None of the corps were killed or wounded at the Alma, Balaklava, or

Inkermann. With the exception of a proportion of those who died from

cholera, all the rest of the casualties occurred in the Crimea. Nearly

all the men that were wounded were struck, strangely enough, on the

right side. The men drowned were wrecked in the Black Sea during the

storm of the 14th November, 1854. Private James Deacon was frozen to

death; corporal Thomas Leonard, lance-corporal Joseph Gordon, and

privates Jonas Cole and John Porter died from frost-bite; those found

dead were privates A. Anderson[198] and John C. Guy; and those missing

were privates Thomas Callaghan, John G. Williams and James Thomas. The

two former were lost after the battle of the Alma. Suffering from

cholera and unable to march—one on the banks of that stream and the

other on the Katcha—they were left behind to embark for Scutari, and

most probably perished in some miserable nook on the Kalamitean shore.

Thomas was sent an invalid from the camp to Balaklava on the 2nd

November, 1854, and is supposed to have been nipped by the frost, and

died away from the track of men from cold and exhaustion. A strict but

fruitless search was set afoot to ascertain their unhappy fate.

Four privates of the corps deserted from its ranks in the Crimea, but

none of them entered the service of the enemy. Intrusted as the sappers

were with important duties, and its privates even invested with

authority in the trenches, it may occasion surprise that the

self-respect arising from these circumstances did not check them from

the commission of gross delinquencies. Like their brothers in arms, too

many of them fell by similar temptations, and the inordinate use of

strong drinks—an habitual and disgusting practice with several—subjected

a large catalogue of offenders to that description of disgrace which the

enlightened humanity of the country had, after years of agitation,

reduced to a few stripes. It was found one of the chief difficulties of

command to arrest the pitch to which the vice had risen, and Colonel

Gordon tried the effect of a monthly _exposé_. After showing that for

three months ending 30th November out of an average force of 687

non-commissioned officers and men no less than 11 in every 100 per month

had been awarded punishments of various kinds, he thus wrote in his

orders of the 3rd December, 1855:—“Such a record would bring shame on

any corps on home service. In the field it brings positive disgrace on

the royal sappers and miners. Till the flood of drunkenness has abated,”

continued the Colonel, “and there remains no longer a necessity of

recording our disgrace as a means of helping to remove it, a similar

return to the above will be published monthly.” And what was the result?

The habit of intoxication still went on; and in March, 1856, when the

last account was published, the number of instances of drunkenness out

of a strength of 766 of all ranks had swelled to 16 in every 100 men per

month, or 4 daily, on the whole strength. A public charge like this it

would have been unjust to suppress; and though the light it affords is

rather a lurid one, it may still serve as a beacon to avoid, in future,

the shoals of excess, and lead to the improvement which the stern

confessions of history are intended to effect. Though the truth is

stated, there is no ground for supposing that the corps was more

addicted to intemperance than other troops. Its offences had been

recorded with almost conscientious scrupulousness; and if in other

regiments the same strictness has been followed, a comparison, could

such be instituted, would not yield a result unfavourable to the

sappers.

As a rider to these frailties, let it be repeated how heroic was the

general demeanour of the men in the batteries and trenches. In the order

alluded to occur these sentiments:—“Colonel Gordon has great

satisfaction in knowing there are plenty of men who have nobly done

their duty in the field, and who have conducted themselves well amidst

the prevailing drunkenness.... Great is their merit. Their good example

is more than ever required, and Colonel Gordon thanks them; and he begs

them to persevere in upholding the reputation of the corps.” These pages

testify to many individual cases. Not a few were rewarded with pecuniary

grants; many received promotion, and a chosen number received medals and

honours for their gallant services before Sebastopol.

Those upon whom were bestowed medals for “distinguished service in the

field,” accompanied by gratuities, were:—

Colour-sergeant Henry McDonald annuity of 20_l._ a-year.

