over Charles XII. at Pultowa, who was totally routed and irretrievably
ruined by the Muscovite forces, commanded by the Czar in person on
that disastrous day. This overthrow was one of the most momentous
which has occurred in modern times. Not only was a great and dreaded
conqueror at once overturned, and erelong reduced to captivity; but a
new balance of power was established in the north which has never
since been shaken. Sweden was reduced to her natural rank as a
third-rate power from which she had been only raised by the
extraordinary valour and military talents of a series of warlike
sovereigns, who had succeeded in rendering the Scandinavian warriors,
like the Macedonians of old, a race of heroes. Russia, by the same
event, acquired the entire ascendency over the other Baltic powers,
and obtained that preponderance which she has ever since maintained in
the affairs of Europe. Marlborough sympathised warmly with the
misfortunes of the heroic sovereign, for whose genius and gallantry he
had conceived the highest admiration. But he was too sagacious not to
see that his disasters, like those of Napoleon afterwards in the same
regions, were entirely the result of his own imprudence; and that if
he had judiciously taken advantage of the terror of his name, and the
success of his arms, in the outset of his invasion, he might have
gained all the objects for which he contended without incurring any
serious evil.[52]
Peter the Great, who gained this astonishing and decisive success, was
one of the most remarkable men who ever appeared on the theatre of
public affairs. He was nothing by halves. For good or for evil he was
gigantic. Vigour seems to have been the great characteristic of his
mind; but it was often fearfully disfigured by passion, and not
unfrequently misled by the example of more advanced states. To elevate
Russia to an exalted place among nations, and give her the influence
which her vast extent and physical resources seemed to render within
her reach, was throughout life the great object of his ambition; and
he succeeded in it to an extent which naturally acquired for him the
unbounded admiration of mankind. His overthrow of the Strelitzes, long
the Prætorian guards and terror of the czars of Muscovy, was effected
with a vigour and stained by a cruelty similar to that with which
Sultan Mahommed a century after destroyed the Janissaries at
Constantinople. The sight of a young and despotic sovereign leaving
the glittering toys and real enjoyments of royalty to labour in the
dockyards of Saardem with his own hands, and instruct his subjects in
shipbuilding by first teaching himself, was too striking and
remarkable not to excite universal attention. And when the result of
this was seen: when the Czar was found introducing among his subjects
the military discipline, naval architecture, nautical skill, or any of
the arts and warlike institutions of Europe, and in consequence long
resisting and at length destroying the terrible conqueror who had so
long been the terror of Northern Europe, the astonishment of men knew
no bounds. He was at once the Solon and Scipio of modern times: and
literary servility, vying with great and disinterested admiration,
extolled him as one of the greatest heroes and benefactors of his
species who had ever appeared among men.
But time, the great dispeller of illusions, and whose mighty arm no
individual greatness, how great soever, can long withstand, has begun
to abate much from this colossal reputation. His temper was violent in
the extreme; frequent acts of hideous cruelty, and occasional
oppression, signalized his reign. More than any other man, he did evil
that good may come of it. He compelled his people, as he thought, to
civilisation, though, in seeking to cross the stream, hundreds of
thousands perished in the waves. "Peter the Great," says Mackintosh,
"did not civilize Russia: that undertaking was beyond his genius,
great as it was; he only gave the Russians the art of civilized war."
The truth was, he attempted what was altogether impracticable. No one
man can at once civilize a nation: he can only put it in the way of
civilisation. To complete the fabric must be the work of continued
effort and sustained industry during many successive generations. That
Peter failed in rendering his people on a level with the other nations
of Europe in refinement and industry, is no reproach to him. It was
impossible to do so in less than several centuries. The real
particular in which he erred was, that he departed from the national
spirit, that he tore up the national institutions, violated in
numerous instances the strongest national feelings. He clothed his
court and capital in European dress; but men do not put off old
feelings with the costume of their fathers. Peter's civilisation
extended no further than the surface. He succeeded in inducing an
extraordinary degree of discipline in his army, and the appearance of
considerable refinement among his courtiers. But it is easier to
remodel an army than change a nation; and the celebrated _bon-mot_ of
Diderot, that the Russians were "rotten before they were ripe," is but
a happy expression, indicating how much easier it is to introduce the
vices than the virtues of civilisation among an unlettered people. To
this day the civilisation of Russia has never descended below the
higher ranks; and the efforts of the real patriotic czars who have
since wielded the Muscovite sceptre, Alexander and Nicholas, have been
mainly directed to get out of the fictitious career into which Peter
turned the people, and revive with the old institutions the true
spirit and inherent aspirations of the nation. The immense success
with which their efforts have been attended, and the gradual, though
still slow descent of civilisation and improvement through the great
body of the people, prove the wisdom of the principles on which they
have proceeded. Possibly Russia is yet destined to afford another
illustration of the truth of Montesquieu's maxim, that no nation ever
yet rose to durable greatness but through institutions in harmony with
its spirit. And in charity let us hope that the words of Peter on his
death-bed have been realized: "I trust that, in respect of the good I
have striven to do my people, God will pardon my sins."
