United States refused the tribute demanded by the Barbary Rovers. From
its very birth the new nation had, in common with all other maritime
countries, accepted as a necessary evil a practice it was now full
time to abolish. As early as 1785 the Dey of Algiers found in American
commerce a fresh field for his ploughing; and of all traders, none
proved so welcome as that which boasted of its shipping, yet carried
not an ounce of shot to defend it. Hesitating protests and
negotiations were essayed in vain; until at last public opinion was so
aroused by the sufferings of the captives as to demand of Congress the
immediate construction of a fleet. Ill news travels apace, and the
rumours of these preparations echoed so promptly among the white walls
of Algiers, that the Dey hastened to conclude a treaty; and so, long
before the frigates were launched, immunity was purchased by the
payment of a heavy tribute. Like all cowardly compromises, this one
shaped itself into a two-edged sword; and soon every rover from
Mogador to the Gates of the Bosphorus was clamouring for _backsheesh_.
In 1800, Y[=u]suf, the Pasha of Tripoli, threatened to slip his
falcons upon the western quarry, unless presents, similar to those
given by England, France, and Spain, were immediately sent him. He
complained that the American Government had bribed his neighbours, the
cut-throats of Tunis, at a higher price, and he saw no reason why,
like his cousin of Algiers, he should not receive a frigate as
hush-money. His answer to a letter of the President, containing
honeyed professions of friendship, was amusing. "We would ask," he
said, "that these your expressions be followed by deeds, and not by
empty words. You will, therefore, endeavour to satisfy us by a good
manner of proceeding.... But if only flattering words are meant
without performance, every one will act as he finds convenient. We beg
a speedy answer without neglect of time, as a delay upon your part
cannot but be prejudicial to your interests."
The Bey of Tunis made demands no less arrogant. He declared that
Denmark, Spain, Sicily, and Sweden had made concessions to him, and
then he announced: "It would be impossible to keep peace longer,
unless the President sent him without delay ten thousand stand of arms
and forty cannons of _different calibre_. And all these last" (he
added, with a fine Hibernicism) "must be 24-pounders." Algiers hinted
that her money was in arrears, and Morocco intimated that her delay
in arranging terms was due simply to the full consideration which she
was giving to a matter so important.
Whatever other faults Y[=u]suf of Tripoli may have had, he was in this
matter as good as his word, and the six months' notice having been
fruitless, he proclaimed war on May 14, 1801, by chopping down the
flagstaff of the American Consulate. But the government of the United
States was weary of the old traditions followed by Christendom in its
dealings with these swashbucklers. They had by this time afloat a
small but effective squadron, and were very proud of the successes it
had gained in the _quasi_-war with France just ended. They were tired
also of a policy which was utterly at odds with their boast that all
men were born free and equal, and the nation was roused with the
shibboleth that there were "millions for defence, but not one cent for
tribute."
When the excitement had cooled, however, it seemed as if there was as
usual to be more in the promise than in the performance, for, though a
force existed sufficient for vigorous and decisive action, nothing was
accomplished during two years and more. Of the three squadrons sent
out, the first, under Dale, was hampered by the narrow restrictions of
the President's orders, due to constitutional scruples as to the
propriety of taking hostile measures before Congress had declared war;
and the second was unfortunate in its commander, though individual
deeds reflected the greatest credit upon many of the subordinate
officers. In 1803 the third squadron assembled at Gibraltar under the
broad pennant of Commodore Edward Preble, and then at last came the
time for vigorous measures.
The flag-officer's objective point was Tripoli, but hardly were his
ships gathered for concerted action, when the _Philadelphia_,
thirty-six guns, captured off the coast of Spain the _Meshboa_, an
armed cruiser which belonged to Morocco, and had in company as prize
the Boston brig _Celia_. Of course it was of the highest importance to
discover upon what authority the capture had been made; but the
Moorish commander lied loyally, and swore that he had taken the
_Celia_ in anticipation of a war which he was sure had been declared,
because of the serious misunderstanding existing when he was last in
port between his Emperor and the American consul. This story was too
improbable to be believed, and Captain Bainbridge of the
_Philadelphia_ threatened to hang as a common pirate the mendacious
Reis Ibrah[=i]m Lubarez unless he showed his commission. When the
rover saw this menace did not issue in idleness, he confessed he had
been mistaken, and that he had been ordered by the Governor of
Tangiers to capture American vessels. This made the matter one which
required decisive action, and so the prize was towed to Gibraltar, and
Preble sailed for Tangiers to demand satisfaction. There was the usual
interchange of paper bullets and of salutes; but, in the end, the
aggressive Commodore prevailed. The Emperor expressed his regret for
the hostile acts, and disowned them; he punished the marauders,
released all vessels previously captured, agreed to ratify the treaty
made by his father in 1786, and added that "his friendship for
America should last for ever."
This affair being settled, Preble detailed the _Philadelphia_ and
_Vixen_ for the blockade of Tripoli, and then, as the season was too
advanced for further operations, began preparations for the repairs
and equipment needed for the next season.
