CHAPTER VI

[Sidenote: 1706.]

From Flanders it is necessary to return to the Peninsula, where

we left Peterborough bewailing his enforced inaction. Nothing is

more remarkable in the story of these Peninsular campaigns than the

utter want of unity in design between the forces of the Allies in

Catalonia and in Portugal. Even in England the British troops in

these two quarters were treated, for purposes of administration,

as two distinct establishments, which might have been divided

by the whole breadth of the Atlantic instead of by twice the

breadth of England. Yet the fault could hardly be attributed to

any English functionary, civil or military. Galway was as anxious

as Peterborough to advance to Madrid; but the Portuguese were

terrified at the prospect of moving far from their frontier, while

the eyes of King Charles ever rested anxiously on the passes by

which French reinforcements might advance into Catalonia. In such

circumstances it was not easy to accomplish an effective campaign.

[Sidenote:

Dec. 26, 1705.

--------------

Jan. 6, 1706.

]

The Spaniards of the Austrian party, as has been told, had by the

winter of 1705 gained a precarious hold on the whole province of

Valencia. Just before the close of the year came intelligence

that the Spanish General de las Torres had crossed the northern

frontier from Arragon into Valencia and had laid siege to San

Mateo. The town was important, inasmuch as it commanded the

communications between Catalonia and Valencia, but it was held

by no stronger garrison than thirty of the Royal Dragoons and a

thousand Spanish irregular infantry under Colonel Jones. This

officer defended himself as well as he could, but at once begged

urgently for reinforcements. King Charles thereupon appealed for

help to Peterborough, who forthwith ordered General Killigrew to

march with his garrison from Tortosa and cross the Ebro, while he

himself, riding night and day from Barcelona, caught up the column

at the close of the first day's march. King Charles had represented

the force of Las Torres as but two thousand strong, and had added

that thousands of peasants were up in arms against it. Peterborough

now discovered that the Spaniards numbered four thousand foot and

three thousand horse, while the thousands of armed peasantry were

wholly imaginary. His own force consisted of three weak British

battalions, the Thirteenth, Thirty-fifth, and Mountjoy's Foot,

together with one hundred and seventy of the Royal Dragoons, in all

thirteen hundred men. With such a handful his only hope of success

must lie in stratagem.

[Sidenote:

Dec. 28, 1705.

--------------

Jan. 8, 1706.

]

Advancing southward with all speed he split up his minute army

into a number of small detachments, and pushing them forward

by different routes arrived early in the morning, unseen and

unsuspected, at Traguera, within six miles of the enemy's camp.

That same day a spy was captured by the enemy and brought before

Las Torres. On him was found a letter from Peterborough to

Colonel Jones, written in the frankest and easiest style. "I am

at Traguera," so it ran in effect, "with six thousand men and

artillery. You may wonder how I collected them; but for transport

and secrecy nothing equals the sea. Now, be ready to pursue Las

Torres over the plain. It is his only line of retreat, for I have

occupied all the passes over the hills. You will see us on the

hill-tops between nine and ten. Prove yourself a true dragoon, and

have your miquelets (irregulars) ready for their favourite plunder

and chase." The spy, being threatened with death, offered to betray

another messenger of Peterborough's who was lying concealed in

the hills. This second spy was captured, and a duplicate of the

same letter was found on him. The pair of them were questioned,

when the first protested that he knew nothing of the strength of

Peterborough's force, while the other declared that the despatch

spoke truth. Suddenly came intelligence from the Spanish outposts

that the enemy was advancing in force in several columns, and

presently the red-coats appeared at different points on the

hill-tops, making a brave show against the sky. Las Torres became

uneasy. His depression was increased by the accidental explosion

of one of his own mines before San Mateo; and he hastily ordered

an immediate retreat. Whereupon out came Jones with his garrison,

and turned the retreat into something greatly resembling a flight;

while Peterborough with his thirteen hundred men walked quietly

into San Mateo and took possession of the whole of the enemy's

camp and material of war. The trick, for the whole incident of

the captured spies had been carefully preconcerted, had proved a

brilliant success.

Las Torres, though disagreeably shaken, was recovering his

equanimity when, on the second day of the retreat, a friendly spy

came to warn him that an English force was marching parallel to his

left flank, was already in advance of him, and was likely to cut

off his retreat by seizing the passes into the plain of Valencia.

The warning was scouted as ridiculous, but the spy offered, if two

or three officers would accompany him, to prove that he was right.