” Alexander M. McLeod gratuity of 15_l._

Corporal Samuel Cole[199] ” 10_l._

2nd corporal John Paul ” 10_l._

” William Trimble ” 10_l._

Lance-corporal Joseph T. Collins ” 5_l._

” William Jenkins ” 5_l._

” Charles Rinhy ” 5_l._

Private William Harvey ” 5_l._

” William Orr ” 5_l._

” William Bruce ” 5_l._

” Alexander McCaughey ” 5_l._

” James Moncur ” 5_l._

” Neil McInnes ” 5_l._

” Andrew Fairservice ” 5_l._

Those who obtained the French military war medal “for valour and

discipline,” were:—

Colour-sergeant Kester Knight.

Sergeant John McMurphy.

Corporal John Ross.

” Robert Hanson.

” William J. Lendrim.

2nd corporal Walter Conning.

Private John Perie.

The non-commissioned officers created Knights of the Imperial Order of

the Legion of Honour of France by the Emperor Napoleon III., as a mark

of His Imperial Majesty’s approbation of their distinguished services

before the enemy during the war, were:—

Colour-sergeant Henry McDonald.

” John Landrey.

” Kester Knight.

” George Jarvis.

” Peter Leitch.

” Joseph J. Stanton.

Sergeant John Paul.

” Samuel Cole.

Corporal Joseph T. Collins.

Those decorated by Her Majesty with the Victoria Cross for acts of

bravery performed by them before the enemy, were:—

Corporal John Ross.

” William J. Lendrim.

Private John Perie.

Noted for their care and intelligence in the discharge of difficult and

trying duty, the following non-commissioned officers, recommended by Sir

Harry Jones, were appointed by Lord Panmure to be conductors of engineer

stores, with the salaries affixed to their names.

Colour-sergeant George Pringle 100_l._ a-year.

” Alexander M. McLeod 90_l._ ”

Sergeant William Dickson 80_l._ ”

Colour-sergeant Benjamin Castledine 80_l._ ”

” George Wohlmann 70_l._ ”

To hold these non-combatant situations, they were, so to speak,

_seconded_, and retained possession of their regimental allowances; but

when no longer required for the appointments, they fell back into their

old ranks in the corps.

Sergeant William Sargent, who from the first had been employed as a

military foreman, in carrying out the works at Constantinople and other

places on the Bosphorus, was discharged from the sappers, and confirmed

as a civil foreman of works in the royal engineer department.

And to this list must be added the names of non-commissioned officers

who were commissioned by Her Majesty into the Land Transport Corps. They

were—

Colour-sergeant James Falkner[200] }

” John Landrey }

” James Spry } as Cornets.

” George Wohlmann }

” Cornelius Godfrey }

” William Lambert as Quartermaster.

When the honour was conferred on the first two sergeants, Colonel Gordon

of the engineers thus alluded to it in his brigade orders of the 1st

December, 1855, “These are the first non-commissioned officers of

sappers who have been rewarded with commissions for their good and

distinguished conduct in the field. Having contributed by good conduct

and gallant bearing to raise the reputation of the corps of royal

sappers and miners, they carry with them to the honourable positions to

which they have been raised, the best wishes of Colonel Gordon and of

all the corps under his command.”

The roll of non-commissioned officers and men who deserved substantial

appreciation for their merits might have been extended _ad infinitum_,

but the distinctions offered by the Government and the French Emperor

were confined to the limits which these few paragraphs detail.

Here may be a fit place to allude to an institution of the war,

suggested by Major-General Wylde, which was found an important auxiliary

to the army. The field electric telegraph, used for the first time in

any campaign, came first into operation a few months after the great

storm of November, 1854, and was placed under the direction of

Lieutenant Stopford. From him it passed, in the early summer, to Captain

F. Du Cane, and in September, 1855, to Lieutenant Fisher, Captain Du

Cane having been compelled to relinquish it on account of ill health.