The work assigned to the _Philadelphia_ and _Vixen_ was rigorous, for
the coast--fretted with shoals, reefs, and unknown currents, and
harassed by sudden squalls, strong gales, and bad holding
grounds--demanded unceasing watchfulness, and rendered very difficult
the securing of proper food and ship's stores from the distance of the
supplying base. Bad as this was in the beginning, it became worse when
in October the _Vixen_ sailed eastward in search of a Tripolitan
cruiser which was said to have slipped past the line at night, for
then the whole duty, mainly inshore chasing, fell to the deep-draught
frigate. It was while thus employed that she came to misfortune, as
Cooper writes, in his History of the United States Navy: "Towards the
last of October the wind, which had been strong from the westward for
some time previously, drove the _Philadelphia_ a considerable distance
to the eastward of the town, and on Monday, October the 31st, as she
was running down to her station again with a fair breeze, about nine
in the morning a vessel was seen inshore and to windward, standing for
Tripoli. Sail was made to cut her off. Believing himself to be within
long gun-shot a little before eleven, and seeing no other chance of
overtaking the stranger in the short distance that remained, Captain
Bainbridge opened fire in the hope of cutting something away. For near
an hour longer the chase and the fire were continued; the lead, which
was kept constantly going, giving from seven to ten fathoms, and the
ship hauling up and keeping away as the water shoaled or deepened. At
half-past eleven, Tripoli then being in plain sight, distant a little
more than a league, (satisfied that he could neither overtake the
chase nor force her ashore,) Captain Bainbridge ordered the helm
a-port to haul directly off the land into deep water. The next cast of
the lead, when this order was executed, gave but eight fathoms, and
this was immediately followed by casts that gave seven and six and a
half. At this moment the wind was nearly abeam, and the ship had eight
knots way upon her. When the cry of 'half-six' was heard, the helm was
put hard down and the yards were ordered to be braced sharp up. While
the ship was coming up fast to the wind, and before she had lost her
way, she struck a reef forwards, and shot on it until she lifted
between five and six feet."
Every effort was made to get her off, but in vain. The noise of the
cannonading brought out nine gun-boats; and then, as if by magic,
swarms of wreckers slipped by the inner edge of the shore, stole from
some rocky inlet, or rushed from mole and galley, and keeping beyond
range, like vultures near a battle-field, awaited the surrender of the
ship. A gallant fight was made with the few guns left mounted, but at
last the enemy took up a position on the ship's weather quarter, where
her strong heel to port forbade the bearing of a single piece. "The
gun-boats," continues the historian, "were growing bolder every
minute, and night was at hand. Captain Bainbridge, after consulting
again with his officers, felt it to be an imperious duty to haul down
his flag, to save the lives of his people. Before this was done the
magazines were drowned, holes were bored in the ship's bottom, the
pumps were choked, and everything was performed that it was thought
would make sure the final loss of the vessel. About five o'clock the
colours were lowered." The ship was looted, the officers and men were
robbed, half stripped in some cases, and that night the crew was
imprisoned in a foul Tripolitan den. Within a week the rovers, aided
by favourable winds and unusual tides, not only got the _Philadelphia_
afloat, but, as the scuttling had been hastily done, towed her into
port, and weighed all the guns and anchors that lay in shallow water
on the reef. The ship was immediately repaired, the guns were
re-mounted, and the gallant but unfortunate Bainbridge had the final
misery of seeing his old command safely moored off the town, and about
a quarter of a mile from the Pasha's castle.
[Illustration: TRIPOLI.
(_Ogilby's Africa, 1670._)]
Preble heard of this catastrophe from an English frigate to which he
spoke off Sardinia on his way to Tripoli. The blow was a severe one,
for the ship represented over one-third of his fighting force, and the
great number of captives gave the enemy a material and sentimental
strength which he would be sure to use pitilessly in all future
negotiations. But the energetic sailor was only stimulated by the
disaster to greater exertions, and plans were immediately made for the
destruction of the captured ship. Fortunately there was no lack of
material, and, in selecting the leaders, it became an embarrassment to
decide between the claims of the volunteers. Finally the choice fell
upon Lieutenant Stephen Decatur. He was at this time twenty-four years
of age, and had by his marked qualities so distinguished himself as to
have been appointed to the command of the _Enterprise_. To great
prudence, self-control, and judgment, he united the dash, daring, and
readiness of resources which have always characterized the famous
sailors of the world; and in the victory which made his name renowned
in naval annals, he displayed these qualities in such a high degree as
to deserve the greatest credit for what he achieved as well as for
what, under great temptation, he declined to do.
After taking on board a load of combustibles, the _Intrepid_ sailed
from Syracuse for Tripoli upon the 3rd of February, 1804. The ketch
itself had a varied history, for she was originally a French gun
vessel, which had been captured by the English in Egypt and presented
to Tripoli, and which finally was seized by Decatur while running for
Constantinople with a present of female slaves for the Grand Vez[=i]r.