FOOTNOTES:
[6] Marlborough to Mr Secretary Boyle, 17th December 1708. _Disp._ iv.
362.
[7] _Disp._ iv. 315, 323, 345. Marlborough to Duke de Mole, 10th Dec.
1708. _Ibid._ 346. COXE, iv. 278.
[8] Marlborough to Mr Secretary Boyle, 3d January 1709, _Disp._ iv.
389.
[9] "'Can I do more than I do now?' said the King. 'I make treaties,
but the Emperor breaks his word with me, as well as Holland, every
moment. Besides it is impossible, without great inconvenience, _to
give more than three battalions_; and he is a wretch who would advise
me otherwise.' I said he was a wretch who should advise him not to do
it. He replied, 'You speak very boldly, and may perhaps repent it, if
your arguments are not conclusive.'"--General Grumbkow to Marlborough,
March 9, 1709. COXE, iv. 341.
[10] King of Prussia to Marlborough, March 9, 1709. COXE, iv. 346.
[11] In communicating the thanks of the House of Lords, the Chancellor
said,
"I shall not be thought to exceed my present commission, if, being
thus led to contemplate the mighty things which your Grace has done
for us, I cannot but conclude with acknowledging, with all gratitude,
the providence of God in raising you up to be an instrument of so much
good, in so critical a juncture, when it was so much wanted." COXE,
iv. 375.
[12] COXE, iv. 352, 366, 377.
[13] "M. de Torcy has offered so much, that I have no doubt it will
end in a good peace." Marlborough to Godolphin, 19th May 1707.
"Every thing goes on so well here, that there is no doubt of its
ending in a good peace. Government have in readiness the sideboard of
plate, and the chairs of state and canopy; and I beg it may be made so
as to form part of a bed when I am done with it here, _which I hope
may be by the end of this summer_, so that I may enjoy your dear
society in quiet, which is the greatest satisfaction I am capable of
having." Marlborough to the Duchess, 19th May 1709. COXE, iv. 393.
[14] _Mémoire, M. de Torcy_, ii. 104-111.
[15] SWIFT'S _Conduct of the Allies_, 72; COXE, iv. 395-415.
[16] "I have as much mistrust for the sincerity of France as any body
living can have; but I will own to you, that in my opinion, if France
had delivered the towns promised by the plenipotentiaries, and
demolished Dunkirk and the other towns mentioned, they must have been
at our discretion; so that if they had played tricks, so much the
worse for themselves." Marlborough to Lord Godolphin, June 10, 1709.
COXE, iv. 405.
[17] COXE, iv. 401.
[18] _Ibid._ v. i. 5.
[19] _Mém. de Villars_, ii. 63. Marlborough to Godolphin, June 27,
1709. COXE, iv. 5, 6.
[20] Marlborough to Mr Secretary Boyle, 27th June 1709. _Disp._ iv.
520. COXE, v. 7, 8.
[21] Marlborough to Lord Galway, 4th July 1709; and to the Queen, 29th
July 1709. _Disp._ iv. 530 and 556. COXE, v. 8, 13. Marlborough's
private letters to the Duchess at this period, as indeed throughout
all his campaigns, prove how he was tired of the war, and how ardently
he sighed for repose at Blenheim. "The taking of the citadel of
Tournay will, I fear, cost us more men and time than that of the town;
but that which gives me the greatest prospect for the happiness of
being with you, is, that certainly the misery of France increases,
which must bring us a peace. The misery of the poor people we see is
such, that one must be a brute not to pity them. May you be ever
happy, and I enjoy some few years of quiet with you, is what I daily
pray for." Marlborough to the Duchess, July 30, 1709. COXE, v. 12.
[22] DUMONT'S _Military History_, ii. 104. COXE, v. 15, 16.
