DEATH OF MAXIMILIAN
On the 18th of November 1517, ten days after Ximenes' death, Charles,
accompanied by a gorgeous train of nobles, ambassadors, and the flower
of the Spanish army, made his state entry into Valladolid, the capital
of Old Castile. The splendid procession slowly wound its way through
the narrow streets of the town. First came thirty falconers, with
birds on wrist, some wearing the king's livery of white, yellow, and
red, others the red and green of Ferdinand, then two hundred of the
royal guard, a contingent of Spanish Lancers, with the nobles' drum
and fife bands, followed by twenty led chargers from the king's
stables. Behind rode three hundred Spanish and Flemish nobles, then
two hundred men-at-arms, with foreign ambassadors and heralds; and
lastly Charles appeared, a truly regal figure in surcoat of crimson
silk and gold brocade over his steel armour, seated on a prancing
horse, 'with the majority of its legs always in the air,' but, as an
eye-witness observed, the king no more stirred nor swayed than if he
had been glued thereon.'[55]
[55] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._
Fêtes and tournaments followed, and the people flocked from far and
near to see their king; but beneath the rejoicings there were murmurs
and discontent, for the chief posts were given to Flemings, to the
exclusion of Spaniards, who naturally felt themselves slighted, and
the clergy, to show their annoyance, rudely refused to quarter the
royal suite. Jean le Sauvage, Grand Chancellor of Burgundy, was made
Chancellor of Castile, and to De Chièvres' young nephew, a mere boy,
was given the archbishopric of Toledo, the wealthiest see in Spain.
Amidst general discontent the Cortes opened on February 2nd, 1518. The
town deputies began by objecting to the new Chancellor presiding over
their first meeting. After some stormy debates, the oath of allegiance
was taken to Charles and his mother conjointly, but it was appointed
that Joanna's name should be placed before that of her son in all
public acts. A generous subsidy of six hundred thousand ducats was
voted for three years. Charles was petitioned to marry at once, and to
keep his brother in Spain until there was a direct heir to the throne.
To these requests he gave evasive answers, but when implored to learn
Spanish, he replied that he had already begun to study the language.
As a matter of fact he only knew a few words, and his answers were
extremely abrupt and hesitating. An Italian envoy who was present
remarked: 'He says little, is not of much ability, and is entirely
ruled by his Flemish governors'; whilst the Marquis of Pescara, who
became one of his greatest generals, reported that in three audiences
he had not said three words. But the young monarch was only biding his
time, and was soon to prove that he was not such a cipher as he
allowed himself to appear.[56]
[56] E. Armstrong.
When Charles became king, his Ministers were anxious to bring about a
reaction against Maximilian and Margaret's hostile attitude towards
France, and for this end Charles hastened to inform Francis I. of his
accession. The French king replied by sending the Sire de la Roche
with his affectionate congratulations, and expressed the hope that
their friendship would become still closer. In an enthusiastic letter
to Francis, Charles said: 'Monseigneur, in order to continue the
fervent love I bear you, I wished as a good son to a good father, to
inform you of my prosperous accession here, which is such, that in
giving thanks to our Creator, who directs all things, yesterday, after
mass was solemnly celebrated in the temple of our said Creator,
accompanied by many ambassadors, yours amongst them, I was splendidly
well received, and unanimously acknowledged lord and king of these my
realms of Castile, Leon, Granada, and their dependencies, by the
prelates, nobles, and representatives of the said kingdoms, with such
great reverence and goodwill that... nothing could be better....'[57]
But Charles had a long progress in front of him, and soon after left
Castile and set out for Saragossa, the capital of Aragon, in order to
attend the Cortes of that kingdom. On his way there he took leave of
his brother Ferdinand, whom he sent to Germany on the pretext of
visiting Maximilian. This prudent but unpopular manoeuvre probably
saved Charles his Spanish dominions, for in the struggle that followed
with the Cortes of Aragon the Spaniards would willingly have offered
the crown to the younger brother, who had been brought up amongst
them, and who was a favourite with all the people.
[57] _Analectes Belgiques de M. Gachard._
All this time Margaret was anxiously following every movement of her
beloved nephew, and was kept well informed of his reception and
progress. In one of her letters to Maximilian she says: 'Yesterday I
received letters from the king, my lord and nephew, who is very well,
and behaves himself so wisely and discreetly, that it is to his great
honour and profit. He is, I understand, thinking of sending his
brother over here about the month of April, which I much desire.'
