[1] Having thus faintly premised the leading features of the work in
hand, it may be proper to add a few words respecting the origin of the
design, and the humble qualifications of the writer for the task he
has undertaken. Familiar in early life with the feudal and monastic
ruins which invest Border history with so many stirring tales and
traditions, a taste for the deeds and days of old, fostered both at
school and college, was much strengthened by subsequent travelling in
France and Italy; where, besides the classical monuments of antiquity,
an unlimited field was thrown open for the study and investigation of
those which more forcibly illustrate the middle ages. To the facilities
acquired on the shores of the Mediterranean, others were presented to
him in Germany, where much of the feudal character is still preserved
in the living habits of the people. Honoured with the commands of a
late illustrious Personage{*}, on three successive occasions, to attend
him professionally at some of the minor courts of that country, he
had various opportunities of visiting those religious and baronial
edifices which, in the old German principalities, are both numerous
and splendid. He next spent a considerable time in Switzerland, among
the High Alps and in the valleys of Piedmont, where many vestiges of
feudal customs and government were found to illustrate the history
of the middle ages in Great Britain.--But although the writer had
published works descriptive of the countries mentioned, the plan of the
work now in hand was partly the result of a conversation with a late
distinguished and highly accomplished lady{**}, whose family honours
had descended to her through a long succession of ancestors. Being
at that time engaged in an illustrated work on Scotland, her Grace
favoured the author with an original drawing of her ancestral castle;
and on a subsequent occasion suggested an illustrated history of our
castellated mansions, with their legends and traditions, as a popular
subject. He was honoured at the same time with a family memoir, and
some MSS. respecting the ancient Sutherland estates, such as might have
been useful in a work like the present. Circumstances, however, which
occurred shortly after, precluded all further attention to the subject;
and it was not till the beginning of last autumn that leisure was
found to make arrangements for publishing the work in a cheap, popular
form: a plan which it is hoped will bring an originally voluminous and
expensive field of illustration within the reach of every admirer of
English monuments.
{*} His late Majesty William IV., while Duke of Clarence.
{**} The late Duchess-Countess of Sutherland.
[2] Asser de Ælfred. rebus. gestis, fol. 23.; Athelmo vero fratris mei
filio, &c.--Appendix to this vol. p. 331.
[3] Ibid.--Camden, 308. 230. See the original in Append. to this
volume, p. 331.
[4] Ingulph. folio 510.--Hardyng, p. 229.--Simeon Dunelmensis,
184.--Hovedon, fol. 254.
[5] Caraccioli, p. 5.--Dallaway.--Archit. in England.--Forty-nine
Castles are enumerated in Domesday Book, _that of Arundel only_, as
existing in the reigns of Edward the Confessor, p. 269. The Castle
of Arundel dates perhaps its true origin from that monarch, King
Alfred.--p. 316.
[6] Camden, 229-30. Fama vero tota est ex Castro, quod Saxonico imperio
flouit. See Append. p. 331.
[7] Wilhelm. Gemitens, f. 686. Ingentes possessiones habuit in diversis
regionibus Normanniæ.
[8] Dugd. Bar. 1. 26.--Camden, p. 86. “Normanni.” Primam Normannorum
aciem ducebant Rogerus Montegomericus et Guil. Fitzosberne.
[9] Ord. Vitalis De Gul. primo. Excerp. p. 208-254. A Wilhelmo rege
Anglorum Comitatus Arundelliæ, et Salopesberiæ dono accepit.
Ao. Dni. 1071. Rogerus de Montegomerici, Comes Arundel, fuit pacificè
seizit’, &c. Inprimis de Castro Arundell, forest’ Warren’ hundr’ et
aliis libert’ spectant’ ad Honorem Castri, &c. Tierney, 1. 14.
[10] Dallaway’s Rape of Arundel.--Hist. of Sussex.
[11] Estimated at 57·460 acres. Hist. of Arundel, p. 21.
[12] Honour, in this sense, means a superior Seignory to which other
lordships and manors owe suit and service, and which itself holds only
of the Sovereign.--Feudal Syst.
