is entertained by the edifying spectacle of natives being thrashed,
tents being burnt, and white people surrounded by ferocious crowds who
can scarcely be kept back from carrying out their desire for vengeance
by a small truncheon and a thick thong.
"We do not wish to justify this state of affairs, but we cannot shut our
eyes to the injustice which almost makes it a necessity. No magistrate,
however exceptional, counts against the absence of such laws,
discipline, and police as our circumstances demand, and through want of
which there is no other prospect than that terrorism which arises out of
a blind struggle against anarchy."
The _Diamond News_, in its issue of 20th July, 1872, says:--
"The copious news in our columns, and the reports of meetings, as well
as the scenes which take place every night at mass meetings in this time
of excitement, uproar and confusion, take up nearly all our principal
columns. We heartily wish that the fire may be speedily got under, or
else it is very much to be feared that the end will be dreadfully
injurious to the safety and welfare of the innocent."
On the 19th July, 1872, a very large meeting of diggers was held at the
Market Square, New Rush, when the following resolution, among others,
was unanimously passed:--
"As this meeting is of opinion that, with a view to the prevailing
disturbances in this camp, the Commissioners ought at once, with the
Diggers' Committee, to make such amendments in the existing
unsatisfactory state of the law as will as far as possible prevent the
thefts of diamonds by native labourers, and their purchase by
unprincipled dealers, and will also make such alterations in the law so
as to promote the general welfare."
In the Cape Parliament, commencing the 5th June, 1872, Mr. Merriman
said:--
"The Fields ... were annexed and a form of government was introduced
there which could not be more ludicrous. A sort of irresponsible
Commission (the Rovers junta) was established, in which the members
could not agree, and were not responsible to anybody; he could imagine
nothing more ridiculous or which worked worse. The Orange Free State had
given the people a sort of representation, but the first act of our
Government was to abolish all the Commissions, and the result was that
the people were burdened with an irresponsible body.
"The Orange Free State had appointed a responsible official ... who was
efficient ... while we had established a court twenty miles away from
the most populated part; whereby grinding expenses had been entailed on
those who sought justice, just as if it was the only object of the
British Government to pile up heavy law costs."
Mr. Knight said: "One of the chief reasons why he was against Annexation
was that nine-tenths of the population on the fields would hold up
their hands to get rid of the present Government because they felt that
they were far better off before they were annexed."
Mr. Buchanan declared: "He himself, when he visited the Diamond Fields,
had wandered from camp to camp, and from the one sorting table to the
other, and had talked with the diggers in order to acquaint himself as
to their feelings about various matters, and he had obtained the
conviction that there was a great deal of feeling against the British
Government."
In the subsequent debate in the Cape Parliament Mr. J.H. Brown said, in
regard to Mr. Orpen's motion: "That the diggers look with the greatest
contempt on the Government which was there now, and that this Government
was quite as much hated as it deserved to be."--(_Diggers' Gazette_,
12th July, 1872).
In the _Diamond News_ of the 8th October, 1872, one reads:--
"Newspaper after newspaper comes out, and those who have a claim upon
land look eagerly to see 'what is happening about the land?' and all the
information the newspaper gives is that David Arnot, Esq., claims half
the country, and that Francis Orpen, Esq., the Surveyor, has decided
that £30 must be paid before the case of any claimant can be taken into
consideration. It is Arnot and Orpen and land; and land and Orpen and
Arnot, week after week. They appear to be made one for the other, and
for nothing and nobody else.
"Half a newspaper is filled with lists of claims of the said David, and
it becomes daily clearer and clearer that the great head chief of
Griqualand West cannot be Mr. Waterboer, but must be David
Arnot--because all the claims and all the kopjes have been provided for,
and all are for Mr. Arnot and nobody else.
"The impression is everywhere that British protection is invoked not for
British interests, nor for the interests of Britons working on the
fields here, but for the sake of two gentlemen who hold the reins with
far more power than ought to be given to anyone who is entrusted with
the administration of this country.
"Who has ever heard of a Government which binds itself to give the
surveyorship of a new country to one man only? Mr. Francis Orpen is
decidedly a first-class man in his profession ... but that does not
justify any Government in agreeing that he, and he only, is to keep the
survey of this territory entirely in his own hands. Everyone knows what
that must lead to."
APPENDIX C.
THE REPLY TO MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S DISPATCH ON GRIEVANCES.
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, PRETORIA.
_26th September_, 1899.
SIR,
The Government of the South African Republic has the honour to
acknowledge the receipt of a copy of a certain dispatch dated 10th May,
1899, addressed to His Excellency the High Commissioner by the Secretary
of State for the Colonies, in consequence of a petition sent to Her
Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland. 21,684 signatures appear
on this petition, and are said to have been affixed thereto by an
equivalent number of British subjects resident at Johannesburg, in this
Republic.
