Her three
children, John, Dorothea, and Christina,[114] she left to her aunt
Margaret's care, 'whom she had always called her mother.' Margaret
nobly fulfilled this trust, and tenderly watched over the children
until her death. She appointed the learned Cornelius Agrippa, then
residing at her Court, as tutor to Prince John, who at the time of his
mother's death was only eight years old. In a letter to Ferdinand
Charles thus mentions their sister's death: 'I am very sorry for the
death of our sister the Queen of Denmark, and have taken care that
prayers should be said for the repose of her soul. I would willingly
recommend to you her children our nephews, who are at present in the
hands of our dear aunt in Flanders.'
[114] Christina married first Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan,
and secondly the Duke of Lorraine. Her beautiful portrait by
Holbein, lent by the Duke of Norfolk, hangs in the National
Gallery. Her elder sister, Dorothea, married Frederick, Count
Palatine. The portraits of Isabel's three children in one picture
by Mabuse are at Hampton Court Palace.
[Illustration: THE CHILDREN OF CHRISTIAN II AND ISABEL OF DENMARK
IN MOURNING DRESS FOR THEIR MOTHER
FROM THE PAINTING BY MABUSE AT HAMPTON COURT PALACE]
On Ash-Wednesday, the 14th of February, Charles de Lannoy wrote to
Margaret from Madrid to inform her that the emperor had arrived the
day before, and King Francis had gone outside the city to meet him.
After supper they had spent two hours talking together, and seemed
well pleased with each other. The king had begged permission to see
Queen Eleanor, which was granted, with the assurance that as soon
as he set foot in Provence she should be delivered over to him.
Lannoy goes on to say that he has been ordered to attend the king on
his way to France.
On February the 26th the Abbot of Najera mentions in a long letter to
the emperor that peace had been proclaimed in Milan on St. Matthew's
Day, the 24th of February, which was looked upon as a good omen as it
was the emperor's birthday as well as the anniversary of the victory
of Pavia. But a little later John Jonglet wrote to Margaret from
London that 'it was publicly asserted that the King of France would
not keep his treaty with the emperor, as the States-General of his
kingdom would never sanction the dismemberment of his crown.'[115]
[115] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii
Charles himself seems to have suspected that Francis might play him
false, for, on the 19th of February, he had written to De Praet that
... 'as the said Seigneur King (Francis) is bound to deliver up to us
certain hostages, as you will see by this treaty, we desire that you
will well and carefully inform yourself who the said hostages are to
be, whether the king's two eldest sons, or Monseigneur the Dauphin,
and twelve of the principal nobility... that you take especial notice
of, and be regardful of the persons of the three children of France,
that you make yourself thoroughly acquainted with the visage,
physiognomy, size, and person of each, that when it comes to the
delivering of them over... there may be no trickery in substituting
one person for another, and that you may be able of a certainty to
recognise them as the identical persons whom we ought to have. Our
Viceroy of Naples is to take the charge of the said delivery and
acceptation, and as you are aware he can have no particular knowledge
himself of the said children, it is a matter of necessity that you
should be well acquainted with all these particulars....' In another
letter to De Praet he says: 'On Shrove-Tuesday we reached Madrid,
where we had the satisfaction of finding ourselves with the Sieur
King, reciprocally exchanging such sentiments and good offices as two
attached friends and brothers entertain and exercise together....
'We remained at Madrid Tuesday evening, Wednesday, and Thursday, and
on the following day departed thence with the said king our brother,
and slept four leagues from Madrid, in order to reach Illescas, two
leagues further, on Saturday. At Illescas we shall find the queen our
sister (Eleanor). Here they will meet and see each other, and speak
together; and then the king will return to Madrid, and we shall
continue his companion in the evening. The next day he will begin his
journey direct for Bayonne accompanied by our said viceroy. Soon
afterwards our sister the queen will also set off for the same,
attended by our Constable of Castile. And as to ourselves, we intend
to take the road towards Seville, where we shall find our empress, and
where our marriage is to take place.'[116]
[116] W. Bradford.
On the 16th of February Charles wrote to Louise of Savoy:--
'Madame, my good Mother,--Since I have given back a good brother
to the king your son, and am offering you the queen my sister
for a daughter, it appears to me that, in order not to present
you one son only, I should resume the name which I used
formerly to give you, and should again address you as my good
mother; and seeing that I do so consider you, I pray you to act
as such towards the said queen my sister, as well as towards
myself. I came to this town of Madrid to see the king your son
... and I was sorry not to have been able to do so sooner, but I
am greatly rejoiced at finding both his health and his
affections in so different a state from what they were when I
last saw him. The love and friendship which he professes to bear
towards me have given me no small satisfaction, and I nowise
doubt the sincerity of these good feelings, which I hope you
will assist in confirming, as you have promised me by your
letters that you would do. On my part I assure you that the love
and friendship I bear towards him are most sincere, and that I
am fully prepared to accomplish everything I have promised.
'You request in your said letter that the king... should take
the queen, his wife, my sister, with him. As soon as the king
... has ratified and sworn to the treaties, and that all things
are concluded between him and me, she shall be given up at
Bayonne according to your desire. This shall be done by my
Viceroy of Naples after he has liberated the king... and has
received the hostages that are to be given.