[13] Orderic, 522.--Excerpt. p. 254.--App. 332.
[14] Order. Vitalis, 708. monachile seema devotus suscepit, etc.--v.
also Dugd. Bar. i, 28.
[15] Girald. Cambrens. Itinerar. p. 194.--Dugd. Bar.
[16] Polyd. Virgil, f. 173.--Hovedon, f. 268.--Speed, 445.--Grafton, i.
177.--Tierney, i. 158.--Append. to this Volume, p. 332.
[17] History of Arundel, i. 15. Orderic Vitalis, p. 708.
[18] Chalmers’ Caledonia, vol i. 572--4. Anno 1158. “Ego Milcolumbus,
rex, confirmavi, _Waltero, filio Alain_ (Fitzalan), Dapifero meo, et
heredibus suis, in feodo et hereditate, senescalliam meam ... ita
bene et plenarie, sicut Rex David senescalliam suam ei dedit.” In
consequence of this grant, Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, sold the
stewardship as an hereditary possession in 1336 to Edward the Third.
Sec Dugd. Bar. i. 314.--Append. to this Vol. p. 334.
[19] Mem. Howard Family--Descent of the Earldom, in Tierney’s Hist. and
Antiq. of Arundel, vol. i.
[20] See Appendix to this vol. p. 338, also Ellis’s Metrical Romances,
vol. ii. p. 245.
[21] Castrum Harundel T. R. E. reddebᵈᵉ qoda molⁱⁿᵒ XL.
solⁱᵈ. et de iiibus conuviis (conviviis?) XX solⁱᵈ. et
de uno pasticio XX solⁱᵈ. etc. etc.--Domesday Survey,
quoted by Tierney.
[22] A careful examination of the evidence in respect to its
foundation, inclines us to refer that event to the time of Alfred,
whose policy, it will be remembered, led him to augment the national
security by the erection of numerous fortresses, particularly in the
maritime districts; and it may be readily concluded that the ‘Castrum
de Harundel,’ a royal residence, was one of those which survived
the demolition of English fortresses which succeeded the Conquest.
[Tierney, i. 33; and Dallaway.] It is supposed that, at the death of
Alfred, fifty castles or upwards had been raised under his direction,
and it is not probable that the whole of that number could have
disappeared in the comparatively short period which elapsed between the
demise of that monarch and the establishment of the Norman dynasty.
Ante, p. 8, n. ¶.--Also App. p. 334.
[23] For other particulars the reader may consult
Wright--Caraccioli--Dallaway--Horsfield, and Tierney.
[24] For other particulars the reader may consult
Wright--Caraccioli--Dallaway--Horsfield, and Tierney.
[25] Register, R. f. 106. quoted in Tierney, vol. i. 44.
[26] A.D. 1275.
[27] Tierney, i. 45. Pat. 3. Edw. I. m. 30--1.
[28] As shown in the view taken from the battlements of the castle, p.
26.
[29] Abridged from the History.
[30] Tierney, vol. i. 48-9.--Dallaway’s Arundel.--Horsted, vol. i.
120-5, 6.--Wright 32-36.
[31] Tierney, vol. i. 48-9.--Dallaway’s Arundel.--Horsted, vol. i.
120-5, 6.--Wright 32-36.
[32] Tierney, vol. i. 48-9.--Dallaway’s Arundel.--Horsted, vol. i.
120-5, 6.--Wright 32-36.
[33] In a cause tried at Hawarden, in Flintshire, long previous to his
reign, we have a list of the twelve jurors; confirmed, too, by the fact
that the descendants of one of them, named Corby of the Gate, still
preserve their name and residence, at a place in the parish called the
Gate.--PHILLIPS.
[34] See list of authorities at the end of this subject, also Append.
to this volume.
[35] Portrait of Captain Morris.
[36] The late Duke of Norfolk.
[37] Henry Howard of Greystoke.
[38] H. C. Coombe, Esq. Alderman of London.