On July the 24th, 1518, Charles issued an edict from Saragossa
authorising his aunt to sign all documents in his name, giving her
full power as though she was ruler, and causing the following
announcement to be published in the Netherlands:--'By our
letters-patent given in our town of Saragossa, on the 24th day of July
last, and for the things contained therein, we have ordained that our
very dear Lady and Aunt, the Lady Margaret, Archduchess of Austria,
Dowager of Savoy, etc., shall sign from henceforth all letters, acts,
and documents with her own hand, which are issued for us, and for our
business over there, which ought to be sealed with our seal. Signing
with these words: 'Par le Roy. Marguerite'; that she shall have the
care of the seal of our finances, and that she _alone_ shall provide
and dispose of the appointments of this our country, for we have given
and left the disposal of them to her, assisted by the chief and other
members of our privy council....'[58]
[58] _Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche._
Maximilian was delighted when he heard of Charles's renewed confidence
in his aunt, and wrote to Margaret expressing his pleasure in the
following letter, which was one of the last he was destined to write
to her:--'Very dear and much-beloved daughter, we have received your
letters of the 25th of October, and hear through them of the honour
and authority that our good son, the Catholic king, has lately
bestowed upon you, which gives us great pleasure, and we have good
hope that you will so acquit yourself to the wellbeing, guidance, and
direction of his affairs, that he may not only have cause to be
pleased, but as your good nephew he will increase your said authority
more and more. In doing which he could do nothing more pleasing to us.
This God knows, and may He, very dear and much-beloved daughter, have
you in His keeping. Written from our town of Wels, the 12th day of
December, in the year 1518. Your good father, MAXI.'[59]
[59] _Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilien I._
This same year Margaret's eldest niece, Eleanor, was married to
Emmanuel, King of Portugal, who had previously married first Isabel
and then Maria, both daughters of Ferdinand and Isabella. Her elderly
husband did not long survive his third marriage, but died in 1523, and
was succeeded by John III., who, in the following year, married
Eleanor's youngest sister, Katharine.
Since the summer Maximilian's health had gradually been declining. In
July he presided for the last time at the Diet of Augsburg, and
earnestly pressed for the fulfilment of his two dearest wishes--the
fitting out of a crusade against the Turks, and the elector's promise
to secure the succession to the imperial crown for his grandson,
Charles. To this latter request there existed the obstacle, that as he
himself had never been crowned by the Pope, he was only regarded by
the Roman See as King of the Romans, and therefore Charles could not
be invested with that dignity. Maximilian, however, spared no means to
gain his ends, and bribed heavily wherever he thought it advisable.
Charles appears to have objected to the exorbitant price that was put
upon the imperial crown, knowing well that he would one day have to
raise the promised sums from his resources in Spain, but his
grandfather and Margaret, with their councillors, overruled his
objections, and strongly advised him not to bargain for fear of the
French king profiting by his stinginess. In an enigmatical letter
Margaret thus expresses herself:--'The Lord King, my nephew, has
written to us that the horse on which he wishes to come and see us is
very dear. We know well that it is dear; but as matters stand, if he
does not wish to have it, there is a buyer ready to take it, and,
since he has broken it in, it seems a pity that he should give it up,
whatever it costs him.'[60] Whilst Maximilian was engaged in taking
measures to obtain his desires, the elector's attention was fully
occupied by formidable religious troubles. The monk, Martin Luther,
had arisen and vehemently declaimed against certain practices of the
Church of Rome, and a spirit of revolt and restlessness was in the
air. Maximilian does not appear to have been greatly interested in the
commencement of the Reformation. Although in his letters to Margaret
he often satirically complained of 'les beaux pratikes de la sainte
mère de l'Église,' still he was far from upholding any schism in the
Church, and urged on by the solicitations of the monks, he wrote to
Leo X. asking him to determine the religious disputes by his decision,
and summoned Luther to appear with a safe conduct before the Diet of
Augsburg to answer for his attack on the system of Indulgences. Luther
arrived too late for the Assembly, and the emperor never saw him, but
at the subsequent interview that took place before the Cardinal Legate
the monk was told he must either recant his heresies or depart. He
refused to recant, and departed to Wittenberg, there to write and
publish an account of his interview, which was read far and wide, and
helped to further the spirit of schism and revolt.
[60] Gachard, _Rapport sur les Archives de l'Ancienne Chambre des
comptes de Flandre à Lille_.
After a summer spent at Innsbrück, where he was attacked by an
intermittent fever, the emperor travelled to Wels, in Upper Austria,
hoping that the pure country air would restore his health. But the
fever continued, aggravated, it is said, by too violent exercise, and
an imprudent indulgence in melons. Soon dysentery supervened, and on
the 12th of January 1519 he passed away in the sixtieth year of his
age.