The brig _Siren_, Lieutenant Charles Stewart, commanding, convoyed the
expedition, and had orders to cover the retreat, and if feasible to
assist the attack with its boats. In affairs of this kind personal
comfort is always the least consideration, but had not the weather
been pleasant, the hardships endured might seriously have affected the
success of the enterprise. The five commissioned officers were crowded
in the small cabin; the midshipmen and pilot on one side, and the
seamen upon the other, were stowed like herrings upon "a platform laid
across water-casks, whose surface they completely covered when they
slept, and at so small a distance below the spar deck that their heads
would reach it when seated." To these inconveniences were added the
want of any room for exercise on deck, the attacks of innumerable
vermin which their predecessors, the slaves, had left behind them, and
(as the salted meat put on board had spoiled) the lack of anything but
biscuits to eat and water to drink.
After a voyage of six days the town was sighted, but strong winds had
rendered the entrances dangerous, and the heavy gale which came with
night drove the Americans so far to the eastward before it abated that
they found themselves fairly embayed in the Gulf of Sidra. On the
afternoon of the 16th Tripoli was once more made out; and as the wind
was light, the weather pleasant, and the sea smooth, Decatur
determined to attack that night. By arrangement the _Siren_ kept
almost out of sight during the day, and her appearance was so changed
as to lull all suspicion of her true character. The lightness of the
wind allowed the ketch to maintain the appearance of an anxious desire
to reach the harbour before night, without bringing her too near to
require any other change than the use of drags (in this case buckets
towed astern) which could not be seen from the city. The crew was kept
below, excepting six or eight persons at a time, so that inquiry might
not be awakened by unusual numbers; and such men remained on deck as
were dressed like Maltese. When the _Philadelphia_ was sighted, no
doubt was left of the hazardous nature of the attack, for she lay a
mile within the entrance, riding to the wind and abreast of the town.
Her foremast, which was cut away while on the reef, had not yet been
replaced, her main and mizzen masts were housed, and her lower yards
were on the gunwales. The lower standing rigging, however, was set up,
and her battery was loaded and shotted. She lay within short range of
the guns on the castle, on the mole-head, and in the New Fort; and
close aboard rode three Tripolitan cruisers and twenty gun-boats and
galleys. To meet and overcome this force Decatur had a few small guns
and seventy men, but these were hearts of oak, tried in many a
desperate undertaking, and burning now to redeem their country's
honour.
As the _Intrepid_ drew in with the land, they saw that the boiling
surf of the western passage would force them to select the northern
entrance, which twisted and turned between the rocks and the shoals.
It was now nearly ten o'clock, and as the ketch drifted in before the
light easterly breeze she seemed a modest trader bent upon barter, and
laden with anything but the hopes of a nation.
The night was beautiful; a young moon sailed in the sky; the lights
from wall and tower and town, and from the ships lazily rocking at the
anchorages, filled the water with a thousand points of fire. The
gentle breeze wafted the little craft past reefs and rocks into the
harbour noiselessly, save for the creaking of the yards, the
complainings of the block, the wimple of wavelets at the bow, and the
gurgle of eddies at the pintles and under the plashing counter. On
deck forward only a few figures were silhouetted against the
background of white wall and grayish sky; and aft Decatur and the
pilot stood conning the ship as it stole slowly for the frigate's bow.
Owing to the ketch's native rig, and to the glib Tripolitanese of the
Sicilian pilot, no suspicion was excited in the _Philadelphia's_ watch
by the answer to their hail that she had lost her anchors in a gale
and would like to run a line to the war-ship and to ride by it through
the night. So completely were the Tripolitans deceived that they
lowered a boat and sent it with a hawser, while at the same time some
of the _Intrepid's_ crew leisurely ran a fast to the frigate's
fore-chains. As these returned they met the enemy's boat, took its
rope, and passed it into their own vessel. Slowly, but firmly, it was
hauled upon by the men on board, lying on their backs, and slowly and
surely the _Intrepid_ was warped alongside. But at the critical moment
the ruse was discovered, and up from the enemies' decks went the
wolf-like howl of "Americanos! Americanos!"
The cry roused the soldiers in the forts and batteries, and the chorus
these awakened startled the Pasha from his sleep, and thrilled with
joy the captive Americans behind their prison walls.
In another moment the _Intrepid_ had swung broadside on, and
quickly-passed lashings held the two ships locked in a deadly embrace.
Then Decatur's cry of "board" rang out, and with a quick rush, and the
discharge of only a single gun, the decks were gained.
The surprise was as perfect as the assault was rapid, and the
Tripolitan crew, panic stricken, huddled like rats at bay awaiting the
final dash. Decatur had early gathered his men aft, stood a moment for
them to gain a sight of the enemy, and then, with the watchword
"_Philadelphia_" rushed upon the rovers. No defence was made, for,
swarming to leeward, they tumbled, in mad affright, overboard; over
the bows, through gun-ports, by aid of trailing halliards and stranded
rigging, out of the channels, pell-mell by every loop-hole they
went--and then, such as could, swam like water-rats for the friendly
shelter of the neighbouring war-galleys.
