THE ORDER OF BATTLE

The Metropolitan Division in the Argonne proper--Six weeks without

rest--Direct attack impossible in the Forest--Similar history of the

Keystone Division--Pennsylvania pride--Its mission the "scalloping"

of the Forest edge--The stalwart men of the 35th Division--Storming

the Aire heights--Fine spirit of the Pacific Slope Division--A

five-mile advance projected for the Ohio Division--North and South in

the 79th Division--Never in line before, it was to strike deepest.

Three National Army divisions were to be in the initial attack. It

was a far cry for the men who a year before had tumbled into the

training camps at home, without knowledge of the manual of arms or of

the first elements of army etiquette and discipline, to the march of

trained divisions forward into line of battle in France. On the extreme

left of the line was the Liberty Division, from New York City. The

metropolitans were given the task of taking not a town, but a forest,

with which their name will be as long connected as with our largest

city. Its left flank on the western edge of the Argonne Forest and its

right on the eastern, the 77th had a long divisional front of over four

miles; but it would have been unsatisfied if it had had to share the

Forest. The Forest was its very own. The public at home seemed to have

the idea that the whole battle was fought there. If it had been, the

77th would have had to share credit with twenty other divisions, which

had equally stiff fighting in patches of woods which were equally dense

even if they were not called forests.

If the Forest were stripped bare of its trees, it would present a great

ridge-like bastion cut by ravines, with irregular hills and slopes of

a character which, even though bald, would have been formidable in

defense. Its timber had nothing in common with the park-like conception

of a European forest, in which the ground opens between tree trunks

in lines as regular as in an orchard. If the Argonne had been without

roads, the Red Indians might have been as much at home in its depths

as in the primeval Adirondacks. Underbrush grew as freely as in

second-growth woods in our New England or Middle States; the leaves had

not yet begun to fall from the trees.

It had not been until September 15th that the 77th had been relieved

from the operations in the Château-Thierry region. A new division,

fresh from training at the British front and in Lorraine, it had gone

into line in August to hold the bank of the Vesle against continuous

sniping, gassing, and artillery fire; and later, after holding

the bottom of a valley with every avenue of approach shelled in

nerve-racking strain, it had shown the mettle of the Americans of the

tenements by fighting its way forward for ten days toward the Aisne

Canal. It had been in action altogether too long according to accepted

standards, though this seems only to have tempered its steel for

service in the Argonne.

[Illustration: MAP NO. 4

DIVISIONS IN THE FIRST STAGE OF THE MEUSE-ARGONNE BATTLE, SEPTEMBER

26TH-OCTOBER 1ST.]

Ordinarily a new division would not only have been given time to

recover from battle exhaustion, which is so severe because in the

excitement men are carried forward by sheer will beyond all normal

reactions to fatigue, but it would have been given time for drill and

for applying the lessons of its first important battle experience. The

value of this is the same to a division as a holiday at the mountains

or the seashore to a man on the edge of a nervous breakdown. He

recovers his physical vitality, and has leisure to see himself and his

work in perspective.

Instead of knowing the relaxation and the joy of settling down in

billets and receiving the attention of the "Y" and other ministrants,

of having plenty of time to write letters home, and of receiving from

home letters that were not more than six weeks old, the men of the

77th had long marches to make through ruined country, and were then

switched about, in indescribably uncomfortable travel, on the way to

the Argonne. The division commander made no complaint on this score;

but it was a fact to be taken into consideration. The 77th was short

of transport; its horses were worn down. Yet, faithful to orders, its

artillery as well as its infantry was up on the night of the 24th.

Owing to the length of its front, all four infantry regiments were put

into line, which meant that there could be no relief for any units

after they reached their destination.

We admire hardy frontiersmen, of whom we expect such endurance; but

what of these city-dwellers, these men from the factories and offices,

short of stature and slight of body? Who that had seen them before they

entered a training camp would have thought that they could be equal to

carrying their heavy packs on long marches and undergoing the physical

strain of battle? Their fortitude was not due altogether to good food

and the healthy régime of disciplined camps; it was the spirit of their

desire to prove that they were the "best" division because they were

the "Liberty Division." Their hearty, resolute commander, Major-General

Robert Alexander, was justly proud of them and believed in them; and

they had excellent officers, who held them up by example and discipline

to high standards.

Faith in the impregnability of the Forest, from ancient times a bulwark

for which armies competed, had not led the Germans to neglect any

detail in improving its natural defenses. In that area where for

four years the French and the Germans had stared across No Man's Land

at each other, the reasons for the enforced stalemate were almost as

obvious as those for the truce between the whale and the elephant.

Either army had at its back the cover of woodland, while the slopes

about the trenches formed a belt of shell-craters littered with trunks

of trees. Any attempt to take the forest by frontal attack must have

been madness. Action in front must be only an incident of pressure, and

confined to "mopping up," as action on either side forced the enemy's

withdrawal from a cross-fire. This was bound to be our plan, as the

enemy foresaw; we shall see that he governed himself accordingly.