[23] A very striking incident occurred in the siege, which shows to
what a height the heroic spirit with which the troops were animated
had risen. An officer commanding a detachment, was sent by Lord
Albemarle to occupy a certain lunette which had been captured from the
enemy; and though it was concealed from the men, the commander told
the officer he had every reason to believe the post was undermined,
and that the party would be blown up. Knowing this, he proceeded with
perfect calmness to the place of his destination; and when provisions
and wine were served out to the men, he desired them to fill their
calashes, and said, "Here is a health to those who die the death of
the brave." The mine in effect was immediately after sprung; but
fortunately the explosion failed, and his comrades survived to relate
their commander's noble conduct.
[24] Marlborough to Mr Secretary Boyle, 31st August and 3d September
1709. _Disp._ iv. 585, 588. COXE, v. 14, 18. DUMONT'S _Military
History_, ii. 103.
[25] Mackenzie's brigade, which joined Wellington's army after the
battle of Talavera, marched sixty-two English miles in twenty-six
hours. NAPIER, ii. 412.
[26] COXE, v. 20, 25. Marlborough to Mr Secretary Boyle, 7th September
1709. _Disp._ iv. 590.
[27] A similar incident occurred in the British service, when Sir
Henry, now Lord Hardinge, and Governor-general of India, served as
second in command to Sir Hugh Gough, his senior in military rank, but
subordinate in station, at the glorious battles of Ferozepore and
Sobraon, with the Sikhs. How identical is the noble and heroic spirit
in all ages and countries! It forms a freemasonry throughout the
world.
[28] COXE, v. 24, 25. _Disp._ iv. 588, 595.
[29] Marlborough to Mr Secretary Boyle, 7th and 11th September 1709.
_Disp._ iv. 591, 592. COXE, v. 25, 26.
[30] _Mém. de Villars_, ii. 167, 184. COXE, v. 26, 28.
[31] COXE, v. 29, 30. The author has passed over the ground, and can
attest the accuracy of the description here given.
[32] Viz. Artagnan, Maréchal de Montesquieu; De Guiche, Maréchal de
Grammont; Puysegur, Montmorenci, Coigny, Broglio, Chaulnes, Nangis,
Isenghien, Duras, Houdancourt, and Sanneterre. The monarchy never sent
forth a nobler array.
[33] COXE, v. 32. _Mém. de Villars_, ii, 280.
[34] COXE, v. 34, 37; DUMONT'S _Military History_, ii. 381-7.
[35] Marlborough's General Orders, Sept. 10, 1709.
[36] COXE, v. 40, 44.
[37] LEDIARD, _Life of Marlborough_, ii. 172, 180. COXE, v. 45, 47.
[38] The regiments of Tullibardine and Hepburn were almost all Atholl
Highlanders.
[39] COXE, v. 54, 63; _Disp._ v. 592, Marlborough to Mr Secretary
Boyle, Sept. 11, 1709, and to Mr Wauchope, same date, v. 598.
[40] "The Eugenes and Marlboroughs ought to be well satisfied with us
during that day; since till then they had not met with resistance
worthy of them. They may now say with justice that nothing can stand
before them; and indeed what shall be able to stay the rapid progress
of these heroes, if an army of one hundred thousand men of the best
troops, strongly posted between two woods, trebly entrenched, and
performing their duty as well as any brave men could do, were not able
to stop them one day? Will you not then own with me that they surpass
all the heroes of former ages?"--_Letter of a French Officer who
fought at Malplaquet_; COXE, v. 65.
[41] At Waterloo, there were sixty-nine thousand six hundred and
eighty-six men in Wellington's army, and the loss was twenty-two
thousand four hundred and sixty-nine, or one in three nearly; at
Malplaquet, it was one in five; at Talavera, one in four--five
thousand being killed and wounded out of nineteen thousand eight
hundred engaged.--SIBORNE'S _Waterloo_, ii. 352 and 519.
[42] Marlborough to Marshal Villars, 13th September 1709, and to Mr
Secretary Boyle, 16th September 1709; _Disp._ v. 596, 599.--COXE, v.
64.
[43] Marlborough to Mr Secretary Boyle, October 21, 1709. _Disp._ v.
617, 621.
[44] "Be assured that Mrs Masham and Mr Harley will, underhand, do
every thing that can make the business uneasy, particularly to you the
Lord Treasurer, and me, for they know well that if we were removed
every thing would be in their power. This is what they labour for,
believing it would make them both great and happy; but I am very well
persuaded it would be their destruction." _Marlborough to Godolphin_,
Nov. 1, 1709; COXE, v. 105.
[45] COXE, v. 105, 111.
[46] COXE, v. 115, 116.
[47] SWIFT, _Mem. on Queen's Change of Ministry in 1710_, p. 37. COXE,
v. 117-118.
[48] COXE, v. 124, 133.