Two officers, disguised as peasants, were accordingly guided to

a point already indicated by the spy, where they were promptly

captured by a picquet of ten of the Royal Dragoons. The spy,

however, undertook to produce liquor, the dragoons succumbed or

seemed to succumb to their national failing, and the three captives

slipped out, took three of the dragoons' horses and galloped back

with all speed to Las Torres to confirm the spy's story. Their

escape did not prompt them to make the least of their adventure;

the housings of the horses testified incontestably to the actual

presence of English dragoons; and Las Torres broke up his camp on

the spot and hurried away once more. Once again the tricks of the

eccentric Englishman had been successful; for the friendly spy was

in reality a Spanish officer in his own army; and though there were

undoubtedly ten English dragoons, who had been specially sent for

the purpose, in advance of Las Torres at that particular moment,

yet there were no more English within twenty miles of them.

[Sidenote:

1

Jan. --.

12

]

Las Torres was still retreating southward by the coast-road, and

Peterborough was making a show of pursuit by marching wide on his

right flank, when a pressing message reached him from King Charles.

A French force of eight thousand men was advancing into Catalonia

from Roussillon; a second force of four or five thousand men under

Count Tserclaes de Tilly was threatening Lerida, and a third

under Marshal Tessé was marching through Arragon upon Tortosa.

Seeing that the King was urgent for help in Catalonia, but intent

on pursuing his own design in Valencia, Peterborough resolved

to send his infantry to the coast at Vinaroz, to be transported

if necessary by sea. The men, though ragged, shoeless, and much

distressed by long marches through the wintry days, left him very

unwillingly. Then summoning the garrison of Lerida[340] and a

reinforcement of Spaniards to follow him to Valencia, Peterborough

resumed the pursuit of Las Torres with one hundred and fifty

dragoons.

[Sidenote: January.]

He was too late to save Villa Real, which Las Torres took by

treachery, and having taken massacred the entire male population;

but while always concealing his own weakness he contrived by

incessant harassing of the enemy's rear to inflict considerable

loss and annoyance. Thus in due time he reached Nules, three

days' march from the city of Valencia, a town of considerable

strength, where Las Torres had left arms sufficient to equip a

thousand of the townsmen. Peterborough marched straight up to

the gate with his handful of dragoons. The townspeople manned the

walls and opened fire, but were speedily checked by a message

from Peterborough, bidding them send out a priest or a magistrate

instantly on pain of having their walls battered down and every

soul put to the sword, in revenge for Villa Real. Some priests who

knew him at once came out to him. "I give you six minutes," said

Peterborough to the trembling cassocks. "Open your gates or I spare

not a soul of you." The gates were quickly opened, and the General,

riding in at the head of his tattered dragoons, demanded immediate

provision of rations and forage for several thousand men.

The news soon reached Las Torres, who was little more than an hour

ahead, and for the third time his unfortunate army was hurried

out of camp and condemned to a weary retreat from an imaginary

enemy. Peterborough, however, after taking two hundred horses

from Nules, left the town to ponder over its fright and retired

to Castallon de la Plana. Having there raised yet another hundred

horses he ordered the Thirteenth Foot to march from Vinaroz to

Oropesa and went thither himself to inspect them. The men marched

in but four hundred strong, with red coats ragged and rusty,

yellow facings in tatters, yellow breeches faded and torn, shoes

and stockings in holes or more often altogether wanting. "I wish,"

said Peterborough when the inspection was over, "that I had horses

and accoutrements for you, to try if you would keep up your good

reputation as dragoons." The men doubtless glanced at their sore

and unshod feet, and silently agreed. Presently they were marched

up to the brow of a neighbouring hill, where to their amazement

they found four hundred horses awaiting them, all fully equipped.

The officers received commissions according to their rank in the

mounted service, two or three only being detached to raise a new

battalion in England; and thus within an hour Barrymore's Foot

became Pearce's Dragoons.

[Sidenote: January.]

[Sidenote:

January 24

----------

February 4.

]

Peterborough now called in such additional weak battalions of

British as he could, and having collected a total force of three

thousand men, one-third of it mounted, prepared to outwit a new

general, the Duke of Los Arcos, who had superseded Las Torres. The

relief of Valencia was Peterborough's first object, but to effect

this he had first to gain possession of Murviedro, which lay on his

road and was occupied by the enemy, and that, too, in such a way

that Los Arcos should not move out against him in the open plain

and crush him by superior numbers. It was a difficult problem,

and it was only solved by a trick too elaborate and lengthy to be

detailed here. The plan was very clever, so clever as almost to

transcend the bounds of what is fair in war, but it was completely

successful; and on the 4th of February Peterborough marched into

Valencia without firing a shot.

[Sidenote:

March 23

--------

April 3.