One by one the decks and holds were cleared, and in ten minutes
Decatur had possession of the ship, without a man killed, and only one
slightly wounded. In the positions selected so carefully beforehand,
the appointed divisions assembled and piled up and fired the
combustibles. Each party acted by itself, and as it was ready; and so
rapid were all in their movements, that those assigned to the
after-holds had scarcely reached the cockpit and stern store-rooms
before the fires were lighted over their heads. Indeed, when the
officer entrusted with this duty had completed his task, he found the
after-hatches so filled with smoke from the fire in the ward-room and
steerage, that he was obliged to escape to the deck by the forward
ladders.
Satisfied that the work was thoroughly done, the Americans leaped upon
the _Intrepid's_ deck, cut with swords and axes the hawsers lashing
them to the _Philadelphia_, manned the sweeps, and, just as the
flames were scorching their own yards and bulwarks, swung clear. Then
came the struggle for escape, and this last scene can best be told,
perhaps, in the words of one of the participants, Commodore Charles
Morriss, who gave on that night, when he was the first to board the
_Philadelphia_, the earliest proof of the great qualities which
afterwards made him one of the first sailors of his time. "Up to this
time," he wrote, "the ships and batteries of the enemy had remained
silent, but they were now prepared to act; and when the crew of the
ketch gave three cheers in exultation of their success, they received
the return of a general discharge from the enemy. The confusion of the
moment probably prevented much care in their direction, and though
under the fire of nearly a hundred pieces for half an hour, the only
shot which struck the ketch was one through the topgallant sail. We
were in greater danger from the _Philadelphia_, whose broadsides
commanded the passage by which we were retreating, and whose guns were
loaded, and discharged as they became heated. We escaped these also,
and while urging the ketch onwards with sweeps, the crew were
commenting upon the beauty of the spray thrown up by the shot between
us and the brilliant light of the ship, rather than calculating any
danger that might be apprehended from the contact. The appearance of
the ship was, indeed, magnificent. The flames in the interior
illuminated her ports, and, ascending her rigging and masts, formed
columns of fire, which, meeting the tops, were reflected into
beautiful capitals; whilst the occasional discharge of her guns gave
an idea of some directing spirit within her. The walls of the city
and its batteries, and the masts and rigging of cruisers at anchor,
brilliantly illuminated and animated by the discharge of artillery,
formed worthy adjuncts and an appropriate background to the picture.
Fanned by a light breeze our exertions soon carried us beyond the
range of their shot, and at the entrance of the harbour we met the
boats of the _Siren_, which had been intended to co-operate with us,
and whose crew rejoiced at our success, whilst they grieved at not
having been able to partake in it.... The success of this enterprise
added much to the reputation of the navy, both at home and abroad.
Great credit was given, and was justly due to Commodore Preble, who
directed and first designed it, and to Lieutenant Decatur, who
volunteered to execute it, and to whose coolness, self-possession,
resources, and intrepidity its success was, in an eminent degree,
due."
Commodore Preble, in the meantime, hurried his preparations for more
serious work, and on July 25th arrived off Tripoli with a squadron,
consisting of the frigate _Constitution_, three brigs, three
schooners, six gun-boats, and two bomb vessels. Opposed to him were
arrayed over a hundred guns mounted on shore batteries, nineteen
gun-boats, one ten-gun brig, two schooners mounting eight guns each,
and twelve galleys. Between August 3rd and September 3rd five attacks
were made, and though the town was never reduced, substantial damage
was inflicted, and the subsequent satisfactory peace rendered
possible. Preble was relieved by Barron in September, not because of
any loss of confidence in his ability, but from exigencies of the
service, which forbade the Government sending out an officer junior to
him in the relief squadron which reinforced his own. Upon his return
to the United States he was presented with a gold medal, and the
thanks of Congress were tendered him, his officers, and men, for
gallant and faithful services.
The blockade was maintained vigorously, and in 1805 an attack was made
upon the Tripolitan town of Derna, by a combined land and naval force;
the former being under command of Consul-General Eaton, who had been a
captain in the American army, and of Lieutenant O'Bannon of the
Marines. The enemy made a spirited though disorganized defence, but
the shells of the war-ships drove them from point to point, and
finally their principal work was carried by the force under O'Bannon
and Midshipman Mann. Eaton was eager to press forward, but he was
denied reinforcements and military stores, and much of his advantage
was lost. All further operations were, however, discontinued in June,
1805, when, after the usual intrigues, delays, and prevarications, a
treaty was signed by the Pasha, which provided that no further tribute
should be exacted, and that American vessels should be for ever free
of his rovers. Satisfactory as was this conclusion, the uncomfortable
fact remains that tribute entered into the settlement. After all the
prisoners had been exchanged man for man, the Tripolitan Government
demanded, and the United States paid, the handsome sum of sixty
thousand dollars to close the contract.
