REGENT OF THE NETHERLANDS
By King Philip's death the Netherlands were left without a ruler, for
his eldest son Charles was barely six years old. A few weeks later, at
eight o'clock on the morning of the 18th of October 1506, the deputies
from the provinces assembled at Malines in the Salle de la Cour to
discuss the desirability of appointing a regent for the Netherlands,
and a governor for King Philip's children. The fair-haired child the
Archduke Charles was present with the members of his family, his
Council, and the Knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, all
clothed in the deepest mourning. After a long preamble, in which he
recounted the chief events in Philip's last voyage to Spain, the
Chancellor of Burgundy proposed that the deputies should choose a
regent and provide for the tutelage of the late king's children.
The representatives from Brabant, Holland, Zealand, and Friesland
voted for the emperor; those from Flanders, Artois, Lille, Douai, and
Orchiés said they were without instructions; but the deputies from
Hainault and Namur refused to express an opinion, fearing to annoy the
King of France, whose troops were already threatening their frontiers.
The choice was therefore left to the States of Brabant, who
immediately sent their ambassadors to Ems to offer the regency to
Maximilian. Pleased with the deference the States had shown him, he
accepted their offer; but, under pretext of the burden of state
affairs arising from the management of his kingdom, he deputed his
daughter Margaret to bring up and educate Philip's children, under his
direction, and appointed her regent of her nephew's dominions until he
should come of age.
At Maximilian's invitation the States-General of the Netherlands met
at Louvain in March 1507 to arrange for Margaret's installation. The
Duke of Juliers, in the name of the emperor, administered the oath of
'_mambour_,' or governess; Margaret was then recognised as
Governess-General and Guardian of Philip's children.
'Maximilian,' says Garnier, 'could not have chosen a more able and
intelligent minister; she was also the most dangerous and active enemy
that France could have.' The emperor, who was the most fickle of men,
was only constant in his hatred of France. In order to feed this
inborn aversion, he often re-read what he called his red book. This
book was a register in which he noted carefully all the slights that
France had made him and his country suffer, in order, he said, to pay
her (France) off at his leisure; and in August of the same year (1507)
he made a furious speech at the Diet of Constance, in which he called
Louis XII. an ambitious traitor, a perjurer, and a disturber of
Christianity.
Margaret chose Malines for her residence, and here for many years she
held her Court. As the principal home of the Regent of the
Netherlands, Malines, already a flourishing city, gained much in
riches and importance. Its motto, _In fide constans_, had been given
to the town in recognition of the courage and fidelity of its
inhabitants, who had often proved their loyalty to the House of
Burgundy. This fact may have influenced Margaret's choice of Malines
as her principal residence, but it had also been the home of her
godmother, Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV. of England, the last
Duchess of Burgundy, known as 'Madame la Grande,' who had been a
second mother to her in her early youth, before she left her home for
Amboise. Margaret of York had died at Malines in 1505. Her husband had
settled the town and seigniory upon her as dowry, and besides an
income of sixteen thousand florins or 'Philippus d'or,' she also owned
the palace called La Cour de Cambray, which she had bought, as the
Court possessed no residence at Malines, and left it in her will to
Philip and his sister. Margaret lived in this palace, which was later
known as the 'Cour de l'Empereur,' with her nephew Charles and his
three sisters, Eleanor, Isabella, and Mary. Her youngest nephew,
Ferdinand, had remained in Spain with his grandfather, the King of
Aragon, who educated him, and whose favourite he became. Philip's
youngest daughter, Katharine, born after his death, shared her
mother's captivity in the old palace of Tordesillas, until her
marriage seventeen years later.
Finding that the palace at Malines was not large enough for all her
requirements, Margaret persuaded Maximilian to buy another house
exactly opposite belonging to Jérôme Lauwrin, which he presented to
her after redecorating and altering it to suit her requirements. On
July 6th, 1507, she made her solemn entry into the town and installed
herself in the palace with her nephew and nieces.[28]
[28] In a document referring to Margaret's palace, in the town
registers, is a receipt for payment made to Daniel Verhoevren,
locksmith, with two double locks with two bolts for Madame de
Savoie's library.
[Illustration: CHARLES V AND HIS TWO SISTERS, ELEANOR AND ISABEL.