]

[Sidenote: April.]

[Sidenote:

April 30

--------

May 11.

]

He now cultivated the friendship of the priests and something more

than the friendship of the ladies of Valencia, thereby combining

pleasure with business and obtaining the best of information.

Las Torres, who had once more superseded Los Arcos, presently

appeared on the scene again, bringing four thousand men by land

and a powerful siege-train by sea for the reduction of the city.

Peterborough pounced upon the train directly after it had been

landed and captured the whole of it; then sending twelve hundred

men against the four thousand he surprised them, routed them, and

took six hundred prisoners. But the pleasant and exciting life at

Valencia was interrupted by an urgent summons to assist in the

defence of Barcelona. King Lewis, at the entreaty of his grandson

Philip, had resolved to make a great effort to recover it; and

thus it was that at the beginning of April Marshal Tessé appeared

before the city with twenty-five thousand men, and three days later

began the siege in form. The garrison consisted of less than four

thousand regular troops, the backbone of which were eleven hundred

British of the Guards and the Thirty-fourth Foot. Weak as it was

this little force made a gallant resistance, but the odds were

too great against it, and but for the arrival of Peterborough it

could not have held out for more than a fortnight. Even after his

coming it was well-nigh overpowered; for of the three thousand

troops that he brought with him the most part were employed chiefly

in harassing Tessé's communications from the rear. The siege was

finally raised on the advent of a relieving squadron under Admiral

Leake, which so much discouraged Tessé that he abandoned the whole

of his siege-train and retired once more over the French frontier.

Nothing now remained but to take advantage of this piece of good

fortune. Peterborough had always favoured a dash on Madrid, and had

twice urged this course upon King Charles in vain. He now pressed

it for a third time with success, and presently sailed for Valencia

with eleven thousand men. With immense trouble he procured horses

and accoutrements to convert some of his infantry into dragoons,

and then pushing forward a detached force of English he succeeded

by the beginning of July in capturing Requena and Cuença and

opening the road for King Charles to Madrid.

[Sidenote:

20

March --.

31

]

[Sidenote:

May 27

-------

June 7.

]

[Sidenote:

16

June --.

27

]

Meanwhile, after enormous delay, the English and Portuguese had

actually begun operations from the side of Portugal against Marshal

Berwick. On the 31st of March Lord Galway and General das Minas

left Elvas with nineteen thousand men[341] and advanced slowly

northward, forcing back Berwick, whose army was much inferior in

number, continually before them. Alcantara, Plasencia, and Ciudad

Rodrigo yielded to them after slight resistance; and by the 7th

of June the Allied army had reached Salamanca, a country which

two regiments, the Second and the Ninth, were to know better a

century later. Then turning east it marched straight upon Madrid

and entered the city on the 27th of June. So far all was well. The

advance from Portugal had been singularly slow, but the capital

had been reached. King Philip had retired to Burgos, and King

Charles had been proclaimed in Madrid. The object of the War of the

Succession seemed to have been fulfilled in Spain.

[Sidenote:

4

July --.

15

]

[Sidenote:

7

July --.

18

]

[Sidenote:

July 26

---------

August 6.

]

At this juncture, however, the operations for no particular

reason came to an end. Galway, without a thought apparently of

following up Berwick, halted for a fortnight in Madrid, where the

Portuguese troops behaved disgracefully, and then moving a short

distance north-eastward took up a strong position at Guadalaxara.

King Charles after immense delay suddenly altered the route which

Peterborough had marked out for him and insisted on marching to

Madrid through Arragon, even so not reaching Saragossa till the

18th of July. Meanwhile the whole of the country through which

Galway had marched rose in revolt against the House of Austria.

Berwick, reinforced from France to twice the strength of Galway,

cut him off from Madrid, and reproclaimed King Philip; and when

Charles and Peterborough with three thousand men at last joined

Galway on the 6th of August, the Archduke found that he must

prepare not for triumphant entry into Madrid, but for what promised

to be a difficult and perilous retreat.

[Sidenote:

17

Sept. --.

28

]

Peterborough was for a sudden spring at Alcala and so on Madrid,

but being over-ruled retired to Italy to raise a loan for the army.

Galway, whose army had been so much reduced by sickness as to

number, with Peterborough's reinforcement, but fourteen thousand

men, still lingered close to Madrid for nearly a month in the vain

hope of seeing the tide turn in his favour. Finally, being cut

off from his base in Portugal, he marched for Valencia and the

British fleet, Berwick troubling him no further than by occasional

harassing of his rearguard. On crossing the Valencian frontier he

distributed his force into winter quarters; an example which, after

the reduction of Carthagena and of sundry small strongholds, was

imitated by Berwick at the end of November.

