Bell was an uncompromising Tory. He never took any prominent part in
imperial politics, although in the Edinburgh Town Council, of which he
was for some time a member--sitting as the representative of St.
George's Ward--he entered into some fierce debates on the Annuity-tax
with Duncan M'Laren. That obnoxious impost was even then, as it has
subsequently been, a great bone of contention, and proved the _casus
belli_ of many a wordy war. The embryo M.P. was generally, as we are
well informed, more than a match for the young advocate, whom he
overcame with those simple but effectual weapons--facts and figures.
In 1836, Sheriff Bell stood as a candidate for the Logic Chair in
Edinburgh University, his opponents being Mr. Isaac Taylor, author of
the "Natural History of Enthusiasm;" Mr. George Combe, the phrenologist;
and Sir William Hamilton. Previous to that time, Sir William had been
Professor of Civil History in the University, and his candidature for
the Logic Chair, which was strongly supported by Mr. Adam Black and Mr.
Napier, editor of the _Edinburgh Review_, was successful.
While nominally following his practice at the bar, Mr. Bell still
continued to attach himself to literary pursuits. There are some rather
good stories told of his attachment to the Temple of Thespis, of which,
while in Edinburgh, he had always been a regular attender. When a
well-known actor, made his first appearance at the Edinburgh
Theatre-Royal, it is said that Bell wrote a slashing criticism of the
performance, his article concluding with the significant remark:
"_N.B._--Steamers sail from Leith for London twice a week," meaning, of
course, that however well the new actor might satisfy the London
critics, he did not come up to the standard of the Edinburgh drama.
Indeed, Mr. Bell made the drama a special study, and his opinion on any
new play or actor was always asked and listened to with the utmost
deference. He was on very intimate terms with the late Mr. William H.
Murray, manager of the "Royal," and through him furnished a number of
prologues for that theatre in its palmiest days. He also established for
himself a high reputation as a lecturer on the Fine Arts; and his
prelections on music, poetry, sculpture, painting, and the drama were
universally admitted to be of a high order of merit. Until the present
hour, Sheriff Bell continues to manifest a great attachment to the Fine
Arts, and amid the pressure of his official duties, he often finds
leisure to visit the theatres either in Glasgow or in Edinburgh.
In 1839, Mr. Bell was appointed a Sheriff-Substitute of Lanarkshire,
with a salary of L400 per annum. The appointment lay with Sir Archibald
Alison, who is said to have been favourably impressed with his
successor's conduct while acting as junior counsel for the Glasgow
cotton-spinners when they were brought to trial in the spring of 1838
for conspiracy. When Mr. Bell became Sheriff-Substitute, the duties of
the office were very light compared with what they are at the present
time. For a number of years his only colleague was the late Mr. George
Skene, who subsequently became Professor of Law in Glasgow University.
Indeed, the duties of the Sheriffs continued to be comparatively easy up
to 1853, when the passing of the Sheriff Court Act, which compelled
Sheriffs to take all notes of evidence in their own handwriting,
rendered the work much more laborious. Their salaries were raised from
time to time, in proportion to the increased irksomeness and
responsibility of their duties; and it is a fact worth noting, that
whereas Mr. Bell, as Sheriff-Substitute, had only L400, Mr. Dickson, in
the same sphere of labour, has now L1400 per annum.
On the death of Sir Archibald Alison in 1867, Mr. Bell was appointed
Sheriff-Principal. One of his first acts upon his promotion was so
graceful in itself and so creditable to his good taste that we cannot
refrain from referring to it here. To external appearance, Sheriff Bell
has little of the _suaviter in modo_ about him; and while acting as
Sheriff-Substitute, he gave offence to several of the agents practising
in the local courts by what may be called a little gruffness of
demeanour. Coming to hear that his manner had been spoken of as
offensive, Sheriff Bell, on succeeding Sir Archibald Alison, candidly
and broadly referred to the fact in open court. He expressed his regret
if anything defective in his manner had given unintentional offence, and
declared that, so far as it was in his power, the Faculty might rely in
future upon being treated with every courtesy and consideration. Such a
frank and candid avowal could only come from a manly man; and it went a
long way towards restoring Sheriff Bell to the confidence and esteem of
the offended practitioners.