This Government notes that Her Majesty's Government have thought fit, on
the grounds of the information already in their possession, to make
investigation into the subject matter of the aforesaid petition, and, as
a result of such investigation, to express to this Government their
views on the administration of the internal affairs of this Republic,
which said views they have at the same time communicated to the
memorialists as an answer to their petition.
This Government may be permitted to point out that the Convention of
London of 1884, entered into between this Republic and the Government of
Her Britannic Majesty, guarantees to the South African Republic full and
free internal administration without any interference from anyone
whatever. As Lord Derby notifies in his dispatch of the 15th February,
1884:--
"Your Government will be left free to govern the country without
interference, and to conduct its diplomatic intercourse, and shape its
foreign policy, subject only to the requirements embodied in the fourth
article of the new draft--that any treaty with a foreign State shall not
have effect without the approval of the Queen."
In his despatch of the 4th February, 1896, the Colonial Secretary, Mr.
Chamberlain, states:--
"In the next place, it is necessary that I should state clearly and
unequivocally what is the position which Her Majesty's Government claim
to hold toward the Government of the South African Republic. Since the
Convention of 1884, Her Majesty's Government recognised the South
African Republic as a free and independent Government as regards all its
internal affairs not touched by the Convention."
In a telegram, also from Mr. Chamberlain, dated 26th March, 1896, the
same statement is substantially made, viz.:--"Her Majesty's Government
do not claim any rights under the Conventions to prescribe particular
internal reforms which should be made in South African Republic."
This Government has always felt it a solemn duty for the Republic to
adhere strictly to the Convention of 1884 in its entirety; at the same
time, it has been consistent in protesting in the most forcible manner
against any interference or intermeddling with the internal affairs of
the Republic, and against the discussion or treatment of these affairs
with or by any other than the Republic itself, and it can discover no
reasons now which would either justify such interference or exempt it
from the accusation of being a violation of the Convention of London.
This Government feels convinced that Her Majesty's Government would not
favourably entertain a request from British subjects for intervention
because the said British subjects are unwilling (as was agreed between
this Republic and Her Majesty's Government in the Convention of London)
to conform themselves to the laws of the land and to respect the legal
institutions and customs of the South African Republic, and because they
feel aggrieved that the laws are not altered in accordance with their
demands.
The friendly relations so highly prized by this Government which have
existed between this Republic and the United Kingdom, the other party to
the Convention of London, have always been a safe guarantee to this
Government against such a breach of the Convention on the part of Her
Majesty's Government, and it greatly deplores the fact that Her
Majesty's Government has now decided to act in conflict with the
Convention of London by busying itself with the imaginary grievances of
the Uitlanders, and making representations thereanent to this
Government. Against such action this Government feels that it must
earnestly and emphatically protest, and the Right Hon. Mr. Chamberlain
could not take it amiss if this Government were to pay no further
attention to the charges against its administration contained in the
petition, or if they declined to discuss further the views of Her
Majesty's Government about these charges.
This Government has, however, on more than one occasion, notified to Her
Majesty's Government that it will attach great value to any suggestions
which may be tendered in the interests of British subjects, and it will
certainly lend a very willing ear to any friendly advice or hints which
may be given by Her Majesty's Government as being the representative of
a Power which, with this Republic and the Orange Free State, protects
and fosters the paramount interests of South Africa.
His Honour the State President was animated by these sentiments when he
accepted the courteous invitation of His Honour President Steyn to
proceed to Bloemfontein in order to confer with Your Excellency about
matters which are an equal source of interest to this Republic and Her
Majesty's Government. These friendly sentiments now prompt it to take
the liberty of drawing serious attention to the fact that Her Majesty's
Government certainly appear to be supplied with insufficient and
incorrect data about facts and occurrences from which erroneous ideas
and conclusions are drawn, so that, although desirous of avoiding
subjects the discussion of which would be contrary to the Convention,
this Government nevertheless feels that it ought to convey to Her
Majesty's Government the true position of affairs, and that it ought to
point out how the latter is misled, the condition of affairs as depicted
in the dispatch under reply being in all respects exaggerated, and in
many instances entirely untrue.
In the first place, this Government wishes to point out that, so far
from the petition which gave rise to the despatch under reply having
been signed by 21,684 British subjects, it appears indeed that it was
signed by very few people in the South African Republic--leaving aside
all mention of British subjects. This has been substantiated in many
cases by sworn declarations, many of which were handed to His Excellency
the High Commissioner during the Conference at Bloemfontein, and this
Government feels that it may flatter itself that the British Government,
after having examined these documents, will share with this Government
the view that this memorial is in itself a matter of very slight
importance, even although it may contain the signatures of a certain
number of British subjects who hold the opinion that they are entitled
to a change in the form of Government because, in violation of the
Convention entered into between this Republic and Her Majesty's
Government, they will not conform themselves to the laws of the land,
but claim alterations therein at their own caprice.