So closed the year 1706, memorable for two of the most brilliant,

even if in some respects disappointing, campaigns ever fought

simultaneously by two British generals.

[Sidenote: 1707.]

Unexpected reinforcements from Britain came opportunely to revive

the hopes of the Archduke Charles at the opening of the new

year. It will be remembered that in the summer of 1706 a project

for a descent on the Charente had been matured in England, for

which Marlborough had detached certain of his battalions after

Ramillies. The plan being considered doubtful of success, the

destination of the expedition was altered to Cadiz. A storm in

the Bay of Biscay, however, dispersed the fleet, which was only

reassembled at Lisbon after very great delay, and after waiting in

that port for two months was directed to place its force at the

disposal of Galway.[342] In December 1706 Peterborough returned

from Italy to Valencia to attend the councils of war respecting

the next campaign. The general outlook in the Peninsula was not

promising. Marlborough indeed opined that nothing could save Spain

but an offensive movement against France from the side of Italy,

and Peterborough, adopting the same view, strongly advocated

a defensive campaign. He was overruled, and since his endless

squabbles with his colleagues and his military conduct in general

had been called in question in England, he was shortly after

relieved of his command and returned to England.

[Sidenote: March.]

[Sidenote:

March 30

--------

April 10.

]

[Sidenote: April.]

After his departure the Archduke Charles and the English commanders

fell at variance over their alternative plans, with the result

that Charles withdrew with the whole of the Spanish troops to

Catalonia. Galway and Das Minas then decided first to destroy

Berwick's magazines in Murcia, and this done to march up the

Guadalaviar, turn the head-waters of the Tagus, and so move on to

Madrid. Though the reinforcements had reached the Valencian coast

in January it was not until the 10th of April that Galway crossed

the Murcian frontier and after destroying one or two magazines laid

siege to Villena. While thus engaged he heard that Berwick having

collected his army was advancing towards Almanza, some five and

twenty miles to the north-east, and that the Duke of Orleans was

on his way to join him with reinforcements. Thereupon Galway and

Das Minas resolved to advance and fight him at once, apparently

without taking pains to ascertain what the numbers of his army

might actually be. Berwick had with him twenty-five thousand men,

half French, half Spanish, besides a good train of artillery.

Galway, owing to the frightful mortality on board the newly-arrived

transports, had but fifteen thousand, of which a bare third were

British, half were Portuguese, and the remainder Dutch, German,

and Huguenot. Considering how poorly the Portuguese had behaved on

every occasion so far, the result of an open attack against such

odds could hardly be doubtful.

[Sidenote:

14

April --.

25

]

Berwick on his side drew up his army in the usual two lines on a

plain to the south of Almanza, his right resting on rising ground

towards Montalegre, his left on a height overlooking the road to

Valencia, while his right centre was covered by a ravine which

gradually lost itself on level ground towards his extreme right

flank. The force was formed according to rule with infantry in the

centre and cavalry on each flank, the Spaniards taking the right

and the French the left. At midday, after a march of eight miles,

Galway approached to within a mile of the position, and formed his

line of battle according to the prescribed methods. The Portuguese,

with poor justice, claimed the post of honour on the right wing,

so that the British and Dutch took the left, though with several

Portuguese squadrons among them in the second line. But finding

himself weak in cavalry Galway made good the deficiency, after the

manner of Gustavus Adolphus, by interpolating battalions of foot

among his horse.[343]

At three o'clock in the afternoon Galway opened the attack without

preliminary fire of artillery by leading an advance of the horse

on his left wing. He was driven back at first by sheer weight of

numbers; but the Sixth and Thirty-third Foot, which were among

the interpolated battalions, came up, and by opening fire on the

left flank of the Spanish horse gave the English squadrons time

to rally and by an effective charge to drive the Spaniards back

in confusion. Meanwhile, the rest of the English foot on the

left centre fell, heedless of numbers, straight upon the hostile

infantry and drove them back in confusion upon their second line.

The Guards and the Second Foot following up their success broke

through the second line also and pursued the scattered fugitives to

the very walls of Almanza. So far as the Allied left was concerned

the battle was going well.