With the exception of this little cloud, Sheriff Bell has uniformly
lived in peace and concord with his professional friends, and he has at
their hands received many little marks of honour and respect. In 1852, a
rumour went out that Sir Archibald Alison was to be elevated to the
Supreme Court. This led the profession in Glasgow to present a memorial
to the Lord-Advocate, praying that in such an event Sheriff Bell might
be made Sir Archibald's successor. Again, about 12 years ago, strong
representations and inducements were held out to him to return to
Edinburgh as consulting counsel in Mercantile Law--a department of
jurisprudence which, if he did not altogether create it, Sheriff Bell
has done much to develop and bring into a practical shape. Although the
offer promised the realisation of a handsome income, it was respectfully
declined. Still farther we may remark, that it was no small honour to
Mr. Bell that he was made Sheriff of Lanarkshire contrary to the usual
custom, which is to appoint to the office some one that has acted for a
longer or shorter period as Advocate-Depute--a place which he, of
course, has never filled.
As a judge, Sheriff Bell displays remarkable discrimination and insight.
He is gifted in a large measure, with the judicial faculty; but for the
same reason that he is a good judge, he would probably fail as a
pleader. At the bar it is customary only to represent and contend for
one side of a case, to the exclusion or destruction of the other; but on
the bench conflicting arguments have to be duly weighed, and the balance
so adjusted between them that truth and justice may ultimately be
evolved. In thus discriminating between irreconcilable issues, and duly
weighing the arguments presented on both sides, Sheriff Bell is
particularly at home; and his decisions are remarkable for standing the
great test of an appeal to the Supreme Court.
Since he came to Glasgow as Sheriff-Substitute, Mr. Bell has taken an
active part in all public movements apart from politics; and in regard
to educational and scientific matters he deserves to rank as a pioneer.
When the Social Science Congress met in Glasgow in 1860, Professor
Pillans and other _savants_ were dining with Sheriff Bell, whose sound
judgment and profound knowledge of nearly every subject brought under
discussion enabled him to take a very intelligent and conspicuous part
in the proceedings. Talking of authors and their works, Professor
Pillans quoted certain lines, respecting which he asked Sheriff Bell
whether he had ever heard them before. The latter confessed that he did
not recollect them. "Why," said the Professor, "you wrote these lines
when you were a pupil in my class." On another occasion, when Thackeray
came to Glasgow to deliver his lectures on the Four Georges, the great
novelist was introduced to the Sheriff of Lanarkshire by the late Mr.
Walter Buchanan, M.P. At that time there was some disagreement between
Thackeray and the directors of the Athenaeum as to the terms of his
engagement, and we believe that Thackeray considered himself (whether
with or without just cause) to have been badly used. Referring to Mr.
Bell as the champion of Mary Stuart, Mr. Buchanan jocosely remarked to
Thackeray that he must not repeat in Glasgow the attack he had made in
Edinburgh on Mary Queen of Scots. "Never fear," replied Thackeray, "I
can't afford to do it for the money."
By his wife, whom he has now survived nearly twenty years, Sheriff Bell
had one son and four daughters. Three of his daughters have been
married--one to Professor Nichol, and the other two to members of the
firm of M'Clellan, Son, & Co., accountants, Glasgow. The fourth daughter
is unmarried.
MR. ROBERT DALGLISH.