By degrees the ramification of the lines extended to eight stations,

each connected with the other by under-ground wires, laid in furrows

about eighteen inches deep, and afterwards covered up. The several lines

made up an aggregate length of nearly 24 miles of current. The stations

were at Head-quarters, Kasatch, the Monastery, Engineer park, Right

attack, Light division, Kadikoi, and Balaklava. Various obstacles

occurred to delay the establishment of the stations, such as snow

storms, hard frosts, and heavy rains; the failure of the plough to dig

the trenches in which to deposit the wires, and the consequent resort to

the employment of working parties, already weakened by overwork,

insufficient diet, a dreadful winter, and unnumbered hardships and

trials. These, however, at length, were to some extent overcome; and the

first telegraphic communication was opened between Lord Raglan’s

head-quarters and Kadikoi, a distance of three miles, on the 7th March.

Other stations opened in quick succession, and that formed in one of the

caves between the two first parallels of the right and left attacks

commenced work on the 8th April, 1855.

The offices were the purest make-shifts—the strongest contrasts possible

to the stately establishments of home. Those of the engineer park and

light division were in bell tents; that near St. George’s Monastery was

at an inn which, when the monks were the occupants of that isolated

cloister, formed a sort of refectory for those abstemious celibates.

Four others were in huts, and the last was in a small cave in the

Woronzoff ravine, partially protected from a daily fire by a traverse of

sand-bags. Private East, both night and day, in storm, rain, and wasting

heat, occupied alone that dismal recess, sleeping, when he could get the

chance, on a shelf of rock. So used indeed had he become to it that few

men in camp were more indifferent to comfort, few less disposed to cavil

with disadvantages and hardships than he.

Until the beginning of August the telegraph was exclusively worked by

sappers selected from the companies in the Crimea, who were taught the

use of the instruments and signals by corporal Peter Fraser—a pupil of

the establishment at Lothbury. The instruction was necessarily hurried,

but the men proved to be so quick and intelligent that they were ready

to commence their novel duties when the first station was opened. As

manipulators most of them were very good, particularly the buglers, two

of whom, John Filkin and William Algar, could read sixteen and a half

words in a minute! From the single needle instrument, which was used at

all the stations, this was regarded as a feat in telegraphy, and

probably the best manipulator in London would scarcely come up to this

test of sharpness of sight and fleetness of reading.

Two sappers generally were attached to each station, but two or three

corporals and as many buglers attended to the necessities of

head-quarters. Each office had a single needle instrument, alarm, and

batteries, besides a supply of zinc-plates, acids, &c. The duties of the

sappers comprised the manipulation of the instruments, attending to the

batteries, sending, receiving, and writing all messages and despatches;

recording such as required to be noted, and filing others. Though

carried on amid the excitements and turmoil inseparable from war, and

the pressure arising from haste and a variety of complicated

contingencies and emergencies, the details of the system, including the

registry, check, and examination, were, all things considered, very

complete. Two orderlies from regiments of the line were allotted to each

station to take the messages to their destination; at the head-quarters

there were three.

The messages were on every class of subject from the affectionate

inquiries of anxious parents and friends to the stern orders for

bombardment or assault. Nothing that was required to be communicated

rapidly—from those who had authoritative access to the offices—was

conveyed by any other agency than the field telegraph. All despatches to

and from the Commander-in-chief on matters in which secrecy was

essential were in numeral cypher; all else were couched in brief but

expressive English. An exposition of all the vouchers and messages which

passed in and out of the different offices would form a curious episode

in the history of the war. In August, 1855, one of the months of the

siege in which the cannonading was the hottest, the number of messages

received at head-quarters was 464, and the number sent 402, being an

average respectively of 15 and 13 a-day. The station in the caves of the

Woronzoff ravine, which opened on the 8th April, 1855, received, up to

the conclusion of the siege, 160 messages, or one a-day. To keep on

perpetual watch for this singular dispatch was enough to wear out the

most exemplary patience; and when to this tiresome experience was added

the miseries of a dank vapoury hole in winter and a broiling furnace in

summer, it may occasion but little wonder that the occupant of the cave

was not very remarkable for sobriety. Sergeant Anderson, the senior

non-commissioned officer at the instruments, was stationed at St.

