was likewise of the same minde, though better moulded, and of a more
politick braine, having a close and more reserved judgement in all
his observations, and more fluent in his deliverie. The cardinall was
verie curious in his attire and ornament of his body, and took great
delight in his traine, and other his servants for their rich aparrell;
the arch-bishop his attire was neat and rich, but not so gaudie as
the cardinals was, yet tooke as much felicitie in his gentlemens rich
aparrell, especially those that waited on his person, as ever the
cardinall did, though other men paid for them: and if all men had their
owne, and every bird her feather, some of them would bee as bare as
those that professe themselves to bee of the sect of the Adamists: To
speake truth, the arch-bishops men were all given to covetousnesse and
wantonnesse; that I never heard of was in the cardinals men.
As the cardinall was sumptuous in his buildings, as that of White Hall,
Hampton Court, &c. as also in laying the foundation of two famous
coledges, the one at Ipswich, where he was borne, the other at Oxford,
where he had his breeding: so Christ-Church, which he left unfinished,
Canterburie hath since repaired; and wherein he hath come short of
him in building, though he hath bestowed much on St. Iohns Coledge,
yet he hath out-gone him in his bountie of brave voluminous books,
being fourescore in number, late sent to the Bodleian or Universitie
Librarie: Further, as the cardinall was Chancelour of England, so
Canterburie was Chancellour of Oxford: And as the cardinall by
plucking downe of some small abbies, to prepare stone for his greater
structures, opened a gap for the king, by which he tooke the advantage
utterly to raze and demolish the rest: so Canterburie by giving way
for one bishop to have a temporall triall; and to be convicted, not by
the clergie, but the laitie, so he left the same path open both for
himselfe and the rest of the episcopacie: of which, there before scarce
remained a president.
I have paralleld them in their dignities: I will conclude with a
word or two concerning their downefalls. The cardinall fell into the
displeasure of his king, Canterburie into an extreame hatred of the
commons: both were arrested of high treason, the cardinall by processe,
Canterburie by parliament. The cardinall at Keywood Castle neare
Yorke, Canterburie at Westminster neare London; both their falls were
speedy and suddaine: The cardinall sate as this day in the high court
of chancerie, and within two dayes after was confined to his house;
Canterburie as this day sate at the counsell boord, and in the upper
house of parliament, and the same day committed to the blacke rod, and
from thence to the Tower: The cardinall dyed at Leicester some say of a
flux; Canterburie remaines still in the Tower, onely sick of a fever.
_Vanitas vanitatum, omnia vanitas._
FINIS.
FOOTNOTES:
[245] This mention of omens reminds me that Dr. Wordsworth in his
notes to Wolsey's Life has related the following affecting anecdote of
Archbishop Laud.
"The year 1639 we all know was big with events calamitous to Laud, and
to the church and monarchy. In Lambeth Library is preserved a small
pane of glass, in which are written with a diamond pencil the following
words:
Memorand: Ecclesiæ de
Micham, Cheme et Stone, cum aliis
fulguro combusta sunt
Januar: 14, 1638/9.
Omen evertat Deus.
On a piece of paper the same size as the glass and kept in the same
case with it, is written by the hand of Abp. Wake, as follows: "This
glasse was taken out of the west-window of the gallery at Croydon
before I new-built it: and is, as I take it, the writing of Abp. Laud's
own hand."
