DEAR FRIENDS,--As our correspondence is the only thing we have left to

help us struggle against the pain of separation, we ought, so far as

circumstances permit, to make the most of it; for we cannot be sure,

alas! that what can be done to-day will be possible to-morrow. So we

have settled with grandmamma that we will write in turn, as long as you

are at Varangeville. My turn falls to-day.

I have just seen a French newspaper, dear Pi, which reports that the

Sous-Prefet of Dieppe has posted an order forbidding any Frenchman under

sixty years of age to leave the country. So that you are now interned in

France, not by your own will only, but by order of the authorities. But

as I am not in France, and as I left before any such prohibition was

published, I should like you to let me know whether this order is

accompanied by another, which seems to me its inevitable corollary, or

rather its cause, and its logical explanation--I mean the calling out of

all able-bodied men under sixty years of age. For I fail to understand

an order not to leave France, as applied to men who are not to be called

on to defend the country. So I beg you will send me the

best-authenticated information you can come by. I will not let you carry

a rifle without shouldering mine alongside of you; and though I am a

poor shot, you need not fear my being so clumsy as to shoot you by

accident. We _must_ be side by side, if there is any question of either

of us going under fire. I have already told you so, and my own

inaptitude for military duty has nothing to do or to say in the

question. I have looked on the steps I have taken, up to this, as an

absolute duty. That duty would become merely relative, consequently

less, and therefore null and void, if another and a greater should

appear to over-ride it.

Our poor beloved country is in a very serious position--worse, as far as

I can see, than in any previous trial. Never before have the two great

problems of external struggle and internal union loomed so urgent or so

huge. I feel certain that internal union, in the face of the common

enemy, does actually exist. Whether it is merely temporary, or whether

it will continue after the struggle is over--whatever may be its

issue--that's the question! Victor or vanquished, will France emerge a

republic? In any case--whatever the resistance Paris makes, and her

ultimate fate--it will be long, I think, before France is utterly

devoured. The mouthful is a large one, and it may not turn out

altogether easy to break up.

Well, we all send our affectionate love. All friendly messages to your

kind hosts, and my affectionate respects to M. le Cure, whom I shall

never forget.

IV

_October 19, 1870_, 12.30 P.M.

MY DEAR ONES,--We are just going out with Mrs. Brown, who is coming in

her carriage to take us to the Crystal Palace. The fountains play to-day

for the last time this season, and she has set her heart on our seeing

them. As you may fancy, dear Pigny, I shall hardly realise what is going

on before my eyes. I can see nothing but our country. I see it clearer,

more incessantly than when I was within its borders!

Ah! dear friend, will no one rise up and lead our brave-hearted

Frenchmen on some steady line of conduct? Failing that, even the most

heroic courage will avail us nothing. See how, one by one, one after the

other, as though by some strange unheard-of fate, they all fall into the

jaws of that huge automaton, that monstrous hydra-headed artillery!

Every one of them founders in that hostile ocean, dashing gallantly and

ceaselessly against that ever-growing mountain of cannon, and shot, and

shell, and strange engines of war, and battalions that seem to start

ready armed out of the earth wherever the enemy chances to need them!

and meanwhile our generals are being dismissed, or moved from one

command to another,--they are left without orders, and thrown on their

own resources, to take the chance of whatever their private or personal

inspiration may dictate. Three thousand men cut up, to the last man, in

a desperate hopeless defence of the Orleans railway station, all

unconscious that the opposing force numbers five-and-thirty thousand!!

Surely it is sheer madness thus to cast the blood, and bravery, and

downright heroism of these splendid fellows into the outer darkness of

what fate (or is it mere chance?) may bring!

We ought _all_ to be standing face to face with the Prussians at this

moment. Every one of us, or not a soul! And it astounds me that three

million Frenchmen and thirty thousand cannon were not summoned, over a

month ago, under one and the same flag (not that of France alone, but of

humanity in general), to repulse this invasion of machines rather than

of men! Here comes Mrs. Brown. Good-bye for awhile!