This Government is all the more convinced that this memorial is of no
great moment, and that it certainly does not express the feelings of all
the so-called Uitlanders, because another memorial has been received by
it from about 23,000 inhabitants of this Republic, nearly all
Uitlanders, and amongst whom are several British subjects. The High
Commissioner was informed that the signatures to this memorial were
obtained in a perfectly _bona fide_ way, and this information was
supported by sworn affidavits. The purport of this memorial bore
evidence to the fact that the thousands of Uitlanders who signed it were
satisfied with the administration and the Government of this Republic,
and did not share the views of the memorialists to Her Britannic Majesty
in respect of what the latter considered to be legitimate grievances.
This Government may further be permitted to point out that although the
Uitlander population may have co-operated in effecting an increase in
the revenues of the State, principally, as His Excellency has been
informed, in custom dues, prospecting licences, railway receipts, etc.,
so that the revenue in 1898 amounted to £3,983,360, the fact must not be
lost sight of, on the other hand, that gold to the value of
_£20,000,000_ was exported from the State during the same year 1898,
almost entirely by the Uitlanders.
At the same time, it must not be forgotten that although the, chief item
in custom dues is collected on goods which are imported at Johannesburg,
yet these goods are not entirely used or consumed by the Uitlanders, for
a considerable quantity is sent over the whole Republic by the wholesale
merchants to the retail dealers who do business with the burghers in the
villages and the country, so that much of what is imported into
Johannesburg is destined for consumption by the original burgher of the
Republic.
With regard to the contention that the mining industry is more heavily
taxed than in any other country, and that the cost of the necessaries of
life is higher, this Government desires to remark that this contention
is entirely contradicted by facts and statistics. The value of goods
imported into the South African Republic during 1898 amounted to
£9,996,575, and the custom duties levied thereon to £1,058,224, or 10.6
per cent. Under the Customs Union of the adjacent British Colonies the
import duties amounted to 15 per cent, of the value of the goods, a
comparison which yields a difference of nearly 50 per cent. in favour of
the Republic. When the matter is examined in detail the case is even
stronger. In the Colonies certain articles, such as bread stuffs, are
subject to a special duty of 2s., say about 30 per cent, of the value,
in corn, and 40 per cent. in meal. In this Republic the duty on both the
foregoing articles is 7-1/2 per cent.; butter is especially taxed at 3d.
per pound, or 30 per cent., under the Customs Union, while in the
Republic it is subject only to the 7-1/2 _ad valorem_ duty. Coffee and
other necessaries of life, on being compared, would show a similar
difference, and this Government therefore trusts that Her Majesty's
Government will exonerate it when it points out the incorrectness and
unreliability of the information supplied to the Secretary of State, on
which he bases his conclusion that the cost of living is unusually high
in consequence of the taxation levied by the State; that such is not the
case will be at once shown by a comparison with the taxation of the
neighbouring Colonies.
The character of the financial administration must have been erroneously
represented to Her Majesty's Government if it was simply stated that
defalcations to an amount of £18,590 had taken place. It would _ex
facie_ appear from such a statement that the above defalcations had
taken place during the past year; as a matter of fact, the Inspection
Department, which has only recently been called into existence, reported
over financial matters covering the years 1884 to 1896.
It is unfair to characterise all deficiencies as defalcations, for from
the nature of the case a deficiency does not always constitute a
defalcation. The report specified the sub-divisions of monies which had
yet to be accounted for. The first item in such deficiencies amounted
originally to £12,000, and of this £6,000 was afterwards collected, and
the balance was only brought forward; another item of _£10,808 11s._ was
brought forward in its entirety, but £3,000 of this was eventually
collected and accounted for, while continual efforts were made to secure
the balance. Many items not brought forward were collected long before
and accounted for, while during the inspection of last year it was found
that a sum of £800 yet remained to be paid in out of the deficiencies,
which balance has been accounted for.
The contention that advances to officials amounting to _£2,398,506 16s.
8d._ have remained unaccounted for is also absolutely incorrect; and the
endeavour to pass this circumstance off as constituting defalcations on
the part of officials bears ample witness to the strong desire to
mislead which has actuated the informants of Her Majesty's Government.
Any person who is even superficially acquainted with financial
administration will readily admit that this is due to a system of
accounting which was followed until recently by Her Majesty's
Government, and which obtains in some British Colonies, in Natal, for
instance, at the present moment.
