SECTION III.

WHETHER THE SECOND OF THESE CONDITIONS IS NOT EXPRESSLY NOTICED BY

HUME.

It may seem so. But in fact it is not. And (what is more to the

purpose) we are not at liberty to consider it any accident that

it is not. Hume had his reasons. Let us take all in proper order:

1st, that it seems so; 2dly, that in fact it is not so; and 3dly,

that is no accident, but intentional.

1st. Hume seems to contemplate such a case, the case of a miracle

witnessed and attested by a multitude of persons, in the following

imaginary miracle which he proposes as a basis for reasoning. Queen

Elizabeth, as every body will remember who has happened to read

Lord Monmouth's Memoirs, died on the night between the last day

of 1602 and the first day of 1603: this could not be forgotten by

the reader, because, in fact, Lord M., who was one of Her Majesty's

nearest relatives (being a younger son of her first cousin Lord

Hunsdon), obtained his title and subsequent preferment as a reward

for the furious ride he performed to Edinburgh (at that time at

least 440 miles distant from London), without taking off his boots,

in order to lay the earliest tidings of the great event at the feet

of her successor. In reality, never did any death cause so much

posting day and night over the high roads of Europe. And the same

causes which made it so interesting has caused it to be the best

dated event in modern history; that one which could least be shaken

by any discordant evidence yet discoverable. Now, says Hume, imagine

the case, that, in spite of all this chronological precision--this

precision, and this notoriety of precision--Her Majesty's

court physicians should have chosen to propagate a story of her

resurrection. Imagine that these learned gentlemen should have

issued a _bulletin_, declaring that Queen Elizabeth had been

met in Greenwich Park, or at Nonsuch, on May-day of 1603, or in

Westminster, two years after, by the Lord Chamberlain when detecting

Guy Faux--let them even swear it before twenty justices of the

peace; I for one, says Hume, am free to confess that I would not

believe them. No, nor, to say the truth, would we; nor would we

advise our readers to believe them.

2dly. Here, therefore, it would seem as if Hume were boldly pressing

his principles to the very uttermost--that is, were challenging a

miracle as untenable, though attested by a multitude. But, in fact,

he is not. He only seems to do so; for, if no number of witnesses

could avail anything in proof of a miracle, why does he timidly

confine himself to the hypothesis of the queen's physicians only

coming forward? Why not call in the whole Privy Council?--or the Lord

Mayor and Common Council of London--the Sheriffs of Middlesex--and

the Twelve Judges? As to the court physicians, though three or

four nominally, virtually they are but one man. They have a common

interest, and in two separate ways they are liable to a suspicion

of collusion: first, because the same motives which act upon

one probably act upon the rest. In this respect, they are under a

_common_ influence; secondly, because, if not the motives, at

any rate the physicians themselves, act upon each other. In this

respect, they are under a _reciprocal_ influence. They are to

be reasoned about as one individual.

3dly. As Hume could not possibly fail to see all this, we may

be sure that his choice of witnesses was not accidental. In fact,

his apparent carelessness is very discreet management. His object

was, under the fiction of an independent multitude, to smuggle in

a virtual unity; for his court physicians are no plural body in

effect and virtue, but a mere pleonasm and a tautology.

And in good earnest, Hume had reason enough for his caution. How

much or how little testimony would avail to establish a resurrection

in any neutral [Footnote: By a neutral case is meant, 1st, one in

which there is no previous reason from a great doctrine requiring

such an event for its support, to expect a resurrection; 2dly, a

case belonging to a period of time in which it is fully believed

that miraculous agency has ceased.] case few people would be willing

to pronounce off-hand, and, above all, on a fictitious case. Prudent

men, in such circumstances, would act as the judges in our English

courts, who are always displeased if it is attempted to elicit their

opinions upon a point of law by a proposed fiction. And very reasonably;

for in these fictitious cases all the little circumstances of reality

are wanting, and the oblique relations to such circumstances, out

of which it is that any sound opinion can be formed. We all know

very well what Hume is after in this problem of a resurrection.

And his case of Queen Elizabeth's resurrection being a perfectly

fictitious case, we are at liberty to do any one of three different

things:--either simply to refuse an answer; or, 2dly, to give such

an answer as he looks for, viz., to agree with him in his disbelief

under the supposed contingency; without, therefore, offering the

slightest prejudice to any scriptural case of resurrection: i.

e., we might go along with him in his premises, and yet balk him

of his purpose; or, 3dly, we might even join issue with him, and

peremptorily challenge his verdict upon his own fiction. For it

is singular enough, that a modern mathematician of eminence (Mr.

Babbage) has expressly considered this very imaginary question of

a resurrection, and he pronounces the testimony of _seven_

witnesses, competent and veracious, and presumed to have no bias,

as sufficient to establish such a miracle. Strip Hume's case of

the ambiguities already pointed out--suppose the physicians really

separate and independent witnesses--not a corporation speaking by

one organ--it will then become a mere question of degree between

the philosopher and the mathematician--seven witnesses? or fifty?

or a hundred? For though none of us (not Mr. Babbage, we may be sure)

seriously believes in the possibility of a resurrection occurring

in these days, as little can any of us believe in the possibility

that seven witnesses, of honor and sagacity (but say seven hundred)

could be found to attest such an event when not occurring.

But the useful result from all this is, that Mr. Hume is evidently

aware of the case _Beta_, (of last Sect.) as a distinct case

from _Alpha_ or from _Gamma_, though he affects blindness:

he is aware that a multitude of competent witnesses, no matter

whether seven or seven hundred, is able to establish that which a

single witness could not; in fact, that increasing the number of

witnesses is able to compensate increasing incredibility in the

subject of doubt; that even supposing this subject a resurrection from

the dead, there may be assigned a quantity of evidence (_x_)

greater than the resistance to the credibility. And he betrays

the fact, that he has one eye open to his own Jesuitism by palming

upon us an apparent multitude for a real one, thus drawing all the

credit he can from the name of a multitude, and yet evading the

force which he strictly knew to be lodged in the thing; seeking the

reputation of the case _Beta_, but shrinking from its hostile

force.

Theological Essays and Other Papers — Volume 1 · 第 2 / 7 章