Part 21

Article XVI: _Of Political Order._

The Sixteenth Article the adversaries receive without any exception,

in which we have confessed that it is lawful for the Christian to

bear civil office, sit in judgment, determine matters by the imperial

laws, and other laws in present force, appoint just punishments

engage in just wars, act as a soldier, make legal contracts, hold

property, take an oath when magistrates require it, contract marriage;

finally, that legitimate civil ordinances are good creatures of God

and divine ordinances, which a Christian can use with safety. This

entire topic concerning the distinction between the kingdom of Christ

and a political kingdom has been explained to advantage [to the

remarkably great consolation of many consciences] in the literature

of our writers, [namely] that the kingdom of Christ is spiritual

[inasmuch as Christ governs by the Word and by preaching], to wit,

beginning in the heart the knowledge of God, the fear of God and

faith, eternal righteousness, and eternal life; meanwhile it permits

us outwardly to use legitimate political ordinances of every nation

in which we live, just as it permits us to use medicine or the art of

building, or food, drink, air. Neither does the Gospel bring new

laws concerning the civil state, but commands that we obey present

laws, whether they have been framed by heathen or by others, and that

in this obedience we should exercise love. For Carlstadt was insane

in imposing upon us the judicial laws of Moses. Concerning these

subjects, our theologians have written more fully, because the monks

diffused many pernicious opinions in the Church. They called a

community of property the polity of the Gospel; they said that not to

hold property, not to vindicate one's self at law [not to have wife

and child], were evangelical counsels. These opinions greatly

obscure the Gospel and the spiritual kingdom [so that it was not

understood at all what the Christian or spiritual kingdom of Christ

is; they concocted the secular kingdom with the spiritual whence much

trouble and seditions, harmful teaching resulted], and are dangerous

to the commonwealth. For the Gospel does not destroy the State or

the family [buying, selling, and other civil regulations], but much

rather approves them, and bids us obey them as a divine ordinance,

not only on account of punishment, but also on account of conscience.

Julian the Apostate, Celsus, and very many others made the objection

to Christians that the Gospel would rend asunder states, because it

prohibited legal redress, and taught certain other things not at all

suited to political association. And these questions wonderfully

exercised Origen, Nazianzen, and others, although, indeed, they can

be most readily explained, if we keep in mind the fact that the

Gospel does not introduce laws concerning the civil state, but is the

remission of sins and the beginning of a new life in the hearts of

believers; besides, it not only approves outward governments, but

subjects us to them, Rom. 13, 1, just as we have been necessarily

placed under the laws of seasons, the changes of winter and summer,

as divine ordinances. [This is no obstacle to the spiritual kingdom.

] The Gospel forbids private redress [in order that no one should

interfere with the office of the magistrate], and Christ inculcates

this so frequently with the design that the apostles should not think

that they ought to seize the governments from those who held

otherwise, just as the Jews dreamed concerning the kingdom of the

Messiah, but that they might know they ought to teach concerning the

spiritual kingdom that it does not change the civil state. Therefore

private redress is prohibited not by advice, but by a command, Matt.

5, 39; Rom. 12, 19. Public redress which is made through the office

of the magistrate, is not advised against, but is commanded, and is a

work of God, according to Paul, Rom. 13, 1 sqq. Now the different

kinds of public redress are legal decisions, capital punishment, wars,

military service. It is manifest how incorrectly many writers have

judged concerning these matters [some teachers have taught such

pernicious errors that nearly all princes, lords, knights, servants

regarded their proper estate as secular, ungodly, and damnable, etc.

Nor can it be fully expressed in words what an unspeakable peril and

damage has resulted from this to souls and consciences], because they

were in the error that the Gospel is an external, new and monastic

form of government, and did not see that the Gospel brings eternal

righteousness to hearts [teaches how a person is redeemed, before God

and in his conscience, from sin, hell, and the devil], while it

outwardly approves the civil state.

It is also a most vain delusion that it is Christian perfection not

to hold property. For Christian perfection consists not in the

contempt of civil ordinances, but in dispositions of the heart, in

great fear of God, in great faith, just as Abraham, David, Daniel,

even in great wealth and while exercising civil power, were no less

perfect than any hermits. But the monks [especially the Barefoot

monks] have spread this outward hypocrisy before the eyes of men, so

that it could not be seen in what things true perfection exists.

With what praises have they brought forward this communion of

property, as though it were evangelical! But these praises have the

greatest danger, especially since they differ much from the

Scriptures. For Scripture does not command that property be common,

but the Law of the Decalog, when it says, Ex. 20, 15: Thor shalt not

steal, distinguishes rights of ownership, and commands each one to

hold what is his own. Wyclif manifestly was raging when he said that

priests were not allowed to hold property. There are infinite

discussions concerning contracts, in reference to which good

consciences can never be satisfied unless they know the rule that it

is lawful for a Christian to make use of civil ordinances and laws.

This rule protects consciences when it teaches that contracts are

lawful before God just to the extent that the magistrates or laws

approve them.

This entire topic concerning civil affairs has been so clearly set

forth by our theologians that very many good men occupied in the

state and in business have declared that they have been greatly

benefited, who before, troubled by the opinion of the monks, were in

doubt as to whether the Gospel allowed these civil offices and

business. Accordingly, we have recounted these things in order that

those without also may understand that by the kind of doctrine which

we follow, the authority of magistrates and the dignity of all civil

ordinances are not undermined, but are all the more strengthened [and

that it is only this doctrine which gives true instruction as to how

eminently glorious an office, full of good Christian works, the

office of rulers is]. The importance of these matters was greatly

obscured previously by those silly monastic opinions, which far

preferred the hypocrisy of poverty and humility to the state and the

family, although these have God's command, while this Platonic

communion [monasticism] has not God's command.

The Apology of the Augsburg Confession · 第 21 / 37 章