'And now, madam, that he may no longer distress you by his bad
writing, he who looks upon you as his good mother will conclude
by recommending himself with all his heart to your kindness, and
will sign himself,--Your good son,
CHARLES[117]
'To Madame the Regent of France, my good mother.'
[117] W. Bradford.
From the emperor's Itinerary we learn that Queen Eleanor left off her
mourning on being affianced to the King of France. On her arrival at
Talavera she was met by the emperor and the Duke of Bourbon. On the
20th of February the emperor and the King of France went together to
Illescas, where they paid a visit to the Queen Eleonora and Queen
Germaine de Foix, accompanied by the Countess of Nassau and other
ladies, who received them on the stairs. They then went into a saloon,
where the four sat down under a canopy, and were engaged in
conversation, whilst the ladies of the Court amused themselves by
dancing.... On the 23rd of February the emperor took leave of his
sister, the Queen of France, who remained at Illescas, and pursued his
journey towards Seville, where the Princess Isabella of Portugal, his
affianced bride, was to meet him on the 9th of March. He made his
entry into Seville on that day, and on the 10th his marriage was
celebrated with much pomp. At the magnificent festivities which
followed, it is recorded that M. de la Chaux opened the ball.[118]
[118] W. Bradford.
In a letter to his brother Ferdinand, Charles thus briefly refers to
his wedding: 'I have now entered upon the estate of marriage, which
pleases me well.' And yet this marriage, begun under such unromantic
conditions, turned out very happily, for Isabella was a capable
princess, who, besides her beauty and clear complexion, had a good
heart and sound judgment, and Charles, we are told, 'lived in perfect
harmony with her, and treated her on all occasions with much
distinction and regard.'
Guillaume des Barres, one of Margaret's secretaries, sent his mistress
the following description of the bride: 'I would give much that you
could see her, for if you have been told of her many beauties,
virtues, and goodness, you would find still more, and you should see
how happy they are together.'[119] On April 26th, 1526, Margaret sent
an embassy to Spain to congratulate Charles on his marriage, and
present her good wishes to the empress, to whom she wrote, 'that she
wished that things could be so arranged that she could come and visit
the countries over here (Flanders), which are so beautiful and adorned
with such fine towns....'[120] Amongst other things her ambassador was
ordered to tell the emperor 'that the archduchess had the greatest
pleasure in trying to extirpate the sect of the Lutherans,' and on his
own account he added that his mistress lived so simply and
economically that there was no chancellor of a province, nor
sub-governor or lieutenant in the country, who lived as simply as she
did.[121]
[119] _MSS. de la Bibliothèque de Bourgogne._
[120] _Ibid._
[121] _Ibid._
Meanwhile, on the 17th of March, King Francis had been set at liberty.
Charles in a letter to his brother says: 'The King of France was
restored to his kingdom on the 17th of this month (February), on my
receiving the Dauphin and Duke of Orleans as hostages, whom I have
desired to be taken to Burgos; and the said King of France promises to
accomplish all that he has engaged in by the treaty of peace....'
Guicciardini gives the following interesting account of the exchange
of prisoners at Fuenterrabia: 'By this time the French king was come
to Fuenterrabia, a town appertaining to the emperor, standing near the
Ocean Sea upon the frontiers of Biscay and the duchy of Guyenne; and
on the other side the Lady Regent was arrived with the children of
France at Bayonne, which is not far from Fuenterrabia.... Then the
18th day of March, the French king, accompanied by the viceroy,
Captain Alarçon, with fifty horse, came to the shore of the river that
divideth the realm of France from the kingdom of Spain; at the same
time M. de Lautrech, with the king's children, and the like number of
horse, presenting themselves on the other side. There was in the midst
of the river a great barque made fast with anchors, in which was no
person. The king approached to this barque in a little boat, wherein
he was accompanied by the viceroy, etc.... all armed with short
weapons, and on the other side of the barque were likewise brought in
a little boat, M. de Lautrech, with the hostages... after this the
viceroy went into the barque... and the king with him.... M. de
Lautrech fetched out of the boat into the barque the Dauphin, who
being given to the viceroy... was forthwith bestowed in his boat, and
after him followed the little Duke of Orleans, who was no sooner
entered the barque than the French king leaped out of the barque into
his boat with such swiftness that his permutation was thought to be
done at one self instant, and then the king being brought to the
shore, mounted suddenly (as though he had feared some ambush) upon a
Turkish horse of a wonderful swiftness, which was prepared for the
purpose, and ran without stay to St. John de Luz, a town of his
obedience, four leagues from thence; and being there readily relieved
with a fresh horse, he ran with the same swiftness to Bayonne, where
he was received with incredible joy of all the Court.'[122]
[122] Published in 1618. Mentioned by W. Bradford in his
_Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._
In a despatch to the emperor, written on March 23rd, Ochoa de Ysasaga
announced that 'The day that the King of France was released from his
captivity he leaped from the boat, with water up to his knees, mounted
a horse that had been prepared for him, and rode without stopping to
St. Jean de Luz, where he dined, and was visited by the flower of the
French nobility, who came to congratulate him.[123]
[123] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.
And thus Charles let slip his chance, and omitted to reap the fruitful
August, which Lannoy, in announcing the victory of Pavia, had declared
comes to a man once and once only in his life.