THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM.
Thorwald continued as follows:
“The unpleasant relations existing between the employers and the
employees created a host of troubles. It was an unreasonable feeling,
because the interests of the two classes were identical. But as capital
was consolidated and great corporations were formed for extensive
operations in transportation and manufacturing, the relation between the
two became very impersonal and difficult to control. In order to protect
their interests the wage-earners organized into unions, brotherhoods,
etc., almost every trade and calling having its own organization.
“When these associations were first formed much stress was laid upon
their incidental benefits, such as assistance in time of sickness,
care of the families of deceased members, the holding of meetings
for discussion and mutual improvement, and the establishment of
reading-rooms and libraries. These commendable objects would have been
a sufficient excuse for the existence of these bodies, and other
legitimate ends might have been sought, but the labor unions did not
stop there. They instituted and set in motion the powerful machinery
of the strike, as it was called, making it effective by binding their
members, under severe penalties, to stop work when they were ordered
to do so by their leaders. They also practiced the severest measures
of intimidation upon non-union men, to prevent them from getting
employment.
“Thus the trades-unions, too often governed by incompetent men, became
a mighty power for evil. Strikes and lockouts were common, and were
followed by loss of wages and consequent suffering, while the bitterness
of feeling between the two classes constantly increased. To meet the
rising power of the labor organizations, the employers felt obliged to
form combinations among themselves and sometimes also to employ bodies
of armed men to protect their property. Then, when a strike came,
conflicts would follow so serious that appeal had to be made to the last
resort, the military arm of the nation. Here another evil threatened,
for the individual soldiers would sometimes prove to be in deep sympathy
with the workmen who were making the trouble. At such crises, also,
there would appear on the scene the anarchist, who wanted to overthrow
society at once in the hope of bringing himself out nearer the top, and
who was kept comparatively harmless in quiet times.
“You can imagine something of the disorder and apprehension caused
by these troubles. No contract for work could be made without the
stipulation that its fulfillment must depend upon freedom from strikes
in that particular trade, and no man could start on a journey with any
certainty that he would be allowed to finish it in peace and at the
appointed time.
“To decide how these evils should be remedied proved to be one of the
greatest problems ever presented to the people of that age.
“Political sages had long before promulgated the doctrine upon which
society was governed, that every man had a natural right to life,
liberty, and his own method of pursuing happiness. Now, both sides
in the conflict claimed to be following closely the spirit of this
fundamental doctrine. The workingmen declared that they had a perfect
right to organize and to induce all their number to join the unions.
They said the individual relation between them and the employers had had
its day and that experience was proving to them that every concession
and privilege they hoped to get must come through their associations,
working through the medium of an agent or committee. As independent
citizens they could not obey laws and regulations in the making of which
they had no voice, and their love of personal liberty would not allow
them to accept the wages and hours of service which their employers
might, without asking their consent, choose to prescribe. In case of
disagreement they asserted their right to stop the whole business, at
whatever loss to the employers or inconvenience to the public, and to
prevent, if possible, new men from taking their places.
“On the other hand, the employers, while not denying to the workmen the
right to form associations for legitimate purposes, insisted that this
right was being abused. They claimed that they should be allowed to hire
whom they pleased and dismiss incompetent men when it was best for their
business, without regard to their membership or non-membership in a
union.
“As time went on the trouble increased and society was fast forming
itself into classes with opposing aims and mutual dislike. The time
had been when a workman, by skill and diligence, could rise above his
station and become a large proprietor himself. But with the new order
this was hardly possible, and civilization, in this respect, seemed to
be retrogressing.
“You may wonder why the lawmakers did not correct the evil at once, but
the fact was that the legislatures were made up of representatives from
the two classes, and so were undecided as to what remedies to apply.
It was proposed by some to enact a law preventing a man from selling
himself into slavery, or, in other words, from giving up his liberty
of action into the keeping of others, a thing which had caused much
suffering. In every strike a large part of the men, earning small wages
and with families dependent on these wages for their bread from one day
to another, would be obliged to quit work against their will. It was
thought, therefore, a fit subject of legislation to enjoin them from
binding themselves to strike at the dictation of others, when it was
against their judgment. It was suggested, also, to make the intimidation
or coercion of non-union men a criminal act.