As long as he had been able to do so, Maximilian bravely attended to
public business, but racked with fever at night, and unable to sleep,
he tried to soothe his weariness by having the history of the House of
Austria and legends of the saints related to his house read aloud to
him. Feeling that his end was near, he asked for a Carthusian monk
from Brisgau. When the monk entered his room the emperor sat up and
received him with every sign of joy, and turning to the officers
standing round his bed he said: 'This is the man who will show me the
way to heaven.' With an untroubled mind, and every semblance of piety,
he received the last sacraments, and gave minute directions as to his
burial, which he wished to be as simple as possible. To show the
emptiness of human greatness he ordered that after death his teeth
should be drawn, his body polled and shaved (_rasé et épilé_), and
exposed for a whole day, then enclosed in a sack of quicklime and
placed in a coffin which he had carried about with him since 1515, and
buried in the church of the castle of Nieustad under the altar
dedicated to Saint George, in such a position that his head should be
under the feet of the celebrant. His heart he wished to be buried at
Bruges, near his first wife, Mary of Burgundy, 'sa réelle épouse.'
Having thus made all arrangements, he took leave of those present,
raising his hand and giving them his blessing. 'Why do you weep,' he
asked, 'because you see in me a mortal? Such tears suit women better
than men.' And thus calmly and fearlessly Maximilian faced death,
reverently responding to the monk's prayers until his voice failed;
but when he could no longer utter, still showed by signs that he
followed the holy office, until sinking into unconsciousness, with a
smile upon his face, he passed away before the dawn.
[Illustration: THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN I AND HIS FAMILY
FROM THE PAINTING BY BERNHARD STRIGEL IN THE IMPERIAL MUSEUM,
VIENNA]
Maximilian was twice married; first, to Mary of Burgundy, through whom
he became possessed of the vast domains of that house; and secondly,
to Bianca Sforza, daughter of the Duke of Milan, by whom he had no
children. Of a kindly and chivalrous nature and endowed with many good
qualities, Maximilian was popular amongst his subjects, but obtained
little esteem from his contemporaries, owing to a radical inconstancy
and indecision of temper, and an extravagance which involved him in
perpetual pecuniary embarrassments. Margaret was not present at her
father's death, but no one felt his loss more keenly than she did, for
he had ever shown himself an affectionate and devoted parent, and
though so often parted, their intercourse had been, as their
correspondence proves, of the closest and most intimate kind. Her
grief found vent in a long poem or lament, in which she enumerates her
many sorrows:
'.... O mort trop oultrageuse!
Tu a estain la fleur chevaleureuse
Et as vaincu celluy qui fust vainqueur,
Maximilien, ce très-noble Empereur,
Qui en bonté à nul ne se compère.
C'estoy César, mon seul seigneur et père,
Mais tu l'as mis en trop piteux estat,
Sépulturé au chasteau Nieustat....'[61]
[61] 'Complainte de Marguerite sur la mort de Maximilien son
père' (_Albums de Marguerite d'Autriche_, p. 101).
Amongst the condolences which she received there is an interesting
joint-letter in Latin from Anne of Hungary (who was betrothed to
Ferdinand of Austria), and from Ferdinand's sister Mary (affianced to
Louis of Hungary). The letter is written from Innsbrück on the 22nd of
January and signed by both princesses.
Maximilian did much to improve his country, and greatly encouraged art
and learning. He especially favoured the universities of Vienna and
Ingoldstadt, and caused at least two works to be written under his own
personal direction--_Theuerdank_ in verse, and _Weiss Künig_ in
prose--in both of which he figures as the hero. He also rendered an
important service to Germany by abolishing the famous secret tribunal
of Westphalia.
Charles was on his way to Barcelona when he received the news of his
grandfather's death. Deputing Adrian of Utrecht to hold the Cortes of
Valencia, he hurried from Barcelona to Corunna on the Galician coast,
intending to set sail for his new kingdom. His appointment of Adrian
as sole regent was the crowning insult to Spanish feelings; the
Cardinal had little experience and less ability; above all he was of
low birth and a foreigner, and the king had promised to bestow no
office on 'those who were not natives of the kingdom.' Besides, a
Cortes had been summoned to meet at Santiago in Galicia, outside
Castile, and the Castilians felt deeply injured. Discontent was rife
on all sides, and many wild rumours were afloat. It availed little
that Charles in his broken Spanish promised to return in three years.