This treaty, however, awakened the conscience of Europe, and from the
day it was signed the power of the Barbary Corsairs began to wane. The
older countries saw their duty more clearly, and ceased to legalize
robbery on the high seas. To America the success gave an immediate
position which could not easily have been gained in any other way,
and, apart from its moral results, the contest with Tripoli was the
most potent factor in consolidating the navy of the United States.
XXI.
THE BATTLE OF ALGIERS.
1816.
Nelson was in the Mediterranean at the beginning of the nineteenth
century, as every one knows, but the suppression of the Barbary
Corsairs formed no part of his instructions. Twice, indeed, he sent a
ship of war to inquire into the complaints of the consuls, but without
effect; and then on the glorious Twenty-First of October, 1805, the
great admiral fell in the supreme hour of victory. Collingwood made no
attempt to deal with the Algerine difficulty, beyond sending a
civilian agent and a present of a watch, which the Dey consigned to
his cook. The British victories appear to have impressed the pirates'
mind but slightly; and in 1812 we find Mr. A'Court (Lord Heytesbury)
condescending to negotiate terms between the Corsairs and our allies
the Portuguese, by which the latter obtained immunity from molestation
and the release of their countrymen by the payment altogether of over
a million of dollars, and an annual tribute of $24,000.
To the United States of America belongs the honour of having first
set an example of spirited resistance to the pretensions of the
Corsairs. So long as they had been at war with Great Britain, the
States were unable to protect their commerce in the Mediterranean; and
they were forced to fall in with the prevailing custom and make peace
with the robbers on the basis of a bribe over a million of Spanish
dollars, and a large annual tribute in money and naval stores. But as
soon as the Treaty of Ghent set them free in 1815 they sent a squadron
to Algiers, bearing Mr. William Shaler as American consul, and
Captains Bainbridge and Stephen Decatur as his assessors in the
impending negotiations. The result was that after only two days a
Treaty was concluded on June 30, 1815, by which all money payment was
abolished, all captives and property were restored, and the United
States were placed on the footing of the most favoured nation. The
arguments of the Americans appear to have been more eloquent than
British broadsides.
Shamed by this unexpected success, the English Government at length
sent Lord Exmouth (formerly Sir Edward Pellew) to obtain favourable
terms for some of the minor Mediterranean Powers, and to place the
Ionian Islands, as British dependencies, on the same footing as
England. Yet he was evidently not authorized to proceed to extreme
measures or demand unconditional surrender of existing pretensions. He
arranged terms for Naples, which still included tribute and presents.
Sardinia escaped for a sum down. The Ionians were admitted on the
English footing. Then Lord Exmouth went on to Tunis and Tripoli, and
obtained from the two Beys the promise of the total abolition of
Christian slavery.
His proceedings at Tunis were marked by much firmness, and rewarded
with commensurate success. He arrived on the 12th of April, 1816,
shortly after a Tunisian Corsair, in devastating one of the Sardinian
islands, had roused the indignation of Europe. Lord Exmouth demanded
nothing less than the total abolition of Christian slavery. "It
happened that at this very time Caroline, Princess of Wales, was
enjoying the splendid hospitality of Mahm[=u]d Bey in his city palace.
Neither party seemed inclined to yield, and matters assumed a very
threatening aspect. The mediation of the royal guest was invoked in
vain; Lord Exmouth was inexorable. The Princess sent the greater part
of her baggage to the Goletta, the British merchants hastened to
embark on board the vessels of the squadron, the men-of-war were
prepared for action, and the Bey did his best to collect all available
reinforcements. The excitement in Tunis was immense, and a pacific
solution was considered almost impossible. On the 16th Lord Exmouth,
accompanied by Mr. Consul-General Oglander and his staff, proceeded to
the Bardo Palace. The flagstaff of the British Agency was previously
lowered to indicate a resolution to resort to an appeal to arms in
case of failure, and the Princess of Wales expected every hour to be
arrested as a hostage. The antecedents of the Bey were not precisely
calculated to assuage her alarm, but Mahm[=u]d sent one of his
officers to assure her that, come what might, he should never dream of
violating the Moslem laws of hospitality. While the messenger was
still with her, Lord Exmouth entered the room and announced the
satisfactory termination of his mission. On the following morning the
Bey signed a Treaty whereby in the name of the Regency he abolished
Christian slavery throughout his dominions. Among the reasons which
induced the Bey to yield to the pressure used by Lord Exmouth was the
detention of the Sultan's envoy, bearing the imperial firman and robe
of investiture, at Syracuse. The Neapolitan Government would not allow
him to depart until the news of the successful result of the British
mission had arrived, and Mahm[=u]d felt it impossible to forego the
official recognition of his suzerain."[90]
The wife of George IV. was extremely angry at being interrupted in a
delightful course of entertainments, and picnics among the ruins of
Carthage and the orange groves, whither she repaired in the Bey's
coach and six, escorted by sixty meml[=u]ks. The Tunisians were, of
course, indignant at the Bey's surrender, nor did piracy cease on
account of the Treaty. Holland, indeed, repudiated the blackmail in
1819, but Sweden still paid a species of tribute in the form of one
hundred and twenty-five cannons in 1827.