_The Will of Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal Wolsey's father; E Libro
Testamentorum in Registro principali Dni. Epi. Norwic. Multon
inscripto, fo. 146. a._
In Dei Nomine, amen. The xxxi day of the Moneth of September the yer
of our Lord God a m. cccclxxxxvi. I Robert Wulcy of Ipyswiche hool of
mend and in good memory beyng, make my testament and my last wyll in
this maid wyse. Fyrst, I bequeth my soull to Almyghty God, our Lady
Sent Mary, and to all the company of hevyn, and my body to be buryed
in the churche yard of our Lady Sent Mary of Neum^rket. Also I beq. to
the hey aut^r of the pariche of Sent Nicholas of Ippyswiche vi^{_s._}
vij^{_d._} Also I beq. to the pentyng of the archangell ther, xl^{_s._}
Itm. I wyll that if Thomas my son be a prest, w^tin a yer next after
my decesse, than I wyll that he syng for me and my frends, be the
space of a yer, and he for to have for his salary x marc, and if the
seyd Thomas my son be not a prest than I wyll that a nother honest
prest syng for me and my frends the term aforeseyd and he to have the
salary of x marc. Itm. I wyll that Johan my wyf have all my lands and
ten^{ts}. in the pariche of Sent Nicholas in Ippiswich aforesaid, and
my free and bond londs in the piche of S^t Stoke to geve and to sell
the residew of all my goods afor not bequethed, I geve and bequethe to
the good disposition of Johan my wyff, Thomas my soon, and Thomas Cady,
whom I order and make my executors to dispose for me as thei shall
think best to ples allmyghty God and p^{ro}fyt for my soull; and of
this my testiment and last wyll I orden and make Richard Farrington
sup^rvisour, and he for to have for his labour xiij^{_s._} iiij^{_d._}
and yf the seid Richard deserve more he for to have more of Johan
my wyff. Itm. I beq. to the seyd Thomas Cady my executor aforeseyd
xiij^{_s._} iiij^{_d._} Yevyn the day yer and place above wretyn.
* * * * *
_Probatum fuit presens Testamentum apud Gipwic. coram nobis Offic.
Cans. Dm. Epi Norwic._ xj _die mensis Octobris Anno Dm. Millimo_
cccc^{mo} lxxxxvi. _In cujus rei testimonium Sigillum, &c._
_Fisher, Bishop of Rochester._
Bishop Fisher's opposition to Henry's divorce, as noticed by Cavendish
at p. 222, subsequently cost him his head. Besides his letter to Wolsey
maintaining the validity of the marriage with Catherine, published
by Fiddes in his Appendix to the Life of Wolsey, and in Collier's
Ecclesiastical History, vol. 2 Records, he wrote a larger discourse
in Latin, "De Causa Matrimonii Regis Angliæ," which was long thought
to exist only in MS. But in a late sale by public auction in London,
of Don Jos Antonio Conde's Library, a printed copy was purchased for
Mr. Heber, which appears to have issued from the press at Alcala
(Complutum) in Spain. The printer of which says the manuscript copy
was given him by the Arch-bishop of Toledo. It is probable that the
Spanish agents in England contrived to obtain a copy and sent it
to the emperor. It would not have been allowed to issue from the
press in England. It is remarkable that Ribadineira in his Historia
Ecclesiastica de Inglaterra, Madrid, 1588, p. 59. _rev._ mentions
that Fisher presented his book to the legates. "Los que por parte de
la Reyna tratavan este negocio eran los mas graves y doctos Teologos
y Perlados de todo el Reyno y entre ellos Gulielmo Varamo Arçopispo
Cantuariense y Primado de Inglaterra, y otros cinco Obispos de grande
autoridad. Pero el que mas se mostrava era Juan Fischero Obispo
Roffense, varon por cierto exemplar, y no solamente lumbrera del reyno
de Inglaterra, sino de toda la christiandad, espejo de santidad, sal
del pueblo, y verdadero Doctor de la Yglesia. El qual salio en publico,
_y presentò a los Legados_ UN LIBRO _doctissimo que avia escrito_ EN
DEFENSION DEL MATRIMONIO _del Rey y de la Reyna_, y amonestoles con
razonamiento gravissimo que no buscassen dificultades donde no las