The deputies were not mollified, and demurred to granting the desired
subsidy, which was only reluctantly voted. Charles excused his hurried
departure from Spain on the plea of his obligation to attend to his
new dominions, but this excuse did not pacify his discontented
subjects, who foresaw the misery of his prolonged absence, with a
hated foreigner as regent.
Maximilian's death revived Francis I.'s hopes of gaining the
much-coveted imperial crown, for he was not long in recognising the
equivocal and expectant attitude of the electors who had formally
promised their votes to the dead emperor. He now entered the lists as
Charles's rival, and tried to gain over the electors by every means in
his power.
Margaret was in despair at the apparent small chance of her nephew's
success, and with the advice of her Council prepared to send the
Archduke Ferdinand into Germany to look after his brother's interests,
and suggested that Charles should waive his claim in favour of
Ferdinand, whose candidature would be less likely to be opposed by the
Pope and the German princes.
But Charles was as adamant, and indignantly rejected this proposal,
asserting that it had been his grandfather's wish that he alone should
succeed to the imperial dignities, and for this end the electors had
promised him their votes. If Ferdinand was chosen, the empire would be
weakened, and the House of Austria divided, to the gratification of
his enemies. 'He alone,' he haughtily said, 'ought to be emperor in
order to uphold the splendour of his House, and realise the great
designs he had conceived for the good of Christianity. Should our
person be elected, as is reasonable from what has gone before, we
could carry out many good and great plans, and not only preserve and
keep the dominions that God has given us, but greatly increase them,
by giving peace, repose, and tranquillity to all Christendom, in
exalting and upholding our holy Catholic faith which is our chief
foundation....'[62]
[62] M. Théodore Juste, _Charles-Quint et Marguerite d'Autriche_.
Margaret hastened to justify her conduct in a letter to Charles on the
21st of March, in which she said that when the news of Maximilian's
illness reached the Netherlands, the Council had judged it wiser to
send Ferdinand to Germany to watch over Charles's hereditary domains,
but that the archduke would yield to his brother's wishes, 'for,' she
added, 'one could not see a better or more debonair prince of his
age.'
As matters turned out, Charles's determination was fully justified,
for Francis's methods had not proved successful, and had only
alienated him from some of his most powerful supporters. The
condottiere, Franz von Sickingen, the Duke of Bouillon, and his
brother Érard de la Marck, Bishop of Liége, offended by Francis's
treatment of them, went over to the Court of Brussels and upheld the
interest of the Spanish king.
The rivalry which from henceforth existed between the two young
monarchs promised ere long to break the friendly relations with which
Charles's reign began, but Margaret with her usual diplomacy saw the
danger of a rupture with France at such a moment, and strongly advised
Charles to keep on good terms with his rival. Acting on this wise
advice, when Robert de la Marck left France and joined the Court at
Brussels, Charles's ambassadors hastened to assure the French king
that their master had taken no part in Robert's defalcation, and to
support their assertion proposed that Charles should marry Francis's
youngest daughter, Princess Charlotte, which offer was very well
received.
To get an idea of the activity and political talents Margaret
displayed in connection with Charles's election one must read her
correspondence with Frederick, Count Palatine, Maximilian de Berghes,
Henry of Nassau, her treasurer Marnix, the Cardinals of Sion and
Gurce, John de la Saulx, and Gérard de Pleine, and glance through her
accounts and receipts, which show what enormous sums were spent in
presents, bribes, pensions, and salaries on all those who were likely
to contribute to the desired end. The Archbishops of Cologne, Mayence,
and Trèves, and their councillors received between them nearly five
hundred florins in gold. In these curious accounts large sums appeared
to have been lavished not only on the principal negotiators, but on
their relations, friends, and servants. Thus five hundred florins are
given to the Archbishop of Trèves' nephew, a hundred to the Cardinal
of Mayence's valet-de-chambre, and a present of two thousand florins
is promised to Count John, the elector of Cologne's brother, who is
supposed to have more influence than the elector himself.[63]
[63] These documents are amongst the archives of Lille.