George’s Monastery. He received the despatches from England through the

submarine line from Varna, and telegraphed them to head-quarters. In

like manner he received those from Lord Raglan and the staff, and also

the Sardinian Commander-in-chief, through the head-quarter office, and

conveyed them to the submarine line for communication by way of Varna to

England and elsewhere. Corporal Fraser, the chief telegraphist, was in

charge of the manipulators at the head-quarter office. The extra

allowances paid to the sappers for this duty ranged from 1_s._ to 5_s._

a-day. Those who received the last rate in succession were sergeants

Anderson and Montgomery and corporal Fraser.

Every day the sappers were at the instruments, and each, turn about,

continued at work throughout the night. It was, however, permitted to

the men on night duty to snatch, if they could, any intervals which

might offer for rest; and so rolling themselves up in their blankets

they commenced a series of forty winks in front of their apparatus. No

dependence could be placed on a single minute for tranquillity; for in

all probability just as the sapper had made himself as comfortable as

his limited means allowed, and he was beginning to close his drowsy lids

in grateful unconsciousness, he was again forced to his seat by the

alarm bell, which continued its shrill noise until the disturbed

manipulator communicated with the station from whence the ringing

originated. This however was barely regarded as a hardship; but it

really amounted to one when the sappers who had been relieved from duty

were driven from their slumbers to assist their comrades. Delays were

inadmissible, and no inconvenience, circumstance, or right of remission

from labour, could be pleaded as an excuse to stave off applications

which pressed for communication. Disturbances like this occurred as many

as three or four times in a night, and to shake oneself from sleep when

nature was well nigh spent for the want of it, demanded a strength of

effort and purpose which few men would be willing to exercise. And yet

the operators were seldom indisposed to give their services however

unreasonable or litigious were the calls for them. What with constant

watching, the irritating interruptions of sleep, the tedious care to

prevent error, coupled with the anxieties which each felt for the

success of a new and rather tender undertaking, it is somewhat

remarkable that none of the sappers broke down from their vigils and

overwork.

It not unfrequently happened that the gutta-percha covered wire which

carried the electric stream from station to station became broken. The

causes were various and even curious. Digging in the neighbourhood to

find roots for fuel, or by traffic, was a common cause of interruption;

burying horses’ offal, &c. was another. Often the line was cut by

designing men, who, having abstracted a few yards of it, withdrew the

wire from its covering and used the hollow gutta-percha tubing for pipe

stems! Once the current was stopped on the Kazatch line by the industry

of an insidious field mouse. With great difficulty the site of the

disconnection was detected, when baring the line, it was found that the

wire, which passed through a nest of mice, was bitten in two by the

matron of the haunt. Occasionally accidents to the line took place

during bombardments by round shot and splinters of shells. Not without

some trouble were the lines repaired. Two interesting instances have

already appeared in the narrative.

From August the telegraph was mutually worked by civilians and sappers.

The Government having sent out a civil superintendent and ten civil

telegraph clerks to the Crimea, they were added to the staff under

Captain Du Cane, who distributed them to the several stations—one sapper

and one civilian to each. The men whose services were thus dispensed

with, and who had assisted to give efficiency by their care and

attention to a delicate experiment, were sent into the trenches. It was

a needless arrangement this, for the sappers at the time were performing

the duty with every satisfaction. Whatever may have induced the

incorporation of the civil element with an undertaking that had been

organized and carried out as a military duty, it is enough to show the

interest with which this scientific appendage to the army was held by

the Ministry at home; and whatever success may have resulted from the

combination of the two elements in working the field telegraph, is due

equally to the intelligence and efficiency of each, but more so to the

officers whose anxious superintendence and incessant watchfulness, gave

vigour and all but perfection to the system they devised and directed.

In time the entire charge of the field telegraph was confined to the

sappers, and the civilians on being removed joined the submarine branch.