ELEANOR AGED FOUR, CHARLES AGED TWO AND A HALF, ISABEL AGED ONE
YEAR AND THREE MONTHS
PAINTED IN 1502, (MARGARET'S COLLECTION) NOW IN THE IMPERIAL
MUSEUM, VIENNA]
Jehan le Maire gives an interesting account of a memorial service in
memory of Philip, King of Castile, held at Malines a few days later in
the church of Saint Rombault on Sunday the 18th of July 1507. This
record of an eye-witness is addressed to the 'très illustre et très
claire princesse, Madame Marguerite d'Autriche.'[29]
[29] Only six copies of the chronicle were printed.--Christopher
Hare.
In his description of the gorgeous procession, headed by the late
king's officers and servants, which slowly wound its way through the
streets of Malines to the cathedral church of Saint Rombault, Le Maire
enumerates the motley crowd of priests and chaplains, begging friars,
lawyers, and deputies from the states in their robes of office, the
processions from various churches, and all the guilds of Malines in
their state costume, carrying countless crosses and banners, followed
by a crowd of humbler citizens bearing flaring torches. The procession
of ambassadors, bishops, and nobles with their arms and devices; each
contingent led by heralds on richly caparisoned chargers carrying the
arms and banners of Hapsburg and Burgundy, with the banners of King
Philip's ancestors, those of the Emperor Frederick, Charles the Bold,
Isabel of Bourbon, and Mary of Burgundy being minutely described.
In the midst of his chronicle Le Maire suddenly addresses
Margaret:--'You, gracious lady and princess, were also present,
secretly praying in your oratory for the soul of your only brother,
whom may God absolve, very simply dressed in your mourning, and
covered by a veil, in company with your noble ladies.'
In the cathedral, the young Archduke Charles sat facing the pulpit,
whilst the late king's confessor, John, Bishop of Salubri, preached
the funeral oration, dwelling at much length on King Philip's virtues
and great gifts. Le Maire relates that the large congregation was so
touched by his eloquence that many were melted to tears, and he adds:
'I believe, very gracious Madame,... that you too were secretly
weeping in your oratory.'
At the end of high mass, when the Bishop of Arras pronounced the
words, 'Et verbum caro factum est,' the heralds cast down their
banners on the marble floor before the high altar, and the
king-at-arms of the Golden Fleece threw his staff of office on the
ground and cried three times, 'The king is dead.' After a pause he
picked it up, and raising it above his head, proclaimed: 'Long live
Don Charles, by the grace of God Archduke of Austria and Prince of
Spain.'... Then the first herald raised his banner, and waving it on
high, cried, 'Of Burgundy, of Lostrick, and of Brabant.' And the
second herald took up the cry, as he lifted his banner, proclaiming
Charles 'Count of Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, Palatine of Hainault,
Holland, Zealand, Namur, and Zutphen.' Then the third and fourth
heralds raised their banners and continued the stately roll-call,
ending with 'Marquis of the Holy Empire, Lord of Friesland, of Salins
and Malines!'
The cap of mourning which had been worn by the young prince was now
removed from his head by the king-at-arms, who took the great sword,
which had been blessed by the bishop, from the altar, and held it in
front of the Archduke Charles, thus addressing him: 'Prince Imperial
and royal, this sword of justice is given to you from God... and from
your noble ancestors... that you may protect the most Holy Faith and
all your kingdoms....'
The king-at-arms then kissed the sword and gave it into the young
archduke's hands, who took it by the hilt, and, with the point in the
air, advanced and knelt before the high altar.[30]
[30] C. Hare.
Henry VII., writing on October 18th, 1506, to condole with Maximilian
on the death of his son, promised to remain his good friend and the
friend of the Prince of Castile, and to assist them in everything. If
King Philip had lived, he says, the treaties which he had concluded
with him would have been carried out. Maximilian replied that he
'hopes Henry will not forsake the poor orphan, who is Maximilian's son
as well as Henry's.'
The few years of Philip's government had been relatively peaceful, but
at his death troubles broke out anew. It is difficult to draw a line
between the Dutch and Flemings, yet the Dutch provinces were, as a
whole, distinct in character and interests from the Flemish; and much
more deeply were the commercial and manufacturing Flemish provinces
divided from the French-speaking states of Artois, Hainault, West
Flanders, Luxembourg, and Franche Comté. The latter were held under
the empire, and the youthful Charles, as Count of Flanders, was also a
peer of France. The princely diocese of Liége, French in language and
sympathy, but politically connected with the empire, was only
separated from the Flemish group by the Burgundian lordship of Namur,
Limburg, and Luxembourg. Lorraine stood between Franche Comté and the
Netherlands, Franche Comté having a far closer connection with the
Swiss than with the Netherlands, whilst the fortunes of Limburg and
Luxembourg were destined to be quite distinct from those of the Dutch
and Flemish provinces. It was to be the task of the future ruler to
revive monarchical institutions and to create a national unity among
alien races and interests. At Philip's death Charles succeeded to a
wasted heritage. All the chief factories and industries peculiar to
the Netherlands had dwindled and diminished, and even the fishing
fleet of former days had shrunk to only a few sail in some of the
ports of the Zuyder Zee.