V

8 MORDEN ROAD, BLACKHEATH PARK,

_Tuesday, November 8, 1870_.

DEAR EDOUARD,--We are just going to change houses again. We leave Morden

Road next Saturday for London, where my work and engagements render my

presence indispensable. I must get back to work--and to useful work. I

cannot let myself pine and dwindle any longer in endless, hopeless

sorrow. In another month I should be utterly incapable.

If I can write, and sell what I write, I will sell my work.

If I have to give lessons, I will teach: for the armistice is breaking

down, and nobody knows what winter may bring with it. So our poor

little flock is scattered, dear fellow! Not in heart indeed, but in

body; and "Je ne suis pas de ceux qui disent ce n'est rien!... Je dis

que c'est beaucoup!" as old La Fontaine has it.

Tell my dear little Guillaume how much his letters are treasured, not

only by the loving heart of his grandmother, but by his uncle, who

watches and follows every symptom of his tastes, every instinct of his

nature, everything that bears upon his future, every thought--all those

inner workings, in a word, which constitute the continuation of a

youth's mental evolution and ultimate development--with an affectionate

solicitude which I venture to call almost maternal. Everything I notice

in him is good, and augurs well; and I believe the serious and even

tragic events amid the tumult of which his young life has opened will

have endued all his good qualities with a maturity which peace might

only have brought them twenty years later.

Everybody here is well. Jean and Jeanne send their affectionate love to

their uncle and cousin.

VI

MY DEAR PI,--So our hopes are dashed again, by the final rupture of the

armistice, which, as it had seemed to me, was strengthened by all M.

Thiers' consummate powers as a negotiator, and for which the Government

was willing to make every concession to which a self-respecting nation

could condescend.

And what will happen now? Alas! the thought overwhelms me. But though I

cannot turn my heart and mind from the misfortunes of our beloved

country, I feel I must make a desperate appeal to my powers of work, to

my duty, to my _usefulness_. Useful I can be to my near and dear ones

(for I must support them), and useful, too, to myself--for I must shake

free of the slow agony which has been on me ever since we got here, and

which would utterly consume me if I did not call together all my

remaining strength, to make a struggle against the _invasion of my own

morale_.

I shall therefore, as events seem likely, for some time to come, to

render our return to France impossible, spend the winter in finishing,

or at all events in carrying on my present work,[19] so that when the

waters go back I may open the window of my ark and let my dove (which

may perhaps turn out to be a raven!) fly out. In any case, it will mean

that the rainbow has come back, and with it peace among the nations.

Would you were with us, my dear ones! How we are scattered this winter!

VII

LONDON, _December 24, 1870_.

DEAR FRIENDS,--This is the eve of a great day here, which English people

keep as we do New Year's Day. And I must confess that to me Christmas,

which brings back the greatest of all dates to our memory, opens the

year much more appropriately than our "Jour de l'An." Alas! whichever

way we take it, what a year of pain this which is just about to close

has been, to each and all of us, parted as we are, after so many

misfortunes endured, in anxieties such as still beset us, and amid the

dread of what may yet befall us. Our very hearts have groaned and

suffered for the last five months, unceasingly. For five whole months

humanity has gazed on a horrid sight--the most merciless work of

destruction, carried on in a century which proudly arrogates to itself

the title of "Progress," but the memory of which will go down to

posterity stained with the most revolting atrocities. What is progress,

forsooth, but the onward march of intelligence, in the light of love?

And what has this century done, I will not say for the pleasure, but for

the happiness of the human race?

Napoleon I.! Napoleon III.! William of Prussia! Waterloo! mitrailleuses!

Krupp guns!...

In what a scene of ruin shall we meet! We have been physically parted,

but our hearts have never been severed! far from it! It seems as though

this hard and cruel apprenticeship must knit us closer to everything

that makes life real, and sure, and steadfast. So my heart yearns to

yours now, in absence, more tenderly, more clingingly, than it ever did

in happier times! We shall all feel our meeting even more than we should

have if we had never been so far apart. Fondest love to each and all of

you--to Berthe, to you, dear Pi, to all our friends.