Margaret also drew largely from her own revenues in furthering her
nephew's interests, and transferred to him the duchies and lordships
she had inherited from Maximilian. In grateful appreciation Charles
presented her with the town and territory of Malines for her life and
a sum of two hundred thousand golden florins (the deed being signed on
September the 18th, 1520, at Brussels). In a long letter written from
Barcelona, on the 22nd of February 1519, he thanks her warmly for all
the trouble she has taken with regard to his election, recommending
her to spare no means to obtain the desired end. He says:--
'Madame ma bonne tante et très chiers et féaulx, nous avons reçus vos
lettres des viii et onze de ce mois, ensemble plusieurs copies de
lettres que ont été escriptes à vous notre tante, d'Allemagne,
d'Angleterre et ailleurs, par lesquelles vos lettres avons congneu le
grand soing, devoir et diligence que portez en tout nos affaires et
singulièrement en celuy d'Allemagne, et louons les bonnes dépesches
que y avez fait vers les princes électeurs et autres, et l'envoy des
personnaiges tant en Allemagne, Angleterre et Rome, louant aussy Dieu
notre Créateur que nos affaires sont en si bon train partout, et que y
faites si bonne provision de votre cousté, comme faisons ici de la
nôtre, sans y rien épargner, et ne cessons de continuellement en
écripre à Rome, Angleterre, Allemagne et ailleurs par tout où il est
besoing et necessité; car, pour un tel et si gros affaire, ne voulons
cette fois riens obmettre. Vous recommandant tousjours persévérer en
vos bonnes diligences, selon la confidence que en portons à vous.
'Il nous semble que le seigneur de Zevenberghe et autres nos
conseillers, out très prudement fait et advisé d'avoir envoié le
marquis Casimirus et comte de Mansfeldt devers le marquis Joachim et
de là outre vers le duc Fédericq de Saxe. Nous espérons que les deux
bonnes lettres que avons naguères écript de nostre main au comte
Fédericq palatin, inclineront luy et son frère à persévérer en la
promesse qu'ils nous ont faite. Nous tenons aussy que le comte de
Nassau ou de Hoghostraet en passant pardevers l'archevêque de
Coulongne, feront quelque bien vers luy. Nous désirons que faites
pratiquer Franciscus de Seckinghen si fait ne l'avez, pour l'avoir en
notre service, et appointer de son traitement avec luy, ainsi que, par
plusieurs fois, le vous avons écript.
'Nous faisons présentement response au seigneur de Zevenberghe sur
lesdites lettres, et luy envoions nouveau pouvoir, instruction et
lettres de crédence, délaissant le nom en blan de celuy qui en aura la
charge par l'advis des gens de notre conseil d'Isbroeck, pour envoyer
devers les Suisses renouveller et confirmer les alliances que nos
maisons d'Austriche et de Bourgogne ont avec eux, et les faire plus
estroités et meilleures, s'il est possible.
'Nous escripvons aussy au Cardinal de Gurce, ledit seigneur de
Zevenberghe, Villinger et autres nos conseillers, que s'ils sont
requis de notre part par la grande lighe de Swane d'assistance come
chief d'icelle lighe, et voyent que ce soit notre bien, proufit,
seureté et avancement de nos affaires, qu'ils prendent led. Franciscus
de Seckinghen avec six cens chevaux pour un mois ou deux, et les
baillent en assistance de ladite lighe contre le duc de Wirtemberghe,
et payent iceux chevaux des deniers que Amerstorff avoit emporté pour
lever les IIII{m} piétons que devoient aller à Naples.
'Par les lettres que naguerre nous a écript le roy d'Angleterre, et ce
que nous a dit son ambassadeur étant lez nous, avons entendu la bonne
affection qu'il nous porte à l'avancement de notre élection, et qu'il
a écript bien affectueusement à notre Saint Père le pape de la vouloir
favoriser et donner charge au Cardinal de Syon soy trouver de sa part
à la journée de l'élection, pour y faire pour nous ce qu'il sera
possible, et soubs espoir que avons notredit saint Père donnera ladite
charge audit Cardinal de Syon, et la confidence que prendons qu'il
nous servira bien en cest affaire, mandons au Foucker et à Villinger
bailler à iceluy cardinal mil florins d'or pour l'ayder à ses dépens.
'Et pour mercyer ledit roy d'Angleterre, lui escripvons présentement
gratieuses lettres et aussy au cardinal d'Yorck, et pareillement à
notre ambassadeur maître Jean Jonglet, en la sorte que verrez par nos
lettres cy rendues ouvertes, lesquelles leur envoyerez closes et
diligemment....'[64]
[64] M. le Glay, _Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilien I. et
de Marguerite d'Autriche_.
* * * * *
The Pope at first warmly upheld Francis I.'s claim and opposed his
rival, but he soon saw that the French king had small chance of
success, whilst all seemed in favour of Charles. Leo X. did not
dissemble that he would have preferred a less powerful emperor than
either the King of Castile or the King of France--'but,' as Charles
confidently wrote to his envoys in Germany, 'if it should come to
choosing either of us two, he has given out that he would be better
pleased with us than with the said King of France, and would not
refuse us the said dispensation nor any other thing that we should
ask.'[65]
[65] This letter was dated from Barcelona, 16th and 20th April
1519.