During the early years of Charles's life we only get a few glimpses of
a shy and inarticulate boy. We read of him dancing round a bonfire
with his sisters on Saint John's Day. His grandfather, Maximilian,
gave him a wooden horse, and amongst his prized possessions was a
sledge in the form of a ship, with masts, ropes, and flags. In games,
like most children, he liked to be on the winning side. When he and
his page played at battles between Turks and Christians, Charles was
always a Christian, and the page, who commanded the paynim host,
complained that the Christians were always made to win. The boy was
brought up to like manly sports. He shot skilfully with the bow, and
took great delight in hunting, which pleased the old Emperor
Maximilian, for otherwise, he wrote, the boy could not be his
legitimate grandson. Charles as a child is described as graceful and
well-built, but his face was pale, and he looked delicate. His long
projecting lower jaw, so peculiar to the Hapsburg family, embarrassed
mastication and caused hesitation in his speech. He had clear and
steady eyes, and a calm, intellectual forehead which gave a pleasant
and dignified expression to his face. His childhood was spent at
Malines, and there watched over by his aunt Margaret he was brought up
in the strict etiquette of the Burgundian Court.
Charles was devoted to music, a taste which he cultivated throughout
his life. As a boy we hear of him and his sister Eleanor having
lessons on the clavicord and other instruments from the organist of
the chapel. He was carefully educated. His grandfather appointed
William de Croy, Lord of Chièvre, as his governor, and he was taught
to read and write by Juan de Verd, who in 1505 was succeeded by
another Spaniard, Luis Vaca, who after six years gave up his charge to
Adrian of Utrecht, Dean of Louvain, the future Pope Adrian IV. But the
boy was not a willing pupil; he complained of being educated as if he
were intended for a schoolmaster. The future ruler of so many vast
kingdoms was never a good linguist. He learned very little Latin, and
was never proficient in German. Two years after he became King of
Castile and Aragon he only knew a few words of the national language.
His knowledge of Italian was barely elementary. Flemish was the tongue
of his birthplace, but he did not begin to learn it until he was
thirteen. French was his natural language, but he neither spoke nor
wrote it with any elegance. Of theology the champion of Catholicism
knew little or nothing. He could scarcely read the Vulgate, and in his
latter years his comprehension thereof had to be aided by very simple
commentary. Mathematics he studied when over thirty, as he believed
they were essential to the career of a great captain.[31]
[31] Edward Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._
[Illustration: ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILD
FROM THE PAINTING BY MABUSE, IN THE POSSESSION OF M. CHARLES LÉON
CARDOU, BRUSSSELS]
At the time of Margaret's appointment as Governess of the Netherlands
she was twenty-seven years old. She is described as a 'fair young
woman with golden hair, rounded cheeks, a grave mouth, and beautiful
clear eyes.' And when she reappeared in Flanders, with the added charm
born of her many sorrows, she was received with unanimous joy by all
the people, with whom she was extremely popular. Amongst other
poems written at this time in her honour the following was composed by
Jean Molinet, her librarian and almoner:--
LE RETOUR DE MADAME MARGUERITE.
Fleur de noblesse, odorant Marguerite,
Germe sacré de royal origine,
Manne du ciel, rameau plein de mérite,
Palme de paix jurée et bien escripte,
Du bien public exquise médecine,
Fruict, feuille, fleur, couleur, plante, racine,
Chefz d'oevre sont; mieulx faire on ne pourroit:
D'ung autre aymer mon cueur s'abaisseroit.
Toutes feuilles tendrettes
Chéent d'autres fleurettes
Quand vent de bise poinct:
Marguerites proprettes
Sans périr toujours prestes
Demeurent en ung point.
Splendeur vous vient d'Autriche archeducalle,
Bonté, beaulté d'une fleur de Bourbon.
Honneur vous suyt de l'arche triumphalle
Des Bourguignons et de l'aigle royale,
Semence et vie et de terroz fort bon:
Vostre renom, haultain comme ung canon,
Est de tel nom que cestuy si adresse,
Chantant de tout bien pleine est ma maistresse:
Vertu vous environne;
Elle croist et fleuronne
En vous et point n'empire;
Digne estes d'avoir throsne,
Royal sceptre et couronne.