Having gained his point at Tunis and Tripoli--a most unexpected
triumph--Lord Exmouth came back to Algiers, and endeavoured to
negotiate the same concessions there, coolly taking up his position
within short range of the batteries. His proposals were indignantly
rejected, and he was personally insulted; two of his officers were
dragged from their horses by the mob, and marched through the streets
with their hands tied behind their backs; the consul, Mr. McDonell,
was put under guard, and his wife and other ladies of his family were
ignominiously driven into the town from the country house.[91] Lord
Exmouth had no instructions for such an emergency; he arranged that
ambassadors should be sent from Algiers to London and Constantinople
to discuss his proposal; and then regretfully sailed for England. He
had hardly returned when news arrived of extensive massacres of
Italians living under British protection at Bona and Oran by order of
the Dey--an order actually issued while the British admiral was at
Algiers. Lord Exmouth was immediately instructed to finish his work.
On the 25th of July in the same year his flagship, the _Queen
Charlotte_, 108, led a squadron of eighteen men of war, of from ten to
one hundred and four guns, and including three seventy-fours, out of
Portsmouth harbour. At Gibraltar the Dutch admiral, Baron Van
Capellan, begged to be allowed to join in the attack with six vessels,
chiefly thirty-sixes, and when the time came he fought his ships
admirably. On the 27th of August they arrived in the roads of Algiers.
The _Prometheus_ had been sent ahead to bring off the consul McDonell
and his family. Captain Dashwood succeeded in bringing Mrs. and Miss
McDonell on board; but a second boat was less fortunate: the consul's
baby took the opportunity of crying just as it was being carried in a
basket past the sentinel, by the ship's surgeon, who believed he had
quieted it. The whole party were taken before the Dey, who, however,
released all but the boat's crew, and, as "a solitary instance of his
humanity," sent the baby on board. The Consul-General himself remained
a prisoner.
No reply being vouchsafed to his flag of truce, Lord Exmouth bore up
to the attack, and the _Queen Charlotte_ dropped anchor in the
entrance of the Mole, some fifty yards off, and was lashed to a mast
which was made fast to the shore. A shot from the Mole, instantly
answered from the flagship, opened the battle. "Then commenced a
fire," wrote the admiral, "as animated and well-supported as I believe
was ever witnessed, from a quarter before three till nine, without
intermission, and which did not cease altogether till half-past eleven
[P.M.]. The ships immediately following me were admirably and coolly
taking up their stations, with a precision even beyond my most
sanguine hope; and never did the British flag receive, on any
occasion, more zealous and honourable support.
"The battle was fairly at issue between a handful of Britons, in the
noble cause of Christianity, and a horde of fanatics, assembled round
their city, and enclosed within its fortifications, to obey the
dictates of their Despot. The cause of God and humanity prevailed; and
so devoted was every creature in the fleet, that even British women
served at the same guns with their husbands, and, during a contest of
many hours, never shrank from danger, but animated all around them."
Some of the men-of-war, especially the _Impregnable_, Rear-Admiral
Milne, were hard beset; but about ten o'clock at night the main
batteries were silenced, and in a state of ruin, and "all the ships in
the port, with the exception of the outer frigate [which had been
boarded], were in flames, which extended rapidly over the whole
arsenal, storehouses, and gun-boats, exhibiting a spectacle of awful
grandeur and interest no pen can describe."[92] At one o'clock
everything in the Marine seemed on fire: two ships wrapped in flames
drifted out of the port. Heavy thunder, lightning, and rain, increased
the lurid effect of the scene.
Next morning, says Mr. Shaler, "the combined fleets are at anchor in
the bay, apparently little damaged; every part of the town appeared to
have suffered. The Marine batteries are in ruins, and may be occupied
without any effort. Lord Exmouth holds the fate of Algiers in his
hands."
Instead, however, of demolishing the last vestige of the
fortifications, and exacting pledges for future good behaviour, the
admiral concluded a treaty by which prisoners of war in future should
be exchanged and not enslaved; and the whole of the slaves in Algiers,
to the number of 1,642 (chiefly Italian, only eighteen English), were
at once set at liberty, and the Dey was made to refund the money,
amounting to nearly four hundred dollars, which he had that year
extorted from the Italian States. Finally, he was made to publicly
apologize to the unfortunate McDonell, who had been confined during
the siege half naked in the cell for condemned murderers, loaded with
chains, fastened to the wall, exposed to the heavy rain, and
momentarily expecting his doom. He was now reinstated, and publicly
thanked by the admiral.