This system may deserve condemnation; it does not, however, necessarily
follow that because the advances may not be speedily accounted for they
have been embezzled, and it does not appear either from the report of
the Inspector of Offices, or from the debates of the Volksraad, that
such accusations were made. But in addition to this a sum of at least
£1,968,306 is included in the aforesaid total of £2,398,506 16s. 8d.
(but which is not comprised in the customary advances), such as Orphan
Chamber £80,000, Indigent Burghers £150,000, Postal Orders £60,000,
various loans to School Committees, Sanitary Boards, and for Waterworks,
Hospitals, Committees, monies placed at interest in Europe, provisional
loans to Railway Companies, purchases of food stuffs and mules in time
of famine, and many others.
Items, too, of considerable importance appear in the advances, although
they have really been accounted for up to within a pound or two, because
for one reason or another it has not been possible to write off the
exact total, the amounts still to be accounted for having dwindled to a
very insignificant figure.
The contention that during 1896 a sum of £191,837 was paid out of the
Secret Service Money is also absolutely unfounded, for in that amount a
sum of £158,337 was included which was used for special Government
Works, as was expressly stated in a foot-note on page 44 of the
Estimates for 1897. The Secret Service Fund for that year (1896) did not
amount to more than £33,500. This faulty information, supplied to Her
Majesty's Government, is apparently taken from the said Estimates, it
would seem with the fixed determination to ignore the explanatory
foot-note on page 44.
It is incorrect to state that the system of granting concessions remains
in full force. Where the Right Hon. the Secretary of State in his
despatch refers to industrial concessions, this Government may remark
that these are privileges granted in order to stimulate and protect
local industry, and the contention that these concessions will develop
into practical monopolies is not supported by any evidence; results will
show that misleading information has been given here as well.
With regard to the question of education which has been dealt with in
the dispatch of the Right Hon. the Colonial Secretary, this Government
wishes to point out that the amount expended on education during the
year 1898 was £226,219 4s. 8d. In the former year it was less. Of this
amount £36,503 17s. 2d. was devoted to Education on the Gold Fields (for
State as well as for subsidized schools). As the number of scholars
under Act 15, 1896, as well as that of the teachers, have considerably
increased, the amount during the current year will probably be
_£53,000_. The conditions on which this money is given are certainly not
such as to exclude the children of Uitlanders from its benefits.
According to Volksraad Resolution of 1st June, 1892 (and amendments),
schools where a foreign language was the medium of instruction were
entitled to a subsidy of 20s. per pupil per quarter for the lower
standard, and 25s. for the middle standard, provided that certain
requirements as to knowledge of the official language of the country
were complied with. These requirements are a standard lower than that
for children of burghers in the country, who are taught in schools
governed by Law No. 8 of 1892.
Few, if any, Uitlanders avail themselves of this offer; the few who have
done so are now satisfied with it, and continue to enjoy the privileges
of the resolution, although it was only renewed in 1898 for those
schools which made a _bona fide_ use of it. Law No. 15, 1896, made
provision for the children of poor parents and strangers on the
proclaimed gold fields entirely at State expense, and 13 schools have
been established by this law--with 51 teachers and about 1,500
scholars--at Barberton, Pilgrims' Rest, Kaapsche Hoop, Johannesburg (5,
viz., 1 in von Brandis Street, 1 at Braamfontein, 1 at Union Ground, 1
at Vredesdorp, and 1 in Market Street), Maraisburg, Krugersdorp,
Randfontein, Klerksdorp, and Nigel. In addition to these, preparations
are being made for State schools at the City and Suburban,
Bertramstownship, Johannesburg, and at Roodepoort (Krugersdorp).
Out of the above-named 13 schools, English is the medium of instruction
in four, and of the remaining nine English is the medium for the
children of English-speaking parents, and Dutch for those of
Dutch-speaking parents. In these nine schools a little more time is
devoted to learning Dutch in each standard than was the case in the
former standard, so that equality in both languages is reached at the
5th standard.
Altogether there are 27 Dutch Africander or Hollander teachers, and 24
teachers of English origin in these 13 schools. The Dutch Africander or
Hollander teachers are obliged to possess a thorough knowledge of
English, and have either to pass an examination or produce a certificate
to that effect.
The object of the system of education in this Republic is to ensure in
the first place the foundation of general knowledge. Law No. 8, 1892,
provides this for the children of the original Boer population in their
mother tongue, in which the necessary schoolbooks must be written, with
this understanding, however, that in the 3rd standard three hours, and
in the higher ones four hours, per week out of the 25 must be devoted to
education in a foreign language.
With regard to the schools formed under the above-mentioned Resolution,
teaching is carried on through the medium of a foreign language, but at
least 5 hours per week must be devoted to the study of the official
language of the country.
Of the 13 schools formed under Law 15 of 1896, the children of strangers
are instructed in their own language, while the number of hours for
instruction in and by means of Dutch is increased in each standard.