[49] Duchess of Marlborough to Maynwaring, January 18, 1710. COXE, v.
134
[50] Marlborough to Queen Anne, January 19, 1710.
[51] "On Wednesday sennight I waited upon the Queen, in order to
represent the mischief of such recommendations in the army, and before
I came away I expressed all the concern for her change to me, that is
natural to a man that has served her so faithfully for many years,
which made no impression, nor was her Majesty pleased to take so much
notice of me as to ask my Lord Treasurer where I was upon her missing
me at Council. I have had several letters from him since I came here,
and I cannot find that her Majesty has ever thought me worth naming;
when my Lord Treasurer once endeavoured to show her the mischief that
would happen, she made him no answer but a bow." Marlborough to Lord
Somers, January 21, 1710.
[52] "If this unfortunate king had been so well advised as to have
made peace the beginning of this summer, he might in a great measure
have influenced the peace between France and the Allies, and made
other kingdoms happy. I am extremely touched with the misfortunes of
this young king. His continued successes, and the contempt he had of
his enemies, have been his ruin." Marlborough to Godolphin, August 26,
1709. _Disp._ v. 510.
THE AMERICANS AND THE ABORIGINES.
A TALE OF THE SHORT WAR.
PART THE LAST.
It may be present to the memory of some of our readers, that when the
British troops, under Sir Edward Pakenham, menaced New Orleans, the
constitution of Louisiana was temporarily and arbitrarily suspended by
General Jackson, commanding the American forces in the south, with a
view to greater unity in the defensive operations. This suspension
excited great indignation amongst the Louisianians, who viewed it as a
direct attack upon their liberties, unjustified by circumstances.
Meetings were called, and the general's conduct was made the subject
of vehement censure. When the news of the peace between England and
the United States, concluded in Europe before the fight of New Orleans
took place, arrived, judicial proceedings were instituted against
Jackson; he was found guilty of a violation of the Habeas Corpus act,
and condemned to a fine of two thousand dollars. This fine the
Louisianian Creoles were anxious to pay for him; but he preferred
paying it himself, and did so with a good grace, thereby augmenting
the popularity he had acquired by his victories over the Creek
Indians, and by the still more important repulse of Pakenham's
ill-planned and worse-fated expedition. In the book which forms the
subject of the present article, this historical incident has been
introduced, rather, however, to illustrate American character and
feelings, than in connexion with the main plot of the tale. Captain
Percy, a young officer of regulars, brings the announcement of the
suspension of the Louisianian constitution to a town on the
Mississippi, then the headquarters of the militia, who, at the moment
of his arrival, are assembled on parade. The general commanding reads
the despatch with grave dissatisfaction, and communicates its contents
to his officers. The news has already got wind through some passengers
by the steam-boat which brought the despatch-bearer, and discontent is
rife amongst the militia. The parade is dismissed, the troops
disperse, and the officers are about to return to their quarters, when
they are detained by the following incident:--
From the opposite shore of the river, two boats had some time
previously pushed off; one of them seeming at first uncertain what
direction to take. It had turned first up, then down stream, but had
at last pulled obliquely across the river towards the bayou or creek,
on the shore of which the little town was situated. It was manned by
sailors, judging from their shirts of blue and red flannel; but there
were also other persons on board, differently dressed, one of whom
reconnoitred the shore of the bayou with a telescope. It was the
strange appearance of these persons that now attracted the attention
of the officers. They were about twelve in number; some of them had
their heads bound up, others had their arms in slings; several had
great plasters upon their faces. They were of foreign aspect, and,
judging from the style of their brown, yellow, and black
physiognomies, of no very respectable class. As if wishing to escape
observation, they sat with their backs to the bayou. At a word from
General Billow, an officer stepped down to meet them.
The boat was close to shore, but as soon as the suspicious-looking
strangers perceived the approach of the militia officer, it was turned
into the creek and shot rapidly up it. Suddenly it was brought to
land; one of the better dressed of the men stepped out and approached
the captain of regulars, who just then came out of the guard-house.
With a military salute he handed him a paper, saluted again, and
returned to his companions in the boat. After a short time the whole
party ascended the bank of the bayou, and walked off in the direction
of the town. The captain looked alternately at the men and at the
paper, and then approached the group of officers.
"What do those people want?" inquired General Billow.
The officer handed him the paper.
"Read it yourself, general. I can hardly believe my eyes. A passport
for Armand, Marceau, Bernardin, Cordon, &c., planters from
Nacogdoches, delivered by the Mexican authorities, and countersigned
by the general-in-chief.
"Have you inquired their destination?"