Although things seemed to be in his favour, still the King of Spain's
election was far from a certainty. Henry of Nassau, writing to
Margaret, did not conceal the difficulties that had to be overcome.
'The king,' he says, 'is little known in Germany; the French have said
much against him, and the Germans, who come from Spain, have hardly
said any good.'
Whilst the struggle between the rival kings' agents continued, the
kings themselves were no less anxious as to the final issue. Charles
was certain that if the imperial crown left the House of Austria the
French would lay claim to his hereditary German states as well as to
his kingdom of Naples; and besides being forced to renounce for ever
the recovery of the duchy of Burgundy, he might even run the risk of
being despoiled of the Netherlands.
On the other hand, the possible election of Charles filled Francis
with dismay. On the 16th of April 1519 he wrote to his ambassadors in
Germany: 'You understand the reason that moves me to acquire the
empire and prevent the Catholic king from acquiring it. If he gets it,
seeing the greatness of the kingdoms and lordships he possesses, he
might, in time, do me inestimable harm. I should always be uneasy and
mistrustful, and it is to be feared that he would take good care to
drive me out of Italy.'
But at last the long struggle came to an end, the Pope withdrew his
opposition, and Margaret was rewarded by Charles's election at
Frankfort as King of the Romans on June 28th, 1519, five months and
ten days after Maximilian's death. The news of his election was
conveyed in nine days from Frankfort to Barcelona, where Charles was
detained by the Catalonian Cortes. His coronation, which gave him the
title of 'Romanorum Imperator,' did not take place until the
following year. The title of Emperor, though carrying with it no
possessions, gave him the position of 'first of earthly potentates in
dignity and rank.'
Louise of Savoy bitterly alludes to her son's successful rival in her
diary. 'En Juillet, Charles Ve de ce nom, fils de Philippe, archiduc
d'Autriche, fut, après que l'Empire eut esté vacant par l'espace de
cinq mois, éleu roy des Romains en la ville de Francfort. Pleut à Dieu
qu'il eust plus longuement vacquée, ou bien que pour jamais on l'eust
laissé entre les mains de Jhésus-Christ, auquel il appartient et non à
d'autres.'[66] Public rejoicings and processions gave expression to
the Netherlanders' joy at this great event, and the States
enthusiastically voted 200,000 crowns for the expenses of the
forthcoming coronation. On the 30th of June Margaret informed the
governors of the provinces of Charles's election, and at the same time
ordered the towns and villages to give thanks to God 'by processions,
sermons, pious prayers and orisons,' and to have 'fireworks,
rejoicings, and other festivities which were suitable and usual in
such a case.' In her letter to the Governor of Lille she triumphantly
says: 'We have, this hour, received letters from the ambassadors of
the king, my lord and nephew, who are now in Germany, in which they
inform us that... MM. the electors of the Holy Empire have
unanimously, through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit... elected my
said lord and nephew King of the Romans.... We command you... to
inform his good subjects... requesting them to praise and render
thanks to God our Creator, by processions, sermons, devout prayers and
orisons.'
[66] _Journal de Louise de Savoye._
Margaret's instructions were well carried out, and the festivities
lasted a month until the end of July.
But Charles was badly needed in Flanders, for the four years' truce
with Charles of Gueldres had expired, and the Guelderlanders were
again giving trouble. Margaret's hands were full, and she anxiously
awaited her nephew's arrival. After having handed over the government
to Adrian of Utrecht, he left Barcelona on the 20th of January, and
disregarding the murmurs of his Spanish subjects, who were smarting
under the insult of a Castilian Cortes being summoned to meet at
Santiago, passed through Burgos, Valladolid, and Gallicia to the port
of Corunna.
He set sail towards the end of May and steered a straight course for
England, intending to pay a visit to Henry VIII. and his aunt, Queen
Katharine. A negotiation had for some time been secretly carried on
between Cardinal Wolsey and the Court of Spain, and this visit was not
as sudden as it appeared. In the previous March Charles had sent
envoys to England to propose a friendly visit during his intended
journey from Spain to Flanders. In a letter written to Charles by his
ambassadors from London on the 19th of March 1520 we learn that King
Henry sent for them to Greenwich on the previous day, which was a
Sunday, and after mass took them aside, Cardinal Wolsey and Queen
Katharine being present, and told them that he was very glad that
things had turned out as they had done, and addressing Queen Katharine
said, that when the emperor, his brother, and her nephew should
arrive, he hoped to see him before meeting his brother of France....
