the abolitionists to _resume their labours_. If through the medium of
the abolition of the slave trade they have not accomplished, as they
expected, the whole of their object, they have no alternative but to
resort to _other measures_, or to attempt by constitutional means, under
that Legislature which has already sanctioned their efforts, the
mitigation of the cruel treatment of the Negroes, with the ultimate view
of extinguishing, in due time and in a suitable manner, the slavery
itself. Nor ought any time to be lost in making such an attempt; for it
is a melancholy fact, that there is scarcely any increase of the slave
population in our islands at the present moment. What other proof need
we require _of the severity of the slavery there, and of the necessity
of its mitigation?_ Severe punishments, want of sufficient food, labour
extracted by the whip, and a system of prostitution, conspire, _almost
as much as ever_, to make inroads upon the constitutions of the slaves,
and to prevent their increase. And let it be remembered here, that any
former defect of this kind was supplied by importations; but that
importations are _now unlawful_. Unless, therefore, the abolitionists
interfere, and that soon, our West Indian planters may come to
Parliament and say, "We have now tried your experiment. It has not
answered. You must therefore give us leave to go again to the coast of
Africa for slaves." There is also another consideration worthy of the
attention of the abolitionists, viz. that _a public attempt_ made in
England to procure the abolition of _slavery_ would very much promote
their original object, the cause of the abolition of the slave trade;
for foreign courts have greatly doubted our sincerity as to the latter
measure, and have therefore been very backward in giving us their
assistance in it. If England, say they, abolished the slave trade _from
moral motives_, how happens it _that she continues slavery_? But if this
_public attempt_ were to succeed, then the abolitionists would see their
wishes in a direct train for completion: for if slavery were to fall in
the British islands, this event would occasion death in a given time,
and without striking any further blow, to the execrable trade in every
part of the world; because those foreigners, who should continue
slavery, no longer able to compete in the markets with those who should
employ free men, must abandon the slave trade altogether.
But here perhaps the planters will say, "What right have the people of
England to interfere with our property, which would be the case if they
were to attempt to abolish slavery?" The people of England might reply,
that they have as good a right as you, the planters, have to interfere
with that most precious of all property, _the liberty of your slaves_,
seeing that _you hold them by no right that is not opposed to nature,
reason, justice, and religion_. The people of England have no desire to
interfere with your _property_, but with your _oppression_. It is
probable that your property would be improved by the change. But, to
examine this right more minutely, I contend, first, that they have
always a right to interfere in behalf of humanity and justice wherever
their appeals can be heard. I contend, secondly, that they have a more
immediate right to interfere in the present case, because the oppressed
persons in question, living in the British dominions and under the
British Government, are _their fellow subjects_. I contend again, that
they have this right upon the ground that they are giving you, the West
Indians, _a monopoly_ for their sugar, by buying it from you exclusively
_at a much dearer rate_ than _they can get it from other quarters_.
Surely they have a right to say to you, as customers for your produce,
Change your system and we will continue to deal with you; but if you
will not change it, we will buy our sugar elsewhere, or we will not buy
sugar at all. The East Indian market is open to us, and we prefer sugar
that is not stained with blood. Nay, we will petition Parliament to take
off the surplus duty with which East Indian sugar is loaded on your
account. What superior claims have you either upon Parliament or upon
us, that you should have the preference? As to the East Indians, they
are as much the subjects of the British empire as yourselves. As to the
East India Company, they support all their establishments, both civil
and military, at their own expense. They come to our Treasury for
nothing; while you, with naval stations, and an extraordinary military
force kept up for no other purpose than to keep in awe an injured
population, and with heavy bounties on the exportation of your sugar,
put us to such an expense as makes us doubt whether your trade is worth
having on its present terms. They, the East India Company, again, have
been a blessing to the Natives with whom they have been concerned. They
distribute an equal system of law and justice to all without respect of
persons. They dispell the clouds of ignorance, superstition, and
idolatry, and carry with them civilization and liberty wherever they go.