avia, ni permitiessen que se pervirtiesse la verdad clara y manifiesta
de la sagrada Escritura, y se debilitasse la fuerça de las leyes
ecclesiasticas que en esta causa eran evidentes, y estavan tan bien
entendidas. Que pensassen y considerassen atentamente los da[=n]os
innumerables que deste divorcio se podian seguir: el odio entre el
Rey Enrique y Carlos Emperador: las parcialidades de los principes
que los seguirian: las guerras crueles de fuera y dentro del reyno: y
lo que mas importava, las dissensiones en materia de la Fè, sçismas,
heregias, y sectas infinitas. Yo dize por aver estudiado esta materia,
y gastado en ella mucho tiempo y trabajo, oso afirmar que no ay en la
tierra potestad que pueda deshazer este matrimonio, ni desatar lo que
Dios atò. Y esto que digo no solamente _lo pruevo claramente_ EN ESTE
LIBRO, con los testimonias irrefragable de la sagrada Escritura, y de
los santos Doctores, pero tambien estoy aparejado a defenderlo con
el derramamiento de mi sangre: dixolo Roffense, y como lo dixo, assi
cumplio. Aviendo hablado de esta manera aquel varon illustre por la
fama de su doctrina, excellente por la santidad de la vida, admirable
por la dignidad de Perlado, y por sus canas venerable." Ribadineira
says that four _other_ Doctors, and three Bishops, also offered other
books which they had composed in defence of the validity of the Queen's
marriage: the proof of this assertion is yet to seek.
A manuscript copy of Fisher's book is said to be among those presented
by the Duke of Norfolk to the Royal Society. We may hope to have all
that relates to this venerable prelate in a more tangible form when
the Rev. John Lewis's Life of him shall be given to the world. I have
the satisfaction to add that it has been some time at press, under the
editorial care of the Rev. Theodore Williams of Hendon, and cannot fail
to prove a valuable addition to Ecclesiastical Biography.
_The Instrument of the Kings gift to the Cardinal after his forfeiture
by the premunire, which so much revived his hopes, is printed by Rymer
and by Fiddes. The following is the Schedule appended to it. V. Life,
291._
The Money, Goods, and Cattells, given by the King's Grace to the Lorde
Cardinall, whereof mention is made in the King's Lettres Patentes
hereunto annexed.
Fyrste in Redy Money, MMM _li._
Item, in Plate, Nyne Thowsand Fyve Hundred Thre-score Fyve oz. dim.
quarter, at iij^_s_ viij^_d_ the oz. amounteth to MDCCLII _li._ iij^_s_
viii^_d_.
Item, Dyvers Apparell of Houshold, as Hangyngs, Beddyng, Napry, and
other thyngs, as appereth by the Inventorie of the same--amountyng in
Value by Estimation, DCCC _li._
Item, In Horses and Geldyngs lxxx with their Apparel, valued by
Estimation, CL _li._
Item, in Mules for the Saddell vi. with their Apparell, valued by
Estimation, LX _li._
Item, in Mules for Carriage vi with their Apparell, valued by
Estimation, XL _li._
Item, in Lyng on thowsand valued by Estimation, XL _li._
Item, in Cod and Haberden viij c valued by Estimation, XL _li._
Item, in Salt viii Waye valued by Estimation, X _l._
Item, in Implements of the Kytchen as Potts, Pannes, Spitts, Peawter
Vessell, and other things necessarie for the same, valued by
Estimation, LXXX _l._
Item, LII. Oxen valued by Estimation, LXXX _l._
Item, in Muttons LXX valued by Estimation XII _l._
Item, the Apparell of his Body, valued by Estimation, CCC _l._
Summa, vi M. ccc. lxxiv. _l._ iij^_s._ vii^_d._ ob.
_A Memoryall of suche Communication as my Lorde Legatts grace had with
the Quenes Almoner._
[EX. MS. INTER ARCHIVA ACADEMIA CANTABRIG.]
This interesting paper is published in Fiddes, from the communication
of the learned and Reverend Mr. Baker. It is so necessary a supplement
to the very interesting interview of the two Cardinals with Katherine,
given by Cavendish, that I could not resolve to withhold it from
the reader, who may not chance to have ready access to Dr. Fiddes'
ponderous volume.