VIII

_December 28, 1870._

MY DEAR EDOUARD,--A sad New Year's Day we shall all have, scattered as

we are, and have been for so long! Homeless, parted from our nearest and

dearest, our friends all gone or scattered too, in constant anxiety

about the wellbeing, the health, the very existence of those we love,

thousands of lives cut off, and careers destroyed, or checked, or

hampered--of families brought to ruin, provinces ravaged and harried,

and nothing decisive to show at the end of it all. There you have the

sum total, the last will and testament of this dying year, which has

devoured countless victims, and spread disaster far and wide--the result

at this present moment of "Human Progress." If the tree should be judged

by its fruits, and if, as undoubtedly is the case, the value of a cause

is to be measured by that of its effect, we must admit, considering what

it has brought us to, that human wisdom has gone sadly astray, and that

human reason, for the emancipation of which we have been so jealous,

does no great credit either to its independence or its own teachings. If

all our misfortunes end by giving us a lesson, by bringing us back to

the simplicity of truth, and the truth of simplicity, they will not be

utterly wasted, and we shall have gained a somewhat both precious and

beneficent. For all things proceed from each other, here below; truth

and falsehood each have their inevitable consequences. According to the

tree, so shall its fruit be. What will the year 1871 bring us? I know

not; but it seems to me it must be a decisive year, for good or for

evil, not for us only, but for Europe--for what is known as the

civilised world. We _must_ learn at last _where_ we really are. It is

high time that the nations should make sure wherein their life lies, and

their death--what their strength is, and their weakness--whence they may

look for light, or darkness--how they may escape all temporary shifts,

and settle down on firm and durable foundations. This is the method in

all sciences; and politics is a science, which must have a basis and

constructive system of its own.

Well, well! Best love to Anna and to grandmamma.

IX

_Thursday, March 16, 1871._

DEAREST BERTHE,--Your letter of the 13th only reached us this morning.

It has grieved us sorely. Our dreary winter will close sadly indeed,

what with our dear mother's departure, the reasons which make that step

wise and even necessary, the thought of how all she will see must wring

her heart, and our own disappointment at not having you here for a

while, as we had hoped.

If I was not bound until the 1st of May by the engagements I have made

in London for that date, I should have started, and so would Anna and

her children, with my mother. Duty, in the shape of earning a few

crusts, forbids my moving yet, but we shall be on our way to join you

before the first week in May is over. In spite of the very favourable

welcome, and the artistic position my work has earned me here, I feel

this country is not my France, and I believe, being a particularly human

person, that my French nature and habits are too old to be modified by

transplanting; I shall live and die essentially _a Frenchman_. The day

is yet far distant when the sense of the whole earth being his

fatherland will predominate in the heart of man over love for the soil

of his country.

My tenderest greeting to you both.

X

LONDON, April 14, 1871.

DEAR FRIEND,--Your letter of the 12th has just reached me, and I reply

at once, in the hope that my answer may be at Versailles in time to

welcome you on your return to the dear fraternal roof, and that thus

your two brothers may each greet you after his fashion--one in his

peaceful garden, the other by these few lines from the other side of the

sea; one opening his door to you, the other stretching out his arms;

both taking you to their hearts. How large the place you hold there, you

know right well! Alas! dear friend, dear brother, I too hear the

terrible guns whose booming grieves your soul and breaks your heart, as

well it may! As step by step I follow the progress of events, and the

various phases of this conflict, or rather of the utter bedlam which

causes and maintains it, I watch the gradual disappearance--I will not

say of my illusions (the word is not worthy to express my meaning, nor

should I mourn over it as I do), but of my hopes, present or near, at

all events, of the approaching erection of a new _story_ in the building

of the moral habitation men call "Liberty," the only dwelling, after

all, worthy of the human race. No, again I say it, these are no

illusions which are fading from our sight! Liberty is no dream; it is

our Canaan, a true land of promise. But, like the Jews, we shall only

see it afar off. To enter it, we must become God's own people. Liberty

is as real as heaven. It is a heaven on earth--the country of the elect;

but it must be earned, and conquered, not by oppression, but by

self-devotion; not by pillage, but by generosity; not by taking life,

but by bestowing it, in the moral as well as the material sense.