[39] On the corner of a stone in this superb hall is the following
votive inscription:--
“LIBERTATI
PER BARONES REGNANTE JOHANNE
VINDICATÆ,
CAROLUS HOWARD NORFOLCIÆ DUX,
ARUNDELIÆ COMES
A.C. MDCCCVI.
ÆTATIS LX.”
D. D.
[40] Sepulchral Antiq. Hist. of Arundel Church and Priory--Dallaway and
Wright.
[41] Causa nominis nec ab Arundelio, Bevisii fabuloso equo, nec ex
Charudo, Cimbricæ Chersonesi promontorio, quod Goropius per quietem
vidit; sed ex valle in qua sedet ad Arun flumen.--CAMDEN.
[42] See ante. p. 12, also Appendix to this Vol. p. 338-9, where the
legend is given.
[43] See Appendix to this vol. pp. 336, 7; also Dugdale Bar. i. pp. 42,
118.
[44] Rediit ad vigiliam Paschæ in Angliam, appulit apud Arundel. Henr.
Huntingd. lib. vii. 216.
[45] Tierney. i. 55. Patent 30th Edw. I. M. 9, is dated at Arundel.
[46] See a full and interesting account of this conspiracy, with its
disastrous consequences, at pp. 49, 50, 51, of this vol.
[47] Tempore quoque sub eodem domino rege adhuc moram Londini
continuante, venit ad eum in Cameram suam Isabella, Comitissa
Harundelliæ relicta Comitis Harundelliæ H. et ejusdem regis cognata; ut
pro jure suo de quadam custodia ipsam contingente verba faceret sibi
profectura, &c. Paris, p. 853, A. D. 1252. The original will be found
in the Append. p. 339.
[48] The particulars are thus related by Speed:--Henry, “after he
had calmed the boisterous stormes of warre, in the partes beyond the
seas, came over into England well appointed, unto whom also resorted
many of the nobilitie who yeelded up themselves, and above thirtie
strong castles, to the young duke, now hasted to raise the siege of
Wallingford; Stephen following hastily to succour his men--though
with the lesse edge, for that he never sped well in any assault of
that castle--pitched downe his tents, even neere his enemy, and ready
on bothe sides to give battaile, the winter stormes were suddenly so
troublesome that nothing could be done, but those somewhat overblowne,
and the armies scarce three furlongs asunder, as Kinge Stephen was
busied in disposing of his hoaste, and giving directions for order of
the battaile, his horse under him, rising with his fore feet fell flat
back upon the earth, not without danger to his rider; and thus did
he thrice ere hee left; which things his nobles secretly muttering,
interpreted for an unlucky presage; when William, Earle of Arundell,
a bold and eloquent man, went to him and advised him to a peace,
affirming the title of Duke Henry to be just: that the nobilitie on
bothe parts there present were nearly linked in alliances and bloud,
and how these stood affected was very doubtfull. Yea that brethren were
there assembled, the one against the other, whereof must needs follow
an unnatural war betwixt them, and of dangerous consequences even to
him that conquested. With these and the like allegations, at last
Stephen began to bend, and a parley for peace was signified unto the
Duke.”--Speed, edit. 1629, fol. 481.
[49]
“ ...estre grand voyagier,
Tournoiz suir et jouster pour sa mie.”--
Deschamps, cité par Sainte Palaye.
[50] Siege of Caerlaverock.--Edited by Sir Harris Nicolas.
[51] Hume, 4to, 175; Wals. 148.
[52] Speed, fol. 689.
[53] Froiss. C. 132.
[54] The fortunes and fate of the noblemen and prelates will be
detailed in a future page of this work.
[55] “They sware each to other to be assistant in all such matters as
they should determine; and therewith received the sacrament at the
hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who celebrated mass before
them the following morning, which done, they withdrew into a chamber
and fell into conversation together. When in the end they light upon
this point--to take King Richard, the Dukes of York and Lancaster,
and commit them to prison; and also the lords of the King’s Council
they determined should be drawn and hanged. Such was the purpose which
they meant to have accomplished in the August following. But the
Earl Marshal, Arundel his son-in-law, discovered all to the King.”