You, on the other hand, have no code of justice but for yourselves. You
_deny it_ to those who _cannot help themselves_. You _hinder liberty_ by
your cruel restrictions on manumission; and dreading the inlet of light,
_you study to perpetuate ignorance and barbarism_. Which then of the two
competitors has the claim to preference by an English Parliament and an
English people? It may probably soon become a question with the latter,
whether they will consent to pay a million annually more for West India
sugar than for other of like quality, or, which is the same thing,
whether they will allow themselves to be _taxed annually to the amount
of a million sterling to support West Indian slavery_.
I shall now conclude by saying, that I leave it; and that I recommend
it, to others to add to the light which I have endeavoured to furnish on
this subject, by collecting new facts relative to Emancipation and the
result of it in other parts of the world, as well as relative to the
superiority of free over servile labour, in order that the West Indians
may be convinced, if possible, that they would be benefited by the
change of system which I propose. They must already know, both by past
and present experience, that the ways of unrighteousness are not
profitable. Let them not doubt, when the Almighty has decreed the
balance in favour of virtuous actions, that their efforts under the new
system will work together for their good, so that their temporal
redemption may be at hand.
THE END.
Printed by Richard Taylor, Shoe-Lane, London.
Footnotes:
[1] See Dickson's Mitigation of Slavery, p. 18.
[2] See Dickson's Mitigation of Slavery, p. 339.
[3] Mitigation of Slavery, p. 50.
[4] See Dickson's Mitigation of Slavery, p. 102.
[5] A part of the black regiments were bought in Africa as recruits, and
were not transported in slave-ships, and, never under West India
masters: but it was only a small part compared with the whole number in
the three cases.
[6] Mémoire historique et politique des Colonies, et particulièrement de
celle de St. Domingue, &c. Paris, August 1814. 8vo. p. 58.
[7] Pp. 125, 126.
[8] There were occasionally marauding parties from the mountains, who
pillaged in the plains; but these were the old insurgent, and not the
emancipated Negroes.
[9] P. 78.
[10] Mémoires, p. 311.
[11] Ibid. p. 324.
[12] The French were not the authors of tearing to pieces the Negroes
alive by bloodhounds, or of suffocating them by hundreds at a time in
the holds of ships, or of drowning them (whole cargoes) by scuttling and
sinking the vessels;--but the _planters_.
[13] All the slave-population was to be emancipated in 18 years; and
this consisted at the time of passing the decree of from 250,000 to
300,000 souls.
[14] See Dr. Dickson's Mitigation of Slavery, London 1814, from whence
every thing relating to this subject is taken. Dr. Dickson had been for
many years secretary to Governor Hay, in Barbadoes, where he had an
opportunity of studying the Slave agriculture as a system. Being in
London afterwards when the Slave Trade controversy was going on in
Parliament, he distinguished himself by silencing the different writers
who defended the West Indian slavery. There it was that Mr. Steele
addressed himself to him by letter, and sent him those invaluable
papers, which the Doctor afterwards published under the modest title of
"Mitigation of Slavery by Steele and Dickson." No one was better
qualified than Dr. Dickson to become the Editor of Mr. Steele.
[15] It is much to be feared that this beautiful order of things was
broken up after Mr. Steele's death by his successors, either through
their own prejudices, or their unwillingness or inability to stand
against the scoffs and prejudices of others. It may be happy, however,
for thousands now in slavery, that Mr. Steele lived to accomplish his
plan. The constituent parts and result of it being known, a fine example
is shown to those who may be desirous of trying emancipation.
[16] Mr. Botham's account is confirmed incontrovertibly by the fact,
that sugar made in the East Indies can be brought to England (though it
has three times the distance to come, and of course three times the
freight to pay), and yet be afforded to the consumer at as cheap a rate
as any that can be brought thither from the West.
[17] Dickson's Mitigation of Slavery, p. 213, where it is proved that
bought slaves never refund their purchase-money to their owners.
[18] P. 125.