The officers who commanded the sappers on this duty have thus spoken of

their aptitude and labours:—

Lieutenant Stopford writes: “The sappers showed great quickness in

learning the use of the instrument, although not one of the men, except

corporal Fraser, had any knowledge or indeed had seen the single needle

instrument before; therefore to him is due the credit of teaching all

the manipulators. Sergeant Anderson was in charge of the telegraph party

and one of the first to learn the use and working of the instrument.”

When reporting upon the operations generally, Captain Du Cane commended

them for their exertions in these words: “I consider great credit is due

to the sappers for the prompt manner in which the repairs”—to the

wires—“were executed.” Elsewhere in his report he mentioned, “that the

sappers evinced considerable intelligence in working the telegraph, and

although in one or two instances misconduct occurred, yet on the whole

they discharged their duties in a satisfactory and efficient manner.”

“The working of the telegraph,” says Lieutenant Fisher, “was done in the

most satisfactory manner by men of the royal sappers and miners, many of

whom, more especially the buglers (four), showed a very great aptitude

for learning the manipulatory process. Fifteen of the corps had been

wholly initiated in the art, and,” continues the officer, “from the

great pains taken by corporal Peter Fraser in their instruction many of

the men and boys have become excellent telegraphists.”

Early in the morning of the 9th two sappers actuated by an inquisitive

feeling approached within a short distance of Fort Nicholas, which was

still in possession of the enemy. One was a bugler, the other a private.

The latter had armed himself with a Russian musket. Having satisfied

their curiosity they were waiting a chance conveyance to take them over

to the English side of the dock-yard creek. Private George Fox descrying

a well-laden boat in the distance went in its direction. It pulled

towards him, and the sailors stepping to land courteously gave him a

place among them. They turned out to be Russians, and Fox was thus a

prisoner of war. After seeing the boat push off and waiting about an

hour the bugler returned to camp. Rejoining the corps by exchange on the

26th January, 1856, Fox went into hospital five days after and died on

the 14th February. Worthless as a man from his dissipated habits,

Colonel Gordon however placed it on record that he “was a most valuable

sapper in the trenches.” He was the only sapper taken prisoner during

the war.

After the troops had occupied the Redan, small parties under Major

Montagu and Lieutenant Lennox of the engineers, and Captain Penn of the

royal artillery, were employed in examining the ground for explosive

machines and searching for galvanic wires leading to magazines. Several

were discovered in different places where it was expected the assailants

would enter in storming the works.

Detachments of sappers, assisted by working parties and sailors,

commenced on the evening of the 11th the construction of a battery for

two ninety-five cwt. guns on the right of St. Paul’s battery. Some

little progress had been made in rearing it, when the work was

abandoned. A fortnight later a more extensive battery near the ruins of

Fort Paul was begun, for ten guns to sustain a contest with Fort

Sivernaia on the opposite side of the harbour. It was built in a bakery,

the rear wall having been thrown down, leaving the under portion of it

as a parapet, while the front wall, retained as a mask which a few shots

would have crumbled into ruins, concealed the nature of the battery from

the enemy. The firing from the northern works was nevertheless pretty

brisk, but harmless, and the work proceeded steadily. Other objects,

however, being determined on, the battery, though its embrasures were

partly cut and revetted, was never armed.

In the meantime the eighth company and a detachment of the 3rd Buffs

moved into the Karabelnaia to be employed in the destruction of the

docks, and were quartered in the storehouses of the dockyard, which

being exposed to the Russian fire from across the water, was

occasionally visited by the intrusion of shot. Two or three of these

missiles plunged into the barrack-room but providentially not a man was

injured by them.

Demands for men became so urgent as the siege progressed, that, while

waiting for reinforcements from England, Gibraltar was called upon to

furnish as many sappers as possible from its effective rolls.

Accordingly on the 29th August, 48 men under Lieutenant Cumberland

embarked on board the ‘Orinoco,’ and landed at Sebastopol six days after

its fall.

History of the Royal Sappers and Miners, Volume 2 (of 2) From the Formation of the Corps in March 1712 to the date when its designation was changed to that of Royal Engineers · 第 41 / 53 段