“When these measures were suggested the cry was raised that the
workingmen were to be deprived of their liberty and made the slaves of
capital. The labor parties in the legislatures were assisted by a
class of politicians who were made cowards through fear of losing the
workingmen’s votes, and this gave these parties the power to defeat
all measures of which they disapproved, and to pass laws in their own
interest. They claimed that they should be protected as well as the
manufacturer, and so they made it lawful for the government to inspect
all industries and to see that the employees received an equitable share
of the profits. This was radical action, but they went still further,
and took away from every employer the right of discharging men for any
cause without the consent of the union; and full power to fix the
hours of service and the wages was put into the hands of the government
inspectors and the representatives of the trades-unions. The wages
were to be based on what the inspectors found to be the profits of the
business, and the help or advice of the proprietors was not to be taken.
As these astonishing rules governed even the farmer and shopkeeper
as well as the manufacturer, you can imagine that there was not much
satisfaction in trying to carry on any business.
“The laboring classes were beginning to discover that they were a large
majority of the community and that there was a mighty power in the
ballot. Their opponents, on the other hand, having lost the control in
politics through universal suffrage, now bent their energies still more
to the work of combining large interests under one management, hoping to
wield in this way a power too formidable to be withstood. Immense
trusts were formed in almost every branch of business, and the syndicate
gradually took the place of the firm and individual corporation.
“A long time previous to the period of which we are speaking, the people
had put part of their business into the hands of the government, with
the idea that it would be done with more promptness and also with more
economy. A good example of this was seen in the excellent mail service,
which the national government conducted much more satisfactorily than it
could have been done by private enterprise.
“The local governments, also, had full control of the highways and
bridges and the common schools, hospitals, etc., while in large
communities, at great expense, they stored and distributed water for
domestic and other purposes. As the people had received undoubted
benefits from this state of things, there were few to object to it, and
even their objection was more for theoretical than practical reasons. It
is not strange, therefore, that as the troublous times approached
these functions of the state should be multiplied. Besides the gain in
convenience and in cost that thus came to the people, they began to
rely on the strong arm of the government for protection from the
uncertainties and interruptions incident to private control of many
kinds of business.
“As the telegraph and telephone came into more general use the
government found it necessary to add their facilities to the mail
service, in order to give the people the best means of communication.
From this point the step was soon taken of assuming control of all
the telegraph and telephone lines, in the interest of lower prices and
better service. This was attended with such good results that it
was thought wise to extend the conveniences of the mail in another
direction; and instead of carrying a few small parcels the government
took into its hands the entire express business, and it was not long
before everybody conceded it to be a good move.
“At the same time, the municipal governments began to exhibit the same
paternal character. They first took control of the lighting and heating
facilities, and this led in a short time to their furnishing the people
with fuel, which was generally brought from a distance, and which, in
private hands, always had a way of going up in price at just the time
when the poor people were obliged to buy it. For the sake of economy,
also, the cities took possession of all street cars, cabs, and
omnibuses.
“Affairs had reached this condition when the labor troubles became so
serious, and this absorption of private business by the government was
so recent and was in general so satisfactory, that men could but think
of it in connection with their efforts to solve the industrial problems.
The time had now come when some radical measures must be adopted to
preserve and extend civilization. The labor party were abusing their
power still more in making bad laws, and strikes became more frequent,
and were followed by rioting and bloodshed. At length the interruptions
to business occasioned by the irregularities in traveling became
unbearable. The public demanded better service, but the railroad
companies were powerless to render it, being in the hands of the
employees, who at the slightest grievance would stop every wheel till
the dispute was settled. The trouble generally started with one road and
spread to the others by sympathy, and the result was just as disastrous
to business whether the men gained their end or not.
“There had always been a party, although at times pretty feeble, in
favor of government control of the entire transportation business. This
party now argued that that was the only thing that would cure these
evils, and they gained thereby many new adherents. When it was
considered that government ownership of the telegraph was working well
in spite of many adverse prophecies, the people began to entertain
the idea that it would perhaps be best to try the experiment with
the railroads, especially as it gave some promise of relief from the
strikes. To be sure, it would add to the government service immense
numbers of men, and increase a danger that had always been threatening,
that of making too large a list of civil officers to be managed without
great corruption.