Morally, above all; for once that is well understood and ascertained,

the material side of the question will take care of itself. The _man's_

hygiene must come first, his animal welfare second--that is the just,

and therefore the logical course.

When I consider the outcome (so far at least) of all the moral gifts,

all the advances on trust, as it were, of which humanity, political and

social, has been the recipient, up till this present day, I cannot help

observing that it has been treated like a spoilt child. I feel inclined

to doubt whether a wise and opportune distribution of all those gifts

which cannot be appreciated and utilised till the human race comes of

age, has not been anticipated with reckless and imprudent prodigality.

We still stand in need of _overseers_. Well, master for master, take it

all in all, I would rather have _one_ than _two hundred thousand_. You

can always get rid of one tyrant (natural death, what we call _la belle

mort_, will do that for you); but a collective tyranny, compact,

endlessly reproductive, feeding and fattening perpetually on its own

victims!--I can never believe that is God's chosen model of human

evolution. Now, if we carry the argument to its conclusion, we come to

this: "Liberty is merely the voluntary and conscious accomplishment of

justice." And as justice is obedience to eternal and unchanging laws, it

follows that where there is freedom there must be submission. This is

the end of the argument, and the basis of all life. I should go on

twaddling for ever (and so would you), but I must not forget mine is

not the only letter this envelope is to hold.

So I will send my affectionate love to you and Berthe.--Your brother,

CH. GOUNOD.

BERLIOZ

In the ranks of human nature certain peculiarly sensitive beings are to

be found, whom circumstances affect after a fashion utterly distinct,

both in nature and degree, from the results they produce on other men.

These individuals form the inevitable exception to an otherwise

invariable rule. Their natural idiosyncrasies explain the peculiar

features of their various lives, and to these lives again their ultimate

fate may fairly be ascribed.

Now the exceptional men and women lead the world. This is inevitable,

for their struggle and their suffering is the price of the enlightenment

and progress of humanity at large. Once these intellectual pioneers have

dropped on the road they have hewed out--oh! then troops up the flock of

imitators, full of the pride of breaking down the already opened door;

every separate sheep of them, as vainglorious as the legendary fly on

the coach-wheel, loudly claiming the honour and glory of having won

triumph for the Revolution. "J'ai tant fait que nos gens sont enfin dans

la plaine!" Like Beethoven, Berlioz was one of the illustrious sufferers

from that painful privilege of being an exceptional man. Dearly did he

pay for the heavy responsibility! The exceptional man must suffer. Fate

wills it thus, and, as invariably, he must bring suffering on others.

How can the common herd (that _profanum vulgus_ so execrated by the poet

Horace) be expected to acknowledge its own incompetence and bow down

before any insignificant though audacious person who dares stand out

boldly against inveterate custom and the sovereign rule of

old-established routine? Did not Voltaire (a clever man, if ever there

was one) declare that no one person was as clever as all the rest put

together? And is not universal suffrage, the great achievement of these

modern days, the irrevocable verdict of the sovereign populace? Does not

the voice of the people equal the voice divine?