D'ung glorieux empire.
Pour paix avoir on vous avait plantée
Au fleurissant, souef verger de France,
Comme des fleurs royne plus exaltée.
Se pour aultre en estes dejectée,
Portez le doux sans amère souffrance.
Qui souffre il vainct; vivez en espérance.
A vous ne loist, pour estre supplantée,
Plourer comme femme desconfortée.
Entre fleurons de lys,
Doulx que pommes de lys,
Avez été nourrie
Sans vicieux délicts
De vertus ennoblis,
Ayant grant seigneurie.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chacun vous ayme, oncques telle on n'ouyt;
Le bruit en court en France et en Savoye;
L'oeil qui vous veoit de plaisance jouyt,
Le cueur qui pense à vous se resjouyt,
La bouche rit qui d'en parler savoie;
Peuple même, qui va courant sa voye,
Après vous tend oeil, cueur, bouche et oreille,
Disant, je ne veis oncques la pareille.
Chef d'oeuvre tres parfaict,
Mygnonement bien faict,
Fleur de riche vallue,
Où rien n'est imparfaict,
Prenez en gré mon faict;
Molinet vous salue.
Jean Molinet,
Bibliothécaire et Aumônier de
Marguerite d'Autriche.
Margaret was lucky in her councillors. She was seconded by such clever
and devoted ministers as Burgo, Mélun, Viry, Le Vaux, Caulies,
Mercurin de Gattinare, Ferry de Carondelet, and Albert Pio. One of the
ablest amongst them was Mercurin de Gattinare, who came of a noble
family of Verceil, and was one of the greatest jurisconsuls of his
time. He had been a councillor of the late Duke of Savoy's, and
afterwards president of the Parliament of Franche Comté. In 1508
Maximilian sent him to Louis XII.'s Court to negotiate on the subject
of the Treaty of Cambray.
On February 3rd, 1507, Margaret wrote from Malines to James d'Albion,
King Ferdinand's ambassador in France, that 'she was very sorry that
the peace between the King of France and the King of the Romans was
not concluded. If the King of France should attack the estates of
Prince Charles,' she says, 'she would do her best to defend them, and
she hopes that the King of England and King Ferdinand would assist
her. She begs that this may be communicated to King Ferdinand.'
Margaret was no sooner invested with the government of the Netherlands
than, accompanied by her young nephew, she visited all the towns of
Flanders, and promised in the prince's name to preserve the rights and
privileges of the seventeen provinces, whose homage and oath of
fidelity she received. Mercurin de Gattinare paid homage to Louis XII.
in her name for the county of Charollais and the Burgundian
territories. The letter in which he tells Margaret of the
accomplishment of his mission contains this curious passage: 'J'ai
fait vostre hommage entre les mains du roi, et l'ai baisé en vostre
lieu, et me répliqua encore de nouveau qu'il eût mieux aimé vous
baiser que moi.'
On July 20th, 1507, Margaret convoked the States-General at Malines,
and asked them to levy a 'philippus' on each household. This tax was
to be employed in paying the army in Gueldres, and in redeeming the
prince's mortgaged lands. The States did not welcome this proposal,
but voted a subsidy of 200,000 philippus. Charles, who was now seven
years old, made his first public speech before the States at Louvain,
where Margaret had cleverly brought him to support her claim for the
subsidy. Its purport was understood rather from his gestures than the
sounding quality of the boyish voice; but at all events, the
chronicler adds, the people could not fail to be well pleased.
Reassembled at Ghent, the States refused to support the cost of an
army of 10,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, which Margaret judged
necessary to guard the country during the prince's minority. They
objected that in the present circumstances this levy seemed to them
useless; but if the country was really threatened it should be
attended to; yet at that very moment Holland and Brabant were attacked
by the Duke of Gueldres, aided and abetted by the King of France.
The States' refusal to grant proper subsidies greatly irritated
Maximilian. In a remarkable letter he tried to show them that the war
with Gueldres was not only of interest to Brabant, as they pretended,
but to all the Netherlands, and that all ought to take part in it. He
recalls how the princes of the House of Burgundy had laboured from the
days of Charles the Bold to reduce the duchy of Gueldres, and the
efforts of the French kings to defraud them of their legitimate
rights. He complains above all of Louis XII., who had employed every
imaginable means to leave the contested country to Charles of Egmont.