Captain Percy shrugged his shoulders. "New Orleans. Any thing further,
the man tells me, is known to the general-in-chief. A most suspicious
rabble, and who seem quite at home here."
"Ah, Mister Billow and Barrow, how goes it? Glad to see you. You look
magnificent in your scarfs and plumes."
This boisterous greeting, uttered in a rough, good-humoured voice,
proceeded from our friend Squire Copeland, who had just landed from
the second boat with his companions and horses, and having given the
latter to a negro to hold, now stepped into the circle of officers,
his broad-brimmed quaker-looking hat decorated with the magnificent
bunch of feathers, for which his daughters had laid the tenants of the
poultry-yard under such severe contribution.
"Gentlemen," said he, half seriously and half laughing, "you see Major
Copeland before you. To-morrow my battalion will be here."
"You are welcome, major," said the general and other officers, with a
gravity that seemed intended as a slight check on the loquacity of
their new brother in arms.
"And these men," continued the major, who either did not or would not
understand the hint, "you might perhaps take for my aides-de-camp.
This one, Dick Gloom, is our county constable; and as to the other,"
he pointed to the Englishman, "I myself hardly know what to call him."
"I will help you then," interrupted Hodges, impatient at this singular
introduction. "I am an Englishman, midshipman of his Majesty's frigate
Thunderer, from which I have, by mishap, been separated. I demand a
prompt investigation of the fact, and report to your headquarters."
The general glanced slightly at the overhasty speaker, and then at the
written examination which the squire handed to him.
"This is your department, Captain Percy," said he; "be pleased to do
the needful."
The officer looked over the paper, and called an orderly.
"Let this young man be kept in strict confinement. A sentinel with
loaded musket before his door, and no one to have access to him."
"I really do not know which is the most suspicious," said the general;
"this spy, as he is called, or the queer customers who have just
walked away."
Squire Copeland had heard with some discontent the quick decided
orders given by the captain of regulars.
"All that might be spared," said he. "He's as nice a lad as ever I
saw. I was sitting yesterday at breakfast, when a parcel of my
fellows, who are half horse, half alligator, and a trifle beyond, came
tumbling into the house as if they would have pulled it down. Didn't
know what it meant, till Joe Drum and Sam Shad brought the younker
before me, and wanted to make him out a spy. I had half a mind to
treat the thing as nonsense; but as we sat at table he let out
something about Tokeah; and when the women spoke of Rosa--you know who
I mean, Colonel Parker; Rosa, whom I've so often told you of--he got
as red as any turkey-cock. Thinks I to myself, 'tisn't all right;
better take him with you. You know Tokeah, the Indian, who gave us so
much trouble some fifteen years ago?"
"Tokeah, the chief of the Oconees?"
"The same," continued the squire. "I chanced to mention his name, and
the lad blurted out, 'Tokeah! Do you know him?' and when Mistress
Copeland spoke of Rosa"----
"But, my dear major, this circumstance is very important, and I see no
mention of it in your report," said the general reprovingly.
"I daresay not," replied the loquacious justice of peace; "he'd hardly
be such a fool as to put that down. I had my head and hands so full
that I asked him just to draw up an account of the matter himself."
The officers looked at each other.
"Upon my word, squire," said the general, "you take the duties of your
office pretty easily. Who ever heard of setting a spy to take down his
own examination, and a foreigner too? How could you so expose yourself
and us?"
The squire scratched himself behind the ear. "Damn it, you're right!"
said he.
During this dialogue, the officers had approached one of the five
taverns, composing nearly a third part of the infant town, towards
which the ill-looking strangers had betaken themselves. The latter
seemed very anxious to reach the house first, but owing to the
tardiness of some of their party, who walked with difficulty, they
were presently overtaken by the prisoner and his escort. When the
foremost of them caught a sight of the Englishman's face, he started
and hastily turned away. Hodges sprang on one side, stared him full in
the face, and was on the point of rushing upon him, when one of his
guards roughly seized his arm and pointed forwards.
"Stop!" cried the midshipman, "I know that man."
"Maybe," replied the orderly dryly, "Forward!"
"Let me go!" exclaimed Hodges, "It is the pirate."
"Pirate?" repeated the soldier, who had again laid hold of his
prisoner. "If you cut any more such capers, I'll take you to prison in
a way that your bones will remember for a week to come. This young man
says," added he to the officers, who just then came up, "that yonder
fellow is a pirate."
"Obey your orders," was the sole reply of the general; and again the
orderly pushed his prisoner onwards.
"And you?" said the militia general, turning to the foreigners--"Who
may you be?"