That he had written to the French king to postpone seeing him until
later, but had taken care not to give any reason for so doing. He
hoped he would receive a favourable reply, for he thought it hardly
possible that the King of France had heard of the emperor's intended
visit to England, for when he heard of it he would not be pleased, and
for this reason things were to be kept as secret as possible. 'The
queen then raised her eyes to heaven and praised God for the hope she
had for the fulfilment of her dearest wish, which was to see your
Majesty, and humbly thanked her lord the king, making him a very low
curtsey, and the said lord king took off his cap and said to her, "We
on our side will do all that we can...."'[67]
[67] _Monumenta Hapsburgica._
With every precaution of secrecy a treaty was signed on the 11th of
April minutely arranging the reception of Charles by Henry and
Katharine, either at Sandwich on his way to the Netherlands, or at a
subsequent meeting between Calais and Gravelines.
It was towards the end of May when news was brought to Henry at
Canterbury that the emperor's fleet had been sighted off Plymouth, and
was sailing up the Channel. Wolsey was sent off at once to greet
Charles with a Latin speech and invite him to land. Surrounded by his
suite and a goodly retinue, Charles landed at Dover on May 26th, and
was conducted to the castle, where, early on the following morning,
Henry arrived and warmly welcomed his nephew. Amidst cheering crowds,
who wondered at the simplicity of the Spanish king's dress and
following, the two monarchs rode together to Canterbury, where Queen
Katharine impatiently awaited her sister's son. By her side was her
little daughter, Mary Tudor, a fair-haired child of four, with big
brown eyes, and near her stood the elder Mary Tudor, the beautiful
Duchess of Suffolk, former Queen of France. Charles stayed four days
feasting at Canterbury, during which time he cleverly managed to
attach Wolsey more closely to his interests by whispering promises of
future assistance when the papal throne should become vacant, and
deeply impressing the English king by his mature judgment, deference,
and courtesy. It was agreed that the two sovereigns should shortly
meet again between Calais and Gravelines, and that Henry should be
accompanied by Katharine and Charles by Margaret. And so, with many
expressions of goodwill on all sides, Charles set sail from Sandwich
for Flanders on the same day that Henry embarked at Dover for Calais
on his way to meet Francis between Ardres and Guisnes at the memorable
scene of splendour and display known as 'the Field of the Cloth of
Gold.'[68]
[68] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._, and Théodore Juste,
_Charles-Quint et Marguerite d'Autriche_.
On the 1st of June Charles landed at Flushing at four o'clock in the
afternoon, and continued his journey to Bruges, where he was warmly
welcomed by Margaret and his brother Ferdinand, surrounded by the
chief Flemish nobles, ambassadors from Venice, and deputies from the
principal German towns.
Charles was now in his twenty-first year. Of middle height, with
well-proportioned limbs, a pale sallow complexion, light blue eyes,
aquiline nose, and a protruding lower jaw, his expression, though
heavy, was at once dignified and reserved; no trace of passing emotion
disturbed the serenity of his features. His broad forehead and
penetrating glance gave strength to his expression, and his gentle
courtesy and charm of manner won him the affection of all those who
had to serve him. An interesting insight into his character is given
in a letter from Gérard de Pleine to Margaret:--'There is no one great
enough or wise enough in his kingdom to make him change his opinion,
if he does not see a reason for changing it. I have known many princes
at different times, but none who have taken greater pains to
understand their affairs, or who disposed of them more absolutely than
he does. He is his own treasurer of finance and his own treasurer of
war; he bestows offices, bishoprics, appointments as God inspires him,
without listening to the prayers of any.'
A little later, Aleander, whom Leo X. sent to persuade Charles to
condemn Luther, gives an interesting estimate of the emperor's
character. Aleander was a man of the world and a scholar, and though
well aware of the faults of the Church and the folly of the Papacy,
was eager to extirpate what he believed to be the seeds of social and
ecclesiastical anarchy. On being granted an audience he addressed the
emperor in French; Charles replied by declaring his willingness to
risk his life in defence of the Church and the Holy See. He spoke at
some length, but so extremely well that Aleander was much impressed by
his ability, and wrote admiringly, 'Say what they will, this prince
seemed to me well endowed with sense and with prudence, far beyond his
years; to have much more, however, at the back of his head than he
carries on his face.'[69]
[69] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._
Charles had asked his aunt to convoke the States-General, and he found
them assembled when he arrived at Brussels. In a long speech he
praised Margaret's wise administration, loyalty and devotion, and
thanked her Council for the help they had given. He repeated that, in
spite of his absence, 'his heart had always been with them.' He then
gave a summary of his sojourn in Spain, and informed the States that
he had returned to take possession of the imperial crown, as well as
the domains he had inherited in Germany, but that he was badly in need
of funds, and asked them to do their best to help him.