Fyrst my lordes grace taking for introduction & commencement of his
graces purposes & devyses, excogitate by the same for the totall
extermination of suche heresies as daily encreased in Cambrydge: &
that his grace thought more convenyent the same to be done by the
commyssaries then the Bysshops of Rochester or Elie, shewed his
pleasure & determination was to send him thyther, as well for that he
was of good reputation & credytt there, beinge a M'^r of a colledge
in the same, as also for that he had in tymes passed used hym in lyke
busyness. To which the said M^r Almoner, fyrst excusing the remission
of his wonte and bounde offyce & dewtie in vysitinge his grace, &
most humblie beseching the same not to impute yt as proceding of
any alienation of his trewe hart & devotion he bare unto the same,
answered, that he woold most gladly taike upon him the said province &
jorney; desyringe nevertheles his grace that he might defer the same
untyll 20 dayes were past & expired, in which space he might well
performe his residence at Wyndesore. Unto which petycyon his grace
condescendyng, & takynge the same as a full resolution in that behalfe,
pretendinge also to have had noon other cause or matter unto him,
fynished that communicacion, and sodenly asked hym what tydyngs he had
hard of late in the courte?--
To this he answered, that he hard noon, but that yt was much bruted
that a Legatt shuld come hyther into England.--Whereuppon his grace
inferred what the quene thought of his comynge, and for what purpose
he should come?----To this he said, that she was fully perswaded &
believed that his comynge was only for the decision of the cause of
matrimonie dependinge betweene her & the kinges highnes.
Hereupon my lordes grace taking just occasion further to entre in
this mater, & fyrste makyng rehersall of sondrie excellent benefitts
with which his grace had indewed hym, to thend he shuld doo the kings
highnes trewe & faithfull service, & sithe adjuring him upon his
fidelitie, his othe, & _sub sigillo confessionis_, and suche other
obtestations, to conceale & kepe secrete whatsoever his grace shuld
then communicate unto hym, and never to propale the same to any man
lyvyng, oonles he had expresse commandement by the kyngs highnes or his
grace so to doo, desyred hym that he wold faithfully entierly & hooly
declare unto his grace all & singuler soche thinges as he knewe of the
quenes dysposicion, minde, sayings, purpose & intent in this mattier.
To this the said M^r Almoner fyrst alleging & declaring of how
singuler and perfytt devocyon he was towards the kyngs hyghnes and my
lords grace, & that he wold not oonly be moost redy to execute his
commandements, but also to kepe secrete suche things as his grace
shuld wyll him so to doo: answered, that he hard the quene oft saie
that yf in this cause she myght attaine & injoye her naturall defence &
justice, she distrusted nothing butt yt should taike suche effecte as
shuld be acceptable both to God & man. And that for theese causes:--
Fyrst for that it was in the ieies of God moost plaine & evydent that
she was never knowen of Prince Arthure. Secondly, for that neyther of
the judges were competent, being bothe the kings subjects, beneficed
within his realme, & delegate from the pope at the contemplation of
the king, she being never hard, ne admytted to her defence. Thirdly,
for that she ne had ne myght have within this realme any indifferent
counsaile. Fynally, for that she had in Spaine two bulles, the oone
beinge latter daite than the other, but bothe of suche effycacie &
strengthe, as shulde sone remove all objections & cavyllations to be
maide to thinfringing of this matrymonie.