History, meanwhile, with its steady onward march, which from time to

time exposes many a counterfeit--history, I say, teaches us that

everywhere, and invariably, light proceeds from the individual to the

multitude, and never from the multitude to the individual; from the

wise to the ignorant, never from the ignorant to the wise; from the sun

to the planet, never from the planet to the sun. You cannot expect

thirty-six millions of blind men to do the work of one telescope, or

thirty-six millions of sheep that of one shepherd! Was it the world at

large that formed Raphael and Michael Angelo, Mozart and Beethoven,

Newton and Galileo? The world!--which spends its life making and

unmaking its own judgments, in a perpetual alternate condemnation of its

own infatuations and prejudices. How can the world judge anything? Would

you erect such wavering contradictory decrees into an infallible

jurisdiction? The very thought is laughable. The world's first impulse

is to scourge and crucify. Long afterwards, in the next generation

oftener than not, or a still later one, a tardy repentance reverses the

judgment, and the laurels denied to the living genius fall like rain

upon his tomb. The only true and definite sentence, that of posterity,

is but the accumulated judgment of successive minorities. Majorities are

the "preservers of the _statu quo_." I do not blame them. They probably

fulfil their true function in the general order of things. They may keep

the chariot back. They certainly do not help it onwards. They act as a

drag, when they do not play the part of ruts upon the path. Immediate

success is often enough a mere question of fashion. It proves a work to

be on a level with the age; it by no means argues any long survival.

There is no great reason, then, for being proud of it.

Berlioz was a very single-minded man, ignorant of all arts of concession

or compromise. Belonging, as he did, to the race of _Alcestis_,

naturally enough the hand of every _Orontes_ was against him. And how

many "Orontes" there are in this world! People called him crotchety,

surly, quarrelsome, what not! But surely those who complained of this

extreme sensitiveness, often amounting to excessive irritability, should

have made some allowance for the annoyances, the personal suffering, the

innumerable rebuffs endured by a proud-hearted man, to whom any mean

compliance or cringing servility was utterly impossible. Though his

opinions may have seemed hard and severe to those concerning whom they

were expressed, they never, at all events, can be attributed to any

shameful or jealous motive. Such feelings were quite incompatible with

the nobility of that great and generous and loyal nature. The trials

endured by Berlioz when competing for the Grand Prix de Rome were the

faithful image, and, as it were, the prophetic prelude to those he was

to face all through his career. He actually competed four times over,

and he was twenty-seven when, by dint of his own perseverance, and in

spite of the innumerable difficulties he had to overcome, he won the

prize, in the year 1830.

The very year which saw him carry off the prize with his cantata

"Sardanapale" also saw the execution of a work which demonstrated the

point his artistic development (so far as musical conception, colour,

and experience are concerned) had reached. His "Symphonic Fantastique"

("episode dans la vie d'un artiste") was a real event in the musical

world, the importance of which may be gauged by the fanatical admiration

and the violent opposition it aroused. Admitting that a work of such a

nature may be open to much discussion, the fact that its composer

possessed most remarkable inventive power, and a powerful poetic

sentiment (which reappears in all his subsequent compositions), still

remains evident.

Berlioz has put into musical circulation, so to speak, a large number

of orchestral effects and combinations which were unknown before his

time, and which have been adopted by very illustrious musicians indeed.

He has revolutionised the art of instrumentation, and in that respect,

at all events, may be said to have "founded a school." And yet, in spite

of certain brilliant successes both in France and elsewhere, his whole

life was a struggle. In spite of performances to which his personal

guidance as an orchestral conductor of great eminence and his

indefatigable energy added many chances of success and many elements of

brilliance, his personal public was always a limited one. The great

public, that "everybody" which turns _success_ into _popularity_, never

knew him. Popularity was so slow in coming to Berlioz that he died of

the delay. The end came at last, with the "Troyens," a work which, as he

foresaw, caused him a world of sorrow. Like his namesake and his hero,

he may be said to have perished before the walls of Troy. Every

impression, every sensation Berlioz underwent was carried to an extreme.

He knew no joy or sorrow short of downright delirium. As he himself

would say, he was a "volcano." Extreme sensibility carries one as far

in suffering as in delight. Tabor and Golgotha are not far apart.

Happiness no more consists in the absence of suffering than genius

implies freedom from all faults.

Men of genius must and do suffer, but they need no pity. They know

raptures which are a sealed book to others, and if they have wept for

sadness, they have shed tears of ineffable joy as well. That in itself

constitutes a heaven that can never be too dearly bought.

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