The 28th Division, which had been on the left of the 77th in the

advance to the Aisne, was again on its left. These had really been

the first two American divisions to fight side by side under an

American corps command, that of Major-General Robert L. Bullard. In the

enterprise that they were now undertaking they had need of every detail

of team-play that they had learned.

Some elements of the 28th, which was then just arriving in the

Château-Thierry region, had been in action against the fifth German

offensive; then it had been pushed across the Marne, where it had been

put in by brigades and moved about under harassing circumstances in the

ensuing counter-offensive. Later, having proved its worthiness for the

honor, as an intact division it had taken over from the exhausted 32nd

on the Vesle. Practically, from July 15th until it went to the Argonne

it had had no rest. It had held not only the town of Fismes on the bank

of the Vesle, but the exposed position of the little town of Fismettes

on the other side of the river, during that period when the Germans

were inclined to make a permanent stand there if their digging, their

sniping, and their battering artillery fire, showered from the heights

upon the 28th and the 77th in the valley, were any criterion. In the

subsequent advance to the Aisne, and later in the transfer to the

Argonne, the division had to submit to the same kind of irregularities

and discomfort as the 77th, and to suffer in the same way for want

of adequate transport and of leisure for studying its latest battle

lessons for use in the next battle.

There is a general idea that such populous states as New York and

Pennsylvania lack state pride, particularly in the sense of the

southern states; but any state, whose National Guardsmen were numerous

enough to form a complete division on the new war footing, had the

advantage of the unity of sentiment of the old family, which does

not have to include strangers at its board. The 28th's deeds were

Pennsylvania's. It stood proudly and exclusively for Pennsylvania

with her wealth and prosperity and all her numerous colleges, large

and small, from Allegheny in the northwest to the University of

Pennsylvania. The men were evidently capable of eating three and four

square meals a day, and they looked as if they were used to having them

when they were at home.

"What about politics?" the critic always asks about any National Guard

division. If there were politics in the 28th it was so mixed up with

marching and fighting--and the men of the 28th were always doing one or

the other when I saw them--that it was unrecognizable to one so unused

to politics as the writer. Certainly, it was a good kind of politics,

I should say, in that Pennsylvania had taken a downright interest in

her National Guard, which was now bearing fruit. The 28th's commander,

Major-General Charles H. Muir, was a man of equanimity and force,

who had the strength of character, on occasion, to stand up to an

Army staff when he knew that its orders were impracticable. The staff

respected him for his confidence in the judgment of the man on the spot.

The 28th's losses both in officers and in men in that excoriating

progress from the Vesle to the Aisne had been the price of a gallantry

which was a further reproof to the scepticism in certain quarters

about the National Guard. Officers who had been killed or wounded had

been replaced by young men who were often from the training camps

though not Pennsylvanians; and in the fierce illumination of battle

much had been learned about the qualities of the survivors. Some of

these who had hitherto been called politicians had entirely overcome

the aspersion. Others who had worn themselves out physically might be

given a period of recuperation even if the division had none. The 28th

had been indeed battle-tried in all that the word means. If it could

have had two weeks before the Meuse-Argonne in which to digest its

lessons, this would have been only fair to it as a division: though

probably its determination would have been no stronger.

The 28th's front was from the edge of the Forest on its left to

the village of Boureuilles on its right. Astride the Aire River it

linked the Forest with the main battle-line. While maintaining its

uniformity of advance on its right, its left had the same difficult

maneuver in "scalloping" the eastern edge of the Forest as the French

in "scalloping" the western edge. This meant that the 28th must storm

the wooded escarpments which the Forest throws out on the western side

of the Aire. On the eastern side of the valley were heights which

interlocked with the escarpments. As one Guardsman said, the division

had a worse job than a Democrat running for governor of Pennsylvania in

an off year for Democrats.

Now the 28th could not succeed unless the division on its right took

the heights on the eastern side of the Aire. If the 28th failed, then

the whole turning movement of the Army offensive toward the main series

of heights which formed the crest of the whale-back was endangered. On

the right of the 28th was the 35th Division, National Guard from Kansas

and Missouri, which must offer the courage and vigor which is bred in

their home country in place of the battle experience which had been the

fortune of the Pennsylvanians. Major-General William M. Wright had been

the first commander of the 35th. He was a man of the world, most human

in his feeling and sound in his principles of war, with a personality

which was particularly effective with troops of sturdy individualistic

character, who were unaccustomed by their tradition of self-reliant

independence of thought to the arbitrary system which a regular army

develops in the handling of recruits in time of peace. Leonard Wood had

the same class of men from the same region in the 89th, which Wright

later led in the Meuse-Argonne battle with brilliant results.

Soon after the 35th arrived behind the British lines, Wright's accepted

knowledge of regular army personnel and his capacity for inspiring

harmonious effort in any group of subordinates led General Pershing

to set him the task of organizing corps staffs, among them the Fifth,

which was to develop exemplary traditions. Major-General Peter E.