To this my lord's grace replying said, he marvelled not a lyttle of her
so undyscrete ungodly purposes & sayings, which caused him to conceyve
that she was neyther of suche perfection, ne vertue as he had thought
in tymes past to have been in her: & so entering in refutation of all
the premisses said:--
Fyrst, where she saithe that she was not knowen of Prince Arthure,
verely it is a weake & much unsure grownde for her to leane unto,
being so urgent & vehement presumptions _non solum Juris, sed etiam de
Jure_ to the contrarie, which and of congreuence ought to wey more in
every equall judges brest then her symple allegation. For it cannot be
denied but that bothe he & she was then of suche yers as was mete and
hable to explete that act. It is also verey notarie, that thei dyd lye
together, bothe here & in Waylles, by the space of three quarters of a
yere. Furthermore, nothing was so muche desyred of bothe there parentes
as the consummation of the said act: Insomuche that the counsailers of
Ferdinando being resident here for that purposse dyd send the sheets
thei ley in, spotted with bloude, into Spaine, in full testimonye &
prouf therof. The counsaillers also of bothe parties moste solemnelye
sworne affearme in there treaties & saien that the matrymonie was
consummate by that act. Forthermore the comen voyce through England is,
that the said Prince Arthure shuld oftymes boost oon mornyng how ofte
he had been the nyght before in the myddes of Spaine: Insomuche that
commonlye his so primature deathe was imputed onely to _nimio coitu_.
Fynally, King Henry VIIth of blessed memorie, wold not by certaine
space after the deathe of the saide prince, permytte or suffer that
the kings highnes shuld injoye the name & tytle of Prince, onely for
that it was dowbted by such as than was most abowte the quene whether
she was conceaved wyth chylde or noo. And therefore these presumptions
beinge of suche sorte & nature, my lords grace said, the quene shuld
do lyke neyther wyse ne vartuouse lady to adhere partinacely to the
contrarie.
To the seconde his grace replied, saying that if she shuld refuse and
decline the judgment of those parsons unto whome the pope's holiness
had delegated the examination of this cause, she shuld not do well,
butt so doing rather incurr the indignacyon of the see apostolique,
deserve the obloque & hatred of all good chossin people & ingenerate
in there hartes a perpetuall hate & enmitie against her. For sythe
the popes holines proceadythe in thys commyssyon at the intercession
or motion of no partie, but onely _ex mero motu pastorali officio_, &
sith that his holines notwithstanding he being notoriously certyfied
that they be the kings subjects, & benefyced within his realme hathe
approved there parsons as moost mete and worthie to have the hole
decision of this cawse commytted unto them: with that also theire
parsons be qualyfyed with so hyghe preemynence & dignitie, as by the
common lawe cannot be refused as suspect. Fynallie sythe the same
parsons being straitly commanded by the king's hyghnes, all affection
of mede or drede set apart, onely to attend, waye, regard & consyder
the justyce of the cawse as they shall therunto answere on perell of
there owne sowles & his dreadfull indignacion, have no cawse which thei
shuld varye or deflect their sentence otherwyse than justyce shall
require, specially in a cawse of suche wayght & importance, & wherin
they for unrighteouse judgement shuld acquire nothing els but theire
owne dampnation, eternall ignominie & indignation of theire prince:
yf she shuld refuse suche parsons as suspect, it might well be saide
that she geveth tytles honour to the auctoritie of the churche, & that
this realme were marvelouslie destytute of men of sincere learnyng &
conscience, to the great slaunder of the same.
And fynally his grace said, that yf this exception shuld be admytted as
suffycyent cawse of recusation, for that they be benefyced by the kings
hyghnes, than this cawse of matrymonie myght nowhere be ventylated
or dyscussed within Christindone, for that there are no parsons of
auctorite & lernyng in any regyon out of this realme, againe whome
the king's highnes might not alleadge, in lyke manner, lyke cawse of
recusation & suspicion. The pope's holines & the holle clargie of
Ytallie, Flaunders, Spaine, Denmarke & Scotlande, being now eyther
confederate or in thraldome & captivitie of the emperor's tyranny.