'And what is his real aim?' he asks. 'He pretends through the medium
of the said country of Gueldres to separate our country from the Holy
Empire, and from the House of Burgundy, so as to better hold this
country in subjection.'
On September 16th Maximilian wrote to Margaret to acknowledge her
letters in which she requested him to come to Flanders in order to
conclude a new alliance with England. He has, he says, been prevented
from doing so, but begs that King Henry may be amused with false
hopes, and kept from concluding an alliance with France and Spain. 'If
she would consent to marry the King of England, it might be arranged
that she should remain Governess of the Netherlands, and pass three or
four months every year in her own country.'
A few days later De Puebla, writing from England to King Ferdinand,
informs him that ambassadors have arrived at the English Court from
Maximilian and from Flanders, the former to beg King Henry to make war
against France, alleging that the French king was usurping his
grandson's (Prince Charles's) dominions. The ambassador also broached
the subject of the prince's marriage with Princess Mary, King Henry's
daughter. The Flemish ambassador, Don Diego de Gueyara, told the king
that King Louis had declared war against all the seigniories of
Burgundy, and invaded them with an army, excepting Flanders and
Artois, which two provinces recognised the sovereignty of France, and
the appeals from their tribunals went direct to the Parliament of
Paris. The ambassador begged for King Henry's help against France and
the Duke of Gueldres. The English king promised to ask the French
monarch not to meddle in German affairs, but at the same time he
wished to keep friends with France, and so put off the ambassadors
with polite and general phrases which meant nothing. De Puebla adds in
a postscript: 'The King of England sends six horses and some
greyhounds to the Archduchess Margaret, and a letter.'
A few weeks later De Puebla tells King Ferdinand that Margaret had
sent a very loving letter to King Henry the previous week, holding
out hopes that her father would send a 'great personage' as ambassador
to England with full powers to conclude all the treaties which her
brother Philip had arranged, and if necessary to grant more favourable
conditions. De Puebla states that when he asked King Henry what the
treaties were about, the king replied 'they were very good treaties,
and very advantageous to himself personally, and also to his kingdom,
for, besides his own marriage with the Archduchess Margaret, an
alliance had been concluded between the Archduke Charles and his
daughter, Princess Mary, and all matters respecting commerce settled
according to his wishes.' De Puebla wound up his letter by informing
Ferdinand that King Henry was anxious to keep friends with the Emperor
Maximilian, and not to break off negotiations with him, at any rate
not without first consulting the King of Aragon.
On December 4th Maximilian wrote to Margaret acknowledging her letters
and the articles concluded between the Flemish and English
ambassadors. He told her that the French king had complained to the
Pope, King Ferdinand, and even to the Diet of Constance, that he
(Maximilian) had broken his word in marrying Prince Charles to
Princess Mary. In order to satisfy his honour the emperor requests
that a clause should be inserted in the marriage treaty to the effect
that the whole treaty should be null and void, and not even the
penalty paid if the King of France declare himself ready, within one
year, to marry his daughter Claude to Prince Charles. On the 21st of
December 1507 two treaties were drawn up and dated Calais. One, a
treaty of alliance between Henry VII., Maximilian and Prince Charles,
was practically the same as the former treaty concluded between Henry
and the Archduke Philip; and the other, concerning the marriage of the
Archduke Charles with the Princess Mary, was between Henry VII.,
Maximilian, the Archduke Charles and the Archduchess Margaret, but was
unsigned. In this treaty the Archduke Charles is to conclude the
marriage with the Princess Mary, either in person or by proxy, before
the following Easter. He is to contract the marriage by ambassadors
sent to England for the purpose within forty days after he has
completed his fourteenth year. The King of England is to send Princess
Mary to the Archduke Charles within three months after the marriage
shall have been contracted _per verba de præsenti_. The dowry to
consist of 250,000 crowns. The Emperor Maximilian, the Archduchess
Margaret, Charles de Croy, Henry, Count of Nassau, bind themselves to
pay 250,000 crowns to King Henry if the Archduke refuses to contract
the marriage. The King of England and his nobles bind themselves to
pay an equal sum to Maximilian if Princess Mary refuses to fulfil the
agreement. The treaty to be ratified by the contracting parties before
the following Feast of Easter.