“But now it was not long before a large majority of the people asked to
have the trial made, and soon all railroads, canals, and steamboats were
in the hands of the general government. The employees were formed into
an army, with officers of all grades, and put under strict military
discipline. At the least show of insubordination a man was discharged,
never to be reemployed, and although this caused some hardship in
individual cases at first, it put an effectual stop to the strikes
and kept business moving. The best of the workmen had been among the
strongest advocates of national ownership, and as the movement gained
in favor no class were so satisfied with the change as the employees
themselves. Work was steady, wages were regular, faithfulness and
length of service were rewarded, and the aged and feeble were retired on
pensions.
“In this way peace had come in one department of labor, but war still
raged among the manufacturers and in the building and other trades. The
workingmen literally held the reins in society, but did not know enough
to drive away from the rocks. Instead of taking advantage of shorter
hours and higher wages to improve their minds and prepare themselves
for a better condition, they were too apt to waste their energies
in denouncing the capitalists and in trying to force still greater
concessions from their unwilling employers. They would loudly demand
that every ancient wrong endured by them should be redressed, and then,
to show their idea of right, they would compel a builder, in the middle
of a contract, where time was more precious than money, to give
them higher wages than had been agreed on; or they would boycott to
bankruptcy a small shopkeeper who innocently bought goods that happened
to be made by non-union workmen.
“But do not imagine that the wrong was all on one side. There
were employers who were unjust and cruel when they had the power,
unreasonable in argument, and boorish and exasperating in their manners.
Many seemed to think they were a different class of beings because they
had more money than their workmen, and they resented the idea of the
latter rising above the station in which they were born. They raised
wages only when forced to do so, and considered any amount of profit
made out of their men perfectly legitimate. When want came they would
give in charity to the unfortunate ones that which really belonged to
them by right. These disagreeable qualities were not possessed alone by
such as were employers. There was a class of rich people not engaged in
business, and although they had the greatest interest in the perpetuity
of society as it was, many of them considered themselves as members of
a superior caste, and looked down with disdain upon the majority of
mankind, and the real masters of the situation, who had to work for
their daily bread.
“It was against this class especially that anarchy was forging its
thunderbolt. The freedom of the press and freedom of speech gave the
socialist and anarchist the opportunity to promulgate their seditious
doctrines, and they looked to the ignorant and depraved portions of the
community for adherents. By the successful risings of the people against
despotic power the word ‘revolution’ had gained a certain nobility of
sound and meaning, and now these incendiaries employed it to mislead the
credulous. They promised an overturning by which all property and money
should become a common fund and be redistributed on a more equitable
basis, and it is perhaps not to be wondered at that some poor, ignorant
ones, seeing the vast inequalities in life, should be carried away with
their arguments. The vision of a society where all should share alike
and live on the same scale of comfort was intoxicating. But the scheme
of the anarchist was not based on love and a desire to promote true
brotherhood. Judging from the violent means proposed to bring about
the change, it seemed rather to be based on hate. In preaching their
doctrine of personal license they were stealing the livery of freedom in
which to serve their selfish lusts.
“While the vicious and ignorant thus threatened society on the one hand,
the accumulation of enormous wealth by a few fortunate, or unfortunate,
men was thought by some to be a menace equally serious. It was argued
that this could not go on without making the poor poorer and more
numerous, and thus emphasizing and perpetuating the separation of the
two classes.
“I need not point out to you a fact that you must realize, namely, that
the spring of action with too many men, the one cause of the troubles
that really threatened the foundations of society, was selfishness.
Can you imagine any danger from all these movements if men could have
suddenly become unselfish, really unselfish?
“I hope I have not given you the idea that all the world of people had
lost their heads. As in the history of nations of that period war seems
to have been the principal occupation, so in the social life of the
people the evils and dangers are most prominently seen. But all this
time there was a large party of men and women who were alive to the
perils of the hour, and intent on seeking the best means to overcome
them. This party was made up of many representatives of every class,
rich and poor, workingmen and employers, and included the great mass of
the intelligent and thoughtful members of society.
“The general and local governments were carrying on, with marked success
and without friction, certain kinds of business, while in many other
departments there were disorder and possible ruin. Time brought no
healing power; the troubles increased and were now truly gigantic. Where
should help be found?”