But meanwhile the Portuguese on the right remained motionless;

and Berwick lost no time in launching his left wing of horse upon

them. Then the first line of Portuguese horse turned and ran, the

second line also turned and ran, and the first line of infantry

was left to bear the brunt alone. For a time the battalions stood

up gallantly enough, but the odds were too great, and they were

presently overwhelmed and utterly dispersed. Then Berwick brought

up his French, both horse and foot, against the victorious British

on his right. The British cavalry had suffered heavily in the first

attack, all four regiments having lost their commanding officers,

and in spite of all their efforts they were borne back and swept

away by the numbers of the French squadrons. The infantry,

surrounded on all sides, fought desperately and repeatedly repulsed

the enemy's onset, but being overpowered by numbers, were nearly

all of them, English, Dutch, and Germans, cut down or captured.

By great exertions Galway, who was himself wounded, brought off

some remnant of them in good order and retreated unpursued to

Ontiniente, some twenty miles distant. The guns also were saved;

but a party of two thousand infantry which had been brought off the

field by General Shrimpton was surrounded on the following day and

compelled to lay down its arms.

In this action, which lasted about two hours, Galway lost about

four thousand killed and wounded and three thousand prisoners. The

British alone lost eighty-eight officers killed, and two hundred

and eighty-six captured, of whom ninety-two were wounded. The

Sixth regiment had but two officers unhurt out of twenty-three,

the Ninth but one out of twenty-six, and other regiments[344]

suffered hardly less severely. The simple fact was that, as the

bulk of the Portuguese would not fight, the action resolved itself

into an attack of eight thousand British, Dutch, and Germans upon

thrice their number of French and Spaniards, in an open plain; and

the defeat, though decisive, was in no sense disgraceful except

to the Portuguese. The most singular circumstance in this fatal

day was that the French were commanded by an Englishman, Berwick,

and the English by a Frenchman, the gallant but luckless Ruvigny.

The battle of course put an end to further operations on the side

of the Allies. Galway, with such troops as he could collect,

retired to the Catalonian frontier, and set himself to reorganise

a force to defend the lines of the Segre and Ebro, while Berwick

methodically pursued the reduction of Valencia and in December

retired, according to rule, into winter quarters. So swiftly did

disaster follow on the first brilliant successes in the Peninsula.

Since we shall not again see Peterborough in the field this chapter

should not be closed without a few sentences as to his peculiar

methods. These were outwardly simple enough. Good information to

discover his enemy's weak points, deception to put him off his

guard, the deepest secrecy lest that enemy should grow suspicious,

most careful thinking out of details so that every unit of an

insignificant force should know its duty precisely and do it,

exact divination of the probable results of each successive step,

and extreme suddenness and rapidity in execution; such were, so

far as they can be set down, the secrets of his success. In a

word, his was the principle of making war by moral rather than by

physical force, by scaring men into the delusion that they were

beaten rather than by actually beating them. It is a difficult

art, of which the highest exponent was produced by the Navy a

century later in the person of Lord Dundonald; and it is curious

to note that both men were troubled by exactly the same defects.

Peterborough was difficult, cantankerous, quarrelsome and eaten

up by exaggerated appreciation of self. His letters were so

interminably long and tedious, containing indeed little besides

abuse of his colleagues, that they exhausted the patience even of

Marlborough. In fact, it seems to be impossible for this type of

man to work harmoniously with his equals, however he may be adored

by his subordinates. The Duke of Wellington summed up Peterborough

as a brilliant partisan, but his contemporaries thought more

highly of him. Eugene declared that he thought like a general,

and Marlborough himself acknowledged that he had predicted the

ill consequences of the operations which, contrary to his advice,

were undertaken in Spain. But whatever his merit as a general

and a leader, he, like all of his kind, is a man of whom we take

leave without regret, turning gladly from the fitful, if dazzling

flashes of his eccentric genius, to the steady glowing light which

illuminates every action of the great Duke of Marlborough.

AUTHORITIES.--It is well known that the exploits of Peterborough

rest principally on Carleton's _Memoirs_, and that the authority

of these _Memoirs_ is disputed. Colonel Frank Russell in his

_Life of Peterborough_ of course makes him a hero, Colonel

Arthur Parnell in his _War of the Succession in Spain_ refuses

to allow him any merit. Mr. Stebbing in his _Peterborough_ (Men

of Action Series) treats the controversy with strong good sense,

and I have not hesitated to follow his view. I must none the

less acknowledge my obligations to all three of these writers,

and particularly to Colonel Parnell, who has gone deeply into

the history of the war, taken immense pains to ascertain which

British regiments were engaged at every action, and has furnished

a most copious list of authorities. The _Mémoires de Berwick_ are

most trustworthy on the French side, and the _Richards Papers_

(Stowe Coll. B.M.), as Colonel Parnell says, most important.

A History of the British Army, Vol. 1 First Part—to the Close of the Seven Years' War · 第 6 / 12 章