It was, indeed, satisfactory to have at last administered some
salutary discipline to the insolent robbers of Algiers; but it had
been well if the lesson had been final. Their fleet was certainly
gone: they had but two vessels left. Their fortifications were
severely damaged, but these were soon repaired. No doubt it was no
small advantage to have demonstrated that their batteries could be
turned and silenced; but it would have been better to have taken care
that they should never mount another gun. Even the moral effect of the
victory seems to have been shortlived, for when, in 1819, in pursuance
of certain resolutions expressed at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle
(1818) the French and English admirals delivered "identical notes" to
the new Dey, that potentate replied after his manner by throwing up
earthworks.
As a matter of fact the same course of insolence and violence
continued after the Battle of Algiers as before. Free European girls
were carried off by the Dey; the British consulate was forced open,
and even the women's rooms searched; Mr. McDonell was still
victimized; and the diplomacy and a little fancy firing of Sir Harry
Neale in 1824 failed to produce the least effect. Mr. McDonell had to
be recalled, and the Dey as usual had his own way. Nothing but
downright conquest could stop the plague, and that final measure was
reserved for another nation than the English.
FOOTNOTES:
[90] Broadley, 85-6.
[91] Playfair, 256.
[92] Lord Exmouth's Despatch, August 26, 1816. See also the American
Consul Shaler's Report to his Government, September 13th, quoted by
Playfair, 269-72. The bombardment destroyed a large part of Mr.
Shaler's house, and shells were perpetually whizzing by his ears. His
report is full of graphic details, and he was always a true friend of
the unlucky McDonell. It is stated that the fleet fired 118 tons of
powder, 50,000 shot, nearly 1,000 shells, &c. The English lost 128
killed and 690 wounded. The admiral was wounded in three places, his
telescope broken in his hand, and his coat cut to strips. Nor was the
Dey less forward at the post of danger.
XXII.
THE FRENCH IN AFRICA.
1830-1881.
The successes of the English and American fleets had produced their
effects, not so much in arresting the course of piracy, as in
encouraging the European States to defy the pirates. The _coup de
grace_ was administered by France--the _vis-a-vis_, the natural
opponent of the Algerine Corsairs, and perhaps the chief sufferer by
their attacks. A dispute in April, 1827, between the French consul and
the Dey, in which the former forgot the decencies of diplomatic
language, and the latter lost his temper and struck the offender with
the handle of his fan, led to an ineffectual blockade of Algiers by a
French squadron for two years, during which the Algerines aggravated
the breach by several acts of barbarity displayed towards French
prisoners. Matters grew to a crisis; in August, 1829, the Dey
dismissed a French envoy and fired upon his ship as he was retiring
under a flag of truce; and it became evident that war on a decisive
scale was now inevitable.
Accordingly, on May 26th, 1830, a large fleet sailed out of Toulon.
Admiral Duperre commanded, and the land-forces on board numbered
thirty-seven thousand foot, besides cavalry and artillery. Delayed by
stress of weather, the fleet was not sighted off Algiers till June
13th, when it anchored in the Bay of Sidi Ferr[=u]j, and there landed
next day, with little opposition, and began to throw up entrenchments.
A force of Arabs and Kabyles was severely defeated on the 19th, with
the loss of their camp and provisions, and the French slowly pushed
their way towards the city, beating back the Algerines as they
advanced. The defenders fought game to the last, but the odds were
overwhelming, and the only wonder is that so overpowering a force of
besiegers, both by sea and land, should have evinced so much caution
and diffidence of their own immense superiority. On July 4th, the
actual bombardment of the city began; the Fort de l'Empereur was
taken, after the Algerines had blown up the powder magazine; and the
Dey asked for terms of surrender. Safety of person and property for
himself and for the inhabitants of the city was promised by the French
commander, and on this condition the enemy occupied Algiers on the
following day, July 5th. A week later the Dey, with his family and
attendants and belongings, sailed for Naples in a French frigate, and
Algiers had seen the last of its Mohammedan rulers.[93]
Here, so far as Algiers is concerned, the Story of the Corsairs
properly ends. But a glance at the events which have occurred during
the French occupation may usefully supplement what has already been
recorded. The conquest had been marked by a moderation and humanity
which did infinite honour to the French arms; it would have been well
if a similar policy had distinguished their subsequent proceedings. It
is not necessary to dwell upon the assurance given by France to Great
Britain that the occupation was only temporary; upon the later
announcement of permanent annexation; or upon England's acquiescence
in the perfidy, upon the French engaging never to push their conquests
further to the east or west of Algiers--an engagement curiously
illustrated by the recent occupation of Tunis. But if the
aggrandizement of France in North Africa is matter for regret,
infinitely more to be deplored is the manner in which the possession
of the interior of the country has been effected. It is not too much
to say that from the moment when the French, having merely taken the
city of Algiers, began the work of subduing the tribes of the interior
in 1830, to the day when they at last set up civil, instead of
military, government, after the lessons of the Franco-German war in
1870, the history of Algeria is one long record of stupidly brutal
camp-rule, repudiation of sacred engagements, inhuman massacres of
unoffending natives of both sexes and all ages, violence without
judgment, and severity without reason. One French general after
another was sent out to bring the rebellious Arabs and Kabyles into
subjection, only to display his own incompetence for the inhuman
task, and to return baffled and brutalized by the disgraceful work he
thought himself bound to carry out. There is no more humiliating
record in the annals of annexation than this miserable conquest of
Algiers. It is the old story of trying to govern what the conquerors
call "niggers," without attempting to understand the people first.