Holinshed, 1. 448.
[56] “He was arrayned,” says the old picturesque chronicle, “in a
red gown and scarlet hood; and forthwith the Duke of Lancaster,
John-of-Gaunt, said to the Lord Neville, Take from him his girdle
and hood, and so it was done; and herewith the appeal being to the
said Earl declared, with a valyaunt and bolde minde he denies that
he was a traytor, and required benefit of y pardon, protesting that
he would not go from the benefit of the King and his grace. The Duke
of Lancaster then said, Why didst thou purchase the pardon? The Earl
answered, To the tongues of mine enemies, whereof _thou art one_. The
Duke of Lancaster said, Thou traytor, this pardon is revoked. The Earl
answered, Truely thou lyest, I _never was a traytor_.”
[57] “The constancy of this Earl’s courage,” says Speed, “as well as
his arraignement, passage, and execution, in which he did not discolour
the honour of his blood with any degenerous word, look, or action,
encreased the envy of his death upon his his persecutors. That he was a
traitor either in word or deed, he utterly did deny, and died in that
denial.”--Speed, 739.
[58] “In the form and manner as you have heard did Duke Henry take King
Richard, his lord. The duke led him straight to the Castle, which is
fair and strong, and caused him to be lodged in the dungeon. And then
he gave him in keeping to the son of the Duke of Gloucester, Humphrey
Plantagenet; and Thomas Fitzalan, the son of the Earl of Arundel; who
hated him more than any man in the world, because King Richard had put
their fathers to death.”--French Metrical History, deposition of King
Richard, Archæologia, vol. xx. 173. By the Rev. John Webb, M.A.; also
Dallaway, p. 139.
[59] Froissart, vol. ii. 295. Dallaway, 139.
[60] “The next day after the coronation, were kepte triumphant joustes
and tourneys, in which the Erle of Arondelle and the Bâtard de St. Pol,
by the judgement of the ladyes, wanne the prize.”--Holinshed.
[61] Monstrelet, vii. 51.
[62] The French historians bear ample testimony to his prowess:--“Le
Comte d’Arondelle, Anglais de grande réputation, se mit en campagne
pour prendre des places sur les Français.”--Dallaway, quoting
Montfaucon, t. iii. 309.
[63] Grafton’s account of this affair is very picturesque:--“The which
town of Builleyne, he, King Henry VIII., so sore assaulted, and so
besieged with such abundance of great ordnance, that never was there a
more valyaunt assaut made, for beside the undermyning of the castell,
tower, and walles, the towne was so beaten with ordinaunce, that there
was not left one house whole therein. In the morning the Duke of
Suffolk rode into Bulleyne, to whom in the king’s name they delyvered
the keyes of the towne; and at afternoone departed out of Bulleyne
all the Frenchemen. The last person that came forthe was Monsire
de Verinne, graund captaine of the towne, which, when he approched
near where the kinge stoode, he alighted from his horse, and came to
the kinge. And after he had talked with him a space, the kinge toke
him by the hande, and he reverently kneeling upon his knees, kissed
his hand, and afterward mounted upon his horse and so departed. The
xviii. day the kingis highnesse, having the sworde borne naked before
him, like a noble and valyaunt conqueror rode into Bulleyne, and all
the trumpetters standing on the walles of the towne, sounded their
trumpettes, to the great comfort of all the kinges true subiectes, the
same beholding.”--Vol. ii. 492.
[64] Arundel affirmed that the only method of making atonement for
their past offences, was by a speedy return to the duty which they owed
to their lawful sovereign; the motion was seconded by Pembroke, who
clapping his hand to his sword, swore that he was ready to fight any
man that expressed himself of a contrary sentiment.--Hume, 373.
[65] This however did not “enable him to ascertain, according to the
old English proverb, the exact length of her Majesty’s foot!”--Anon.
[66] Shakspeare, in his Richard the Third, has introduced this incident
into the opening scene of the battle.