There are not a few reminiscences associated with the name and history
of Mr. Robert Dalglish, the senior representative of Glasgow, that must
tend to render a record of his life peculiarly interesting to his
constituents. Born at Glasgow in 1808, he is now in his sixty-third
year. His father was emphatically one of the pioneers of Glasgow's
industrial prosperity. Born in humble circumstances, he "burst his
birth's invidious bar," and elevated himself to the proud position of
the first magistrate of that city "whose merchants are princes and whose
traffickers are the honourable of the earth." During his three years
tenure of the civic chair, Mr. Robert Dalglish, sen., approved himself a
very useful and excellent citizen, and his attention to municipal
affairs was most unremitting and diligent, while at the same time he was
laying the foundations of that splendid business to which his son, the
subject of the present sketch, ultimately succeeded. Our Senior Member
was educated at the University of Glasgow, and "when the fulness of the
time had come," he was admitted a partner in the firm of which his
father was then the principal, and which is now well-known by the title
of R. Dalglish, Falconer, & Co. It is, perhaps, the largest
calico-printing firm in Scotland, their works at Campsie employing
upwards of 1000 hands. Since his accession to the business, Mr. Dalglish
has largely extended and improved the original works, so that they are
now vastly superior to what they were at that time. Several substantial
additions, including a large engraving shop, were recently made to meet
the requirements of the firm. It is worthy of note that the father of
Mr. Dalglish occupied as a dwelling-house the building now used as the
offices of the firm in St Vincent Place--the business part of the city
being at that time within a short radius of the Cross. To the son,
however, the lines have fallen in more pleasant places, for his mansion
at Kilmardinny, near Milngavie, is one of the most "highly desirable
residences" (as an auctioneer would phrase it) in the West of Scotland.
The grounds or policies attached to the house extend to 140 acres, and
within recent years Mr. Dalglish has expended a great deal of both money
and taste on his fine property.
Of Mr. Dalglish's political connection with the city there is not much to
be said. Up to the year 1857 he had not taken any active part in either
municipal or political affairs; and when he announced his intention of
coming forward as a candidate for the representation of the city in
April of that year, the Whigs and the Tories alike were taken by
surprise. Glasgow had then only two members. Both of them had been in
Parliament for a number of years, although neither had ever been
distinguished for any brilliant political achievement. Mr. Dalglish was
brought forward by no section or party--at least he disclaimed any
connection with either Whigs or Tories, and as for the Radicals, they
were then out in the cold. He stood, as he himself said, on his own
responsibility, and as a perfectly independent candidate. It is not too
much to affirm that it was his pluck and independence that carried him
through. He had little difficulty in forming a committee, including, for
the most part, gentlemen of considerable local influence, and that _sine
qua non_ having been obtained, the rest was comparatively smooth
sailing. Mr. Hastie, his opponent, was a quiet and easy-going member, who
never did anything, either good, bad, or indifferent, to distinguish
himself in the House of Commons, and who, as one of his _quasi_ friends
declared, had not even the merit of being a regular attender, although
he had represented the city in Parliament for ten continuous years. On
the nomination day, Mr. Dalglish was accompanied to the platform by
Bailie Galbraith, Mr. W. West Watson (City Chamberlain), Mr. David
Dreghorn, Councillor Moir, Mr. Walter Paterson, and other gentlemen, who
still figure in the ranks of our most prominent citizens. His nomination
was proposed by Bailie Galbraith, and seconded by Mr. W. West Watson. Mr.
Dalglish delivered a thoroughly characteristic speech, of which we are
in a position to give the salient points. He said:--"I shall not refer
to my antecedents as has been done by my hon. opponents; but this I will
say, that for the future I am prepared to do everything for the
advancement of the interests of the people. I am anxious to see not the
reform of 1832, which was a mere sham and delusion, but a reform which
will give to every householder a vote, and a vote to every man who pays
a direct tax to the Government. (Great cheering.) I am in favour of
every social and sanitary reform in this city; and if our local
philanthropists--the Hendersons, the Campbells, and the Clarks--will
turn their attention to the centre of the city, where the masses of our
population are congregated, and project some scheme for the opening up
of the closes and winds, and the building of better houses for the
working classes, I shall be ready to support them. (The city improvement
scheme was at that date in the matrix of the future.) I have much
respect for the voluntary system of education, but I feel that it does
not reach all the children of a large city such as Glasgow, and that
therefore a national system of education is required. I would also
support the establishment of schools for the teaching of children,
because I believe that he who teaches should first be taught himself.