As Thorwald paused here, the doctor, who, I thought, had been wanting to
speak for some time, took occasion to say:
“Don’t tell us, Thorwald, that this people turned over all their
business, both industrial and professional, to the government, and made
machines of themselves. I am becoming exceedingly interested in them and
hope they found some better release from their woes. I am sure there are
a number of methods of relief which they might have tried.”
“I am glad you have spoken, Doctor,” answered Thorwald, “or I might have
talked you to death. We must really break off now and get out of doors.”
Mona listened to different portions of the foregoing conversation.
It was dull amusement for her, as we could see by her actions, and we
wondered at first why she showed so little interest in it. She did not
seem to realize the full significance of her unique position in our
circle. As the last representative of the race of moon men, she had
now the opportunity of learning something of the history of two sister
worlds, and one would suppose that she would have been eager to hear
every word we said. She had expressed herself more than once as anxious
to know all any of us could tell her, nor did she hesitate to ask
questions continually--and intelligent questions, too. But she was
sympathetic only in certain directions, having a laudable curiosity to
hear about any of the pleasant phases of society, either on the earth or
on Mars. But when Thorwald talked of the former troubles experienced by
his race, or when we compared these with the miseries of our own times
on the earth, Mona became an indifferent listener.
She was sitting with us when Thorwald proposed the out-door exercise,
and so we all went out together. As we walked, Thorwald said:
“Mona, I fear you have not been enjoying my tedious talk this morning.
You would be better pleased, I am sure, with some other topic.”
In her sweet accents, so charming to every ear, Mona responded:
“I hope my lack of attention did not give you offense, Thorwald, but I
do not understand the things you have talked about to-day.”
“Not understand? Why, I know from former conversations with you that
such things are not beyond your comprehension.”
“Thank you,” said Mona, “but I think they are, for I never before heard
anything like the ideas you have advanced.”
“We shall all be glad to learn, then, how these questions were answered
and these wrongs righted by your ancestors.”
“They never had any such perplexities,” responded Mona.
“Which means, I presume,” said Thorwald, “that the race became so far
advanced before your time that the records and traditions of their early
struggles were all forgotten.”
“Oh, no,” she sang out, “that’s not it. What had they to struggle over?”
“Was it then so easy for them to be just?” asked Thorwald.
“Certainly, and I have been exceedingly surprised to learn by your long
talk that there is such a thing as injustice.”
We were all becoming thoroughly interested, but left it for Thorwald to
continue his questions.
“Mona,” said he, “do you mean that your people, even in the remote past,
were entirely ignorant of such troubles as we have been speaking about?”
“Yes, and of all other troubles. I am sure there was always only peace
and happiness on the moon. Strife and hatred, sorrow, want, and misery
are all strange words to me, and entirely unknown except as I have heard
them in your conversation.”
“Was there never any sickness there?” I asked.
“I don’t know the meaning of the word,” she replied. “Is it another item
in the general unpleasantness of the times you have been describing? I
wonder that your race, Thorwald, ever survived those rude days.”
“But,” asked Thorwald, “what think you of the earth? The doctor and his
companion say their planet is now passing through just such a period.”
“Well, all I can say is that I am thankful I was not discovered till
after the moon had deserted the earth.”
“Tell us more about your race,” said the doctor. “Were they all as good
as you are?”
“Just the same. There were no degrees in goodness.”
“And did they all sing as they talked, and in such sweet tones as
yours?” I asked.
“Oh, many sang better than I do, and all made music of their words. I
never heard speech that was not melodious till you and the doctor came
to see me.”
“And did everything else in your life there correspond to your charming
manner of talking?” asked Thorwald.
“Why, yes, I think so,” answered Mona. “It was a delightful world.
Everything was bright and joyous, with no shadow of discontent nor
anything to cause sadness or discomfort. Do you wonder that I could not
sympathize with your story of wrongs and sorrows, the very nature of
which was a new revelation to me?”
Mona’s notions about the people whom she represented seemed strange and
improbable to us, and we attributed them to the influence of her own
guileless nature. One so innocent and whole-hearted as she was would
naturally clothe her ancestors with at least the virtues and graces she
herself possessed. However, we had no means of proving Mona’s ideas to
be false. We had brought away from the moon no records of any kind by
which to study its history, and of that history Mona was as yet our
only interpreter. But every word she spoke on this subject only added
intensity to the pleasurable anticipation with which these Martians
looked forward to their study of the moon and its former inhabitants.