Traub, a scholarly soldier, fully equipped in the theories of war,

succeeded him in command of the 35th. Traub's brigade of the 26th

Division had received at Seicheprey the shock of the first attack in

force that the Germans had made against our troops, where the quality

which the young officers and men had shown in face of a surprise by

overwhelming numbers, and their prompt recovery of the town without

waiting on superior orders, had reflected credit on their brigade.

The physique and the good humor of the men of the 35th had been the

admiration of everybody who had seen them after their arrival in the

British area. The Guardsmen of Kansas had a fine tradition linked up

with the career of Frederick Funston, who was in the fullest sense what

is known as a born soldier. He was a combination of fire and steel; of

human impulse and inherent common sense. His initiative was in tune

with that of his Kansans. Through the authority of their faith in him

he applied stern discipline.

With its left on Boureuilles and its right on Vauquois, the 35th must

storm the heights of the eastern wall of the Aire under flanking

artillery and machine-gun fire from the escarpments of the Forest,

unless these were promptly conquered by the 28th. No finer-looking

soldiers ever went into action. Their eagerness was in keeping with

their vitality. Compared to the little men of the 77th, who were

overburdened with heavy packs, they were giants of the type which

carried packs of double the army weight over the Chilcoot Pass in the

Klondike rush. Their inheritance gave them not only the strength but

the incentive of pioneers. Whoever had the leading and shaping of such

a body of American citizens had a responsibility which went with a

glorious opportunity. The stronger the men of a division, the abler the

officers they require to be worthy of their potentiality. Given the

battle experience of the 77th, under a Pershing, a Wood, a Bullard, a

Summerall, or a Hines, and a group of officers as such a leader would

have developed, the work of the 35th would never have become a subject

for discussion: but we shall come to this later on.

On the right of the 35th we had the 91st, National Army from the

Pacific Coast, as the left division of the Fifth or center Corps, with

its front from Vauquois to Avocourt. Its commander was Major-General

William H. Johnston, a redoubtable fighter and vigorous for his years,

as anyone could see at a glance. There was no question as to the

character of his men, who were six thousand miles from home. Their

physique was as good as that of the 35th, as you know if you know the

region where they were called to service by the draft. Never before

under fire, they were to fight their way through woods by a frontal

attack, and then under the enemy's observation into an open ravine, and

on through that up forbidding slopes. An appealing sentiment attached

to this division from the other side of the continent, no less than

to the 77th, from which it differed in its personnel as the Pacific

Slope differs from the streets of New York. There were city men in its

ranks, but not in the sense of city men from New York; and there were

ranchmen, and lumbermen, and those among them who spoke broken English

were not from tailors' benches.

On the right of the 91st was the 37th, Ohio National Guard under

Major-General Charles S. Farnsworth, a regular officer of high repute,

who was to take the division through its terrific experience in the

Meuse-Argonne and afterward to Belgium. Why so excellent a division

as the 37th should not have been earlier in France may be referred to

geography, which gave an advantage to National Guard divisions from the

seaboard states. The 37th had waited and drilled long for its chance,

which now came in generous measure. After breaking through the trench

system it must storm by frontal attack, for a depth of three miles,

woods as thick as the Argonne; and this was only a little more than

half the distance set for a single day's objective. Therefore, without

previous trial in grand offensives, it was assigned a mission which

would ordinarily have been supposed to be disastrous against even a

moderate defense. The 37th was without its own artillery, but it had

been assigned on short notice the artillery of the 30th Division,

which, however zealous and well-trained, had not worked with the

division or ever operated in a serious action, let alone protected

infantry advancing for such a distance over such monstrously difficult

ground.

On the right of the 37th was the 79th, National Army drawn from

Virginia, Maryland, and the District of Columbia. Major-General

Joseph E. Kuhn, who was in command, was well-known as an able

engineer officer. He had served as an attaché with the Japanese in

the Russo-Japanese War, seeing more of the operations than any other

single foreign officer; and he had been an attaché in Germany early

in the Great War, afterward becoming president of the War College in

Washington. Aside from this equipment his untiring energy, his high

spirits, and his personality fitted him for inculcating in a division

confidence in itself and its leadership.

The 79th, with men from both sides of Mason and Dixon's line, united

North and South in its ranks. Since its arrival from the States it

had hardly had time to become acclimatized. In place of its own

artillery, which was not yet equipped, it had not even a homogeneous

artillery brigade. Of American artillery (aside from seventeen of

the French batteries upon which we were relying so largely for our

preliminary bombardment) it had three regiments, less six batteries,

from the experienced 32nd Division, and one regiment from the 41st

Division. Though the 79th had never been under fire before, though it

had only training-camp experience, it was expected, after taking the

first-line fortifications, to cover the most ground of any division on

the first day, and though it did not have to fight its way through any

important woods it was to proceed along the valley of the Montfaucon

road, passing over formidable ridges which were under the observation

of woods on either flank capable of concealing any amount of enemy

artillery.

V

Our Greatest Battle (The Meuse-Argonne) · 第 17 / 76 题