(Laughter.) I am against all intervention with other States, but at the
same time I would prevent intervention by others. (Cheers, and a call,
"put on your hat Bob," and laughter.) I will support Lord Palmerston so
long as his policy is conducted with a view to the true interests of the
country--so long as his measures are calculated to promote the interests
of the masses--but I will not support Lord Palmerston if he is disposed
to offer any opposition to a Liberal measure of Reform." The show of
hands was declared by Sheriff Alison to be in favour of Mr. Buchanan
and Mr. Dalglish, and a poll was demanded for Mr. Hastie. The poll took
place next day, when the majority of those who had supported Mr. Merry,
at the election six weeks before, recorded their votes for Mr. Dalglish.
At the close of the poll the votes stood--
Buchanan, 7069
Dalglish, 6764
Hastie, 5044
At every subsequent election Mr. Dalglish has been returned with
acclamation. At one time he announced his intention to retire from
Parliamentary duties, but a numerous and influential deputation from
Glasgow waited upon and induced him to alter his resolution. At the
General Election of 1868, the electors raised a subscription, to which
men of all ranks and all shades of politics contributed, to defray his
election expenses, and so liberal was the response made by his
constituents that he was returned free of personal cost.
Of Mr. Dalglish's merits as our Parliamentary representative it behoves
us to say something, and we can safely premise with the affirmation that
few men have a greater personal influence in the House of Commons. Those
who cannot see a little behind the scenes may wonder at this apparently
rash statement, and ask--What has Mr. Dalglish done to give him a
political influence? When has he ever made any brilliant speeches? What
great measures has he succeeded in passing? Do you ever see his name
even so much as mentioned in Parliamentary debates? To one and all of
these questions the friends and admirers of Mr. Dalglish would almost be
compelled to return a negative answer. To the uninitiated Mr. Dalglish,
so far as any outward and visible manifestations of power and
influence--of senatorial usefulness and ability--is concerned, will
appear to be a mere cipher. But it does not require the meddlesomeness
of a Whalley, or the volubility of a Newdegate, to make a politician.
In politics, as in the minor affairs of life, tact and discrimination
often go for more than fervid bursts of oratory, or highly-concentrated
genius. In the region of politics, too, there are wheels within
wheels--an _imperium in imperio_. The House of Commons bears, in some
respects, a remarkable affinity to a puppet-show. You cannot always see
the magician who pulls the strings, and moves the political machine
obedient to his will. And of no man in the House of Commons is this more
true than of Mr. Dalglish. Unless one is under his magic spell, it is
impossible to understand its mainspring, although it is easy to feel its
effects. Ask the influential citizens of Glasgow to reveal the secret of
Mr. Dalglish's power, and they will mention two qualities, both very good
in their way but neither of them, one would think, sufficient to give
their possessor a transcendent influence in the most august and
intellectual assembly in the world. We would be told, first of his _bon
hommie_, and next of his punctuality and unfailing attention to his
Parliamentary duties. Put the same question to those who see behind the
scenes, however, and they would probably return another and a more
truthful answer by ascribing Mr. Dalglish's popularity to his _good
dinners_. In this respect he is unique. With almost unfailing regularity
he invites his friends and enemies alike to dine twice a week. We mean,
of course, his political enemies, for of personal enemies, Mr. Dalglish
must have very few. At these bi-weekly feasts, men of all shades of
politics, and of all degrees and stations in life, meet together with
the most delicious equality and freedom from restraint. Lord and
commoner, peer and peasant, marquis and merchant, are thrown into
immediate contact, and hob-nob without restriction or ceremony. The
unalloyed joviality and good humour of the host is imparted to the
guests, and while as a dispenser of creature comforts Mr. Dalglish stands
almost alone, he has a suavity of manner that disarms party feeling, and
compels a favour when it is asked for. It is not to be wondered at,
under these circumstances, that our Senior Member is the presiding
genius of the House of Commons' kitchen, or that in the administration
of cigars and wines he is perfectly at home. We all know that
"A fellow feeling makes us wondrous kind;"
and so long as human infirmities tend in the direction of a good dinner,
so long will Mr. Dalglish, whose unbounded hospitality must have cost him
quite a large fortune, remain the _facile princeps_ of diplomatists.