To the third, concerning counsaillors to be retained on her behalf, my
lords grace saide, that although he was ryght well assured of the kings
singuler propencyon & inclination to justyce, & that above all things
his pleasour was justyce shuld be equally mynistred to eyther parte in
this cawse, being also never wylling or in mynde at any tyme, but that
she shuld have aide and assistance of so well lerned men, so wyse, and
of so good conscience, as might any be founde within this realme: yet
his grace thought that consydering the nature of this cawse to be of
suche sorte, as necessarily impliethe the hole tytle of succession of
this realme, lyke as yt were not expedyent, ne myght in any wyse be
suffred withowt great dangier & perell which might therby ensue, to
maike any aliene or straunger previe herunto, specially the Spaniards
having now intelligence with the King of Scotts; So his grace thought
that the quene wold not insyst in so fryvolous petition, which might
never be graunted unto her, but be content to admytt and adhybyt suche
lerned men as be here in this region her counsaillors, namely suche as
by theire othes solempnly maide & vowed, & by expresse commandement
_et optima gratia_ of the king's highnes, shuld withowt frawde or
corruption shew unto her theire sentence and openions: and desyring
the contrarie hereof his grace said she shuld doe nothing but declare
her owne sensuall affection to sett forthe that whiche, all due prouf,
bothe by Gods lawe & mans law hath justly condemned. And thus ended my
lords graces talke with M^r Almoner.
⁂ Robert Shorton S. T. P. then master of Pembroke Hall and canon of
Windsor was almoner to the queen, preferr'd by her to the deanery of
Stoke Suffolk, the same that was internuncius cardinali de evocandis
viris doctis Cantabrigia Oxoniam, and sometime dean of the cardinal's
chapel.
_Itinerary of Cardinal Wolseys last Journey Northward, 1530._
He set out from Richmond at the beginning of Passion Week, but we
know not on what precise day. The first days journey was to Hendon in
Middlesex, where he lodged for the night at the house of the abbot of
Westminster.
The next day he removed to a place called the Rye, the abode of the
Lady Parry.
The third day to Royston, where he lodged in the monastery.
The fourth day to Huntingdon, where he sojourned for the night in the
abbey.
On Palm Sunday he reached the Abbey of Peterborough, which he made his
abode until the Thursday in Easter week, his train for the most part
being at board wages in the town. Here he celebrated Palm Sunday, going
with the monks in procession, and bearing his palm with great humility.
He kept his Maunday on the Thursday so named, with the accustomed
ceremonies and bounties to the poor. On Easter Sunday he also went in
procession in his cardinal's habit, and performed the service of high
mass very devoutly.
From Peterborough he went to visit his old friend Sir William
Fitzwilliams, about four miles from thence, who received him with great
joy and hospitality. He went there on Thursday in Easter week and
remained until the Monday following, on which day he went to Stamford
and lay there that night.
On Tuesday he went to Grantham, where he lodged in the house of a
gentleman named Hall.
On Wednesday he removed to Newark, where he rested in the castle.
On Thursday to Southwell, where was a palace belonging to his see of
York, but this being out of repair he was lodged in the house of one
of the prebends. At Whitsuntide he removed into the palace, keeping a
noble table, where he was visited by the chief persons of the country.
At the latter end of _grease time_ he removed to Scroby, another house
belonging to his see of York, being as much regretted at Southwell
as he was greeted at Scroby. In his way to Scroby he took Welbeck or
Newsted Abbey, from thence to Rufford Abbey to dinner, and slept at
Blythe Abbey, reaching Scroby on the following day, where he remained
until Michaelmas.
About Michaelmas day he removed to his seat of Cawood Castle, twelve
miles (said by Cavendish to be only seven) from York, and in his way
thither he lay two nights and a day at St. Oswald's Abbey, where he
held a confirmation. He lay at Cawood long after, says Cavendish, with
much honour.
His clergy here waited upon him to take order for his inthronization,
which he seems to have desired should be conducted with as little pomp
as possible. The ceremony was fixed to take place on the Monday after
All Hallown Tide, but he was arrested on the Friday before (fourth of
November) at Cawood, by the Earl of Northumberland and Mr. Welsh.
They left Cawood with him in custody on Sunday the sixth. The first
night he was lodged in the Abbey of Pomfret.
The next day [7^{th}] they removed to Doncaster.