An interesting account exists of an interview between King Henry's
ambassador and the Emperor Maximilian. In it we learn that the emperor
had long conferences with his daughter respecting her marriage with
King Henry, which had been settled by her brother Philip. In order to
persuade Margaret, Maximilian told her that the marriage was necessary
for the good of the House of Austria, besides being honourable to her,
the King of England being 'such a pattern of all the virtues.' He
added that it was also necessary on account of commerce, and in order
to secure the Spanish succession, and keep the Duke of Gueldres at
bay; without it the King of England might marry into another family
and endanger the marriage between Prince Charles and Princess Mary.
The emperor told the English ambassador that the Archduchess was fully
aware of King Henry's many virtues, and that should she marry again,
she would marry no one else but him. But as she has already been three
times unfortunate in her marriages, she is much disinclined to make
another trial. Besides, she said she believed she should have no
children, and that she might thereby displease the King of England.
Seeing that he could not prevail on Margaret to change her mind, her
father called the Privy Council together, his grandson Charles being
present. The question of the marriage was once more discussed, but the
Archduchess remained firm in her decision. The ambassador remarks:
'From all this it is clear that the emperor has done all in his power
to persuade his daughter to consent to the marriage, and that he can
do nothing more.' But in spite of Margaret's absolute refusal to marry
Henry, his agents for more than a year pressed her to reconsider her
decision. The utmost that could be obtained was to prevail on her to
write, from time to time, flattering letters to him in order to secure
some advantages for her father.
On January 28th, 1508, Maximilian wrote to Margaret from Bolzano to
tell her that 'he is sending Andreas de Burgo to England, and that he
has ordered him to see her before he starts. Andreas has some money,
but it may not be enough to defray his expenses; he has therefore
given him directions to take some money for his own use from the
100,000 gold crowns which the King of England is expected to give.' He
also begs her to write a pleasant letter to King Henry.
A few weeks later Maximilian again wrote to Margaret excusing himself
for not having sent the ratifications of the treaties with England. He
has been so much occupied, he says, with his great undertakings in
Italy and Spain, that he has really had no time to attend to that
business; but he has now done so.
In May of the same year Henry VII. wrote a letter to Sir John
Wiltshire, Comptroller of Calais, about a correspondence with
Margaret, in which King Henry tried to persuade her to arrange a
meeting with him at Calais to treat with him in person about her
nephew's marriage with Princess Mary. He suggests that some 'discreet
and able personages' should be sent on before to 'reduce the said
matters to a final and perfect conclusion' before he and Margaret met,
so that when they did meet they could talk of 'other pleasant and
comfortable matters,' and all business could be concluded before their
meeting. But Margaret does not seem to have accepted this invitation,
and the meeting so much desired by King Henry did not take place.
On July 23rd Maximilian wrote to tell her that he has received her
letters, in which she begs him to alter the instructions given to his
ambassadors who are starting for England. He says he cannot do so, as
she knows that the principal reason which has induced him to betroth
Prince Charles to Princess Mary is to get a good sum of money from the
King of England. King Henry has promised 100,000 crowns, but has
requested that in the security to be given by the towns of Flanders,
each town should be responsible for the whole sum. But the utmost that
the towns can be induced to do is that each town would be responsible
for a certain portion. If the King of England is not content with this
proposal, it will show that he loves money more than his friend, and
the marriage of his daughter with Prince Charles shall not take place.
But Maximilian adds, 'should the Flemish towns after all be willing to
sign the bonds in the manner the King of England wishes, he will not
object.'
Henry VII., who had been ailing for some time, now fell seriously ill,
and his illness appears to have been the cause of the postponement of
Prince Charles's marriage with Princess Mary, which was to have been
solemnised before the Feast of Easter. Johannes de Berghes was deputed
to go to England and perform the ceremony according to the rites of
the Church, in the name of the Archduke.
'On the 7th of October 1508 Charles was indeed wedded by proxy to the
English princess, and at the age of eight wrote or rather signed his
first love-letter, addressed to little Princess Mary Tudor, to whom he
presented a jewel bearing the monogram K., and the posy, _Maria
optimam partem elegit, quae non auferetur ab ea_.
'This was the last of Henry VII.'s many diplomatic triumphs; and it
was no nominal momentary union, but was confirmed in 1513, and the
boy-bridegroom then visited his brother-in-law Henry VIII. in his
newly-won city of Tournay, his first royal visit. The following year
the future King of Spain and Queen of France were parted in the
shuffling of the cards, and although Mary Tudor married the old French
king, statesmen on both sides regretted the more natural alliance.
Before six years more had passed Charles was pledged to his
betrothed's younger namesake, and thirty-four years later he showed
all a young lover's eagerness in courting this second Mary Tudor for
his son Philip.'[32]
[32] Edward Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._