The meeting of the Field of the Cloth of Gold, where Francis I. tried
by every means in his power to ingratiate himself with the English
king, was hardly over when Charles started for Gravelines to try and
efface the impression produced by his rival. Gravelines was a small
place, ill-fitted for the reception of kings, but Charles had
different methods than those employed by Francis, and he succeeded in
confirming himself in his uncle's good graces by showing him the most
courteous deference, and flattering his vanity in offering that he
should act as arbitrator in any differences which might arise between
Spain and France. Henry and Francis had already signed a treaty on the
6th of June whereby it was settled that the Dauphin should marry the
Princess Mary; but on the 14th of July another treaty was secretly
arranged in which the French alliance was indefinitely postponed, and
Charles's marriage with Mary agreed upon, although at the time he was
pledged to marry the French Princess Charlotte. Wolsey was largely
responsible for this change in affairs, for he was now bidding high
for the emperor's favour, though outwardly he still kept on good terms
with Francis.
The Chronicle of Calais gives an interesting account of Henry's
meeting with Charles at Gravelines on the 10th of July 1520. Margaret
accompanied her nephew, and together, with a brilliant following of
lords and ladies, the two monarchs and the regent journeyed to Calais.
Within the town a large tent had been erected intended for a
banqueting-hall, the seats arranged in tiers and draped with rich
tapestries. The roof painted to represent the sky with sun, moon,
stars, and clouds; but a great storm of wind and rain arose, and
during the night the great tent, with all its fine decorations and
tapestries, was blown down and ruined.
The two kings spent four days together, first at Gravelines and then
at Calais, when, after taking an affectionate farewell of each other,
they parted; Charles and Margaret journeying by slow stages towards
Aix-la-Chapelle, which, by a decree of the Golden Bull, had been
chosen as the scene of the emperor's coronation.
At Maestricht he reappointed Margaret as regent, and gave her a
Council presided over by Philippe de Bourgogne, Bishop of Utrecht, and
Érard de la Marck, Bishop of Liége. The Council of Malines, the Court
of Holland, and the tribunals of the other provinces were henceforth
made subordinate to the Council of the Regency established by the
emperor. This arrangement infringed the privileges of these bodies,
but Charles, deaf to their protests, abolished all privileges which
were contrary to this new régime. In order to put an end to petty
squabbles and ensure an equal protection to all, he gave, before
starting for Germany, the command of the army to Count Henry III. of
Nassau. Accompanied by Margaret he then left Maestricht and passed a
night at the castle of Wettheim.
Charles's election had called forth much enthusiasm in Germany. The
towns he passed through gave him a hearty welcome, for they looked to
him to restore order and redress their grievances.
On the 22nd of October he made his state entry into Aix-la-Chapelle,
where the electors of Mayence, Cologne, and Trèves, and the
ambassadors of the Duke of Saxony and the Margrave of Brandenburg had
arrived the day before. Charles had been elected emperor on June the
28th, 1519; but it was not until October 23rd, 1520, that he was
crowned at Aix. There in the church of Notre-Dame, in presence of a
vast assembly, with every detail of gorgeous ceremonial, the crown of
Charlemagne was placed upon his head; he swore to uphold the Catholic
faith, defend the Church, administer justice, maintain the rights of
the empire, recover its lost possessions, and render due obedience to
the Pope and the Roman Church. The Archbishop of Cologne, turning to
the assembled crowd, asked the German people if they would swear
fealty to their prince and uphold his government. A loud assent was
given. 'Charles was then anointed on his head, breast, arms and hands,
clothed in the deacon's robe of Charlemagne, and girt with the great
emperor's sword, crowned with his golden crown, and then with ring on
finger and ball and sceptre in hand, he was led to the stone seat of
empire.'[70]
[70] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._
The next day the Archbishop of Mayence proclaimed that Charles had
assumed the title of Roman Emperor Elect. His coronation as Emperor
and King of Lombardy did not take place until 1530, when he was
crowned at Bologna by Pope Clement VII.
On November 1st he summoned the States to meet at Worms, and in
January 1521 travelled thither to be present at the Diet, where he and
Martin Luther met face to face for the first and last time.