It would be unfair, however, to imply that Mr. Dalglish owes his
influential position in the House of Commons to this speciality alone.
No member is more regular in his attendance on Parliamentary duties. Mr.
Dalglish is always in his place, and he is ever eager to promote the
interests of his constituents. He has rendered yeoman service to the
municipal affairs of the city, having sat on many committees appointed
to deal with bills promoted by the Corporation. His solicitude to oblige
his constituents is, indeed, only bounded by his ability to serve them,
and the "open sesame" is seldom beyond his control. As a speaker he
never did and never will excel, although he has several times, and
notably on the question of the management of the dockyards, addressed
the House.
In personal appearance, Mr. Dalglish is about the ordinary height. He has
a genial and pleasant countenance, to which a long white beard imparts
somewhat of a patriarchal aspect; and the merry twinkle of his keen,
bright eye affords a capital index to his real character. His whole
demeanour is that of a man in whom confidence may be reposed without
fear of rebuff, and no man in the House could be more readily accessible
to his constituents. Mr. Dalglish is considered to have as good a
technical knowledge of the House of Commons' business as any private
member in it.
Consistently with his Liberal principles, Mr. Dalglish voted for the
disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish Church in 1869. He is in
favour of the withdrawal of all State grants for religious purposes, and
he is also an advocate for the assimilation of the county and borough
franchise.
MR. WILLIAM GRAHAM.
There are politicians and politicians. It is due to the varied opinions
and characters of its members that the House of Commons is such an
eminently representative assembly. It is not wealth alone, neither is it
genius, that affords the "open sesame" to Parliamentary fame. The wheels
of progress would probably move much slower than they do, if all who
entered St. Stephen's were gifted orators. Eloquence is a great
recommendation to a seat in Parliament; but there are other qualities
which, without being so conspicuous, are perhaps much more solid, and in
the long run lead to the accomplishment of a greater amount of really
useful work. Talking and working are essentially different things; and
it is well for Parliament, for the newspapers, and for the nation at
large, that so many excellent legislators are compelled to confess, like
Marc Antony, "I am no orator." The members for Glasgow have never made
themselves famous in the direction of much speaking; their aim has been
to gather much wool with little cry, thus reversing completely the
well-known motto. The interests of a city like Glasgow are purely
commercial and industrial, but they require to be constantly watched
with the utmost vigilance. To guard and conserve them aright requires,
also, a more or less practical and comprehensive knowledge of mercantile
affairs. This Mr. Graham possesses in a marked degree, having been
trained from his youth up in all the ramifications of commerce; and on
this ground alone his claims to represent his native city in Parliament
are not to be despised. But he has another, and, perhaps, still
stronger, hold upon the sympathies and support of the "free and
independent electors" of St. Mungo. He is recognised as the advocate
and representative of the religious and educational interests in
Parliament, and it was upon this basis that he was returned. Mr.
Dalglish has been so long and so closely associated with the commercial
and municipal interests of the city, that it would be impossible to find
one with a stronger hold in that direction. As for Mr. Anderson, he is,
of course, the champion of the working classes, and holds his seat by
their suffrages. But there was still another important party not
directly represented--the party to whom the city is indebted for much of
its social, intellectual, and religious prosperity--and Mr. Graham
stepped in to fill up the breach. Nailing his colours to the mast of the
good ship "Nonconformity," he has all along contended for religious
equality and toleration throughout the whole Empire; and if his
_specialite_ is not that of "darkening counsel with vain words," he has
given his best services since he entered Parliament to the advancement
of the true and permanent interests of his constituents, by unremitting
application to such duties as came within his reach.