Temper, justice, insight, and conciliation would have done more in
four years than martial intolerance and drum tyranny accomplished in
forty.
In all these years of miserable guerilla warfare, in which such
well-known commanders as Bugeaud, Pelissier, Canrobert, St. Arnaud,
MacMahon, and many more, learned their first demoralizing lessons in
warfare, the only people who excite our interest and admiration are
the Arab tribes. That they were unwise in resisting the inevitable is
indisputable; but it is no less certain that they resisted with
splendid valour and indomitable perseverance. Again and again they
defeated the superior forces of France in the open field, wrested
strong cities from the enemy, and even threatened to extinguish the
authority of the alien in Algiers for ever. For all which the invaders
had only to thank themselves. Had General Clausel, the first military
governor of Algiers, been a wise man, the people might have accepted,
by degrees, the sovereignty of France. But the violence of his
measures, and his ignorance of the very word "conciliation," raised up
such strenuous opposition, engendered such terrible reprisals, and set
the two parties so hopelessly against each other, that nothing less
than a prolonged struggle could be expected.
The hero of this sanguinary conflict was 'Abd-el-K[=a]dir, a man who
united in his person and character all the virtues of the old Arabs
with many of the best results of civilization. Descended from a
saintly family, himself learned and devout, a H[=a]j or Meccan
pilgrim; frank, generous, hospitable; and withal a splendid horseman,
redoubtable in battle, and fired with the patriotic enthusiasm which
belongs to a born leader of men, 'Abd-el-K[=a]dir became the
recognized chief of the Arab insurgents. The Dey of Algiers had
foreseen danger in the youth, who was forced to fly to Egypt in fear
of his life. When he returned, a young man of twenty-four, he found
his country in the hands of the French, and his people driven to
desperation. His former fame and his father's name were talismans to
draw the impetuous tribes towards him; and he soon had so large a
following that the French deemed it prudent for the moment to
recognize him (1834) as Em[=i]r of Maskara, his native place, of which
he had already been chosen king by general acclamation. Here he
prepared for the coming struggle; and when the French discovered a
pretext for attacking him in 1835, they were utterly routed on the
river Maska. The fortunes of war vacillated in the following year,
till in May, 1837, 'Abd-el-K[=a]dir triumphantly defeated a French
army in the plain of the Metija. A fresh expedition of twenty thousand
met with no better success, for Arabs and Berbers are hard to trap,
and 'Abd-el-K[=a]dir, whose strategy evoked the admiration of the Duke
of Wellington, was for a time able to baffle all the marshals of
France. The whole country, save a few fortified posts, was now under
his sway, and the French at last perceived that they had to deal with
a pressing danger. They sent out eighty thousand men under Marshal
Bugeaud, and the success of this officer's method of sweeping the
country with movable columns was soon apparent. Town after town fell;
tribe after tribe made terms; even 'Abd-el-K[=a]dir's capital,
Takidemt, was destroyed; Maskara was subdued (1841); and the heroic
chief, still repudiating defeat, retreated to Morocco. Twice he led
fresh armies into his own land, in 1843 and 1844; the one succumbed to
the Duc d'Aumale, the other to Bugeaud. Pelissier covered himself with
peculiar glory by smoking five hundred men, women, and children to
death in a cave. At last, seeing the hopelessness of further efforts
and the misery they brought upon his people, 'Abd-el-K[=a]dir accepted
terms (1847), and surrendered to the Duc d'Aumale on condition of
being allowed to retire to Alexandria or Naples. It is needless to add
that, in accordance with Algerian precedent, the terms of surrender
were subsequently repudiated, though not by the Royal Duke, and the
noble Arab was consigned for five years to a French prison. Louis
Napoleon eventually allowed him to depart to Brusa, and he finally
died at Damascus in 1883, not, however, before he had rendered signal
service to his former enemies by protecting the Christians during the
massacres of 1860.
Though 'Abd-el-K[=a]dir had gone, peace did not settle upon Algeria.
Again and again the tribes revolted, only to feel once more the
merciless severity of their military rulers. French colonists did not
readily adopt the new field for emigration. It seemed as though the
best thing would be to withdraw from a bootless, expensive, and
troublesome venture. Louis Napoleon, however, when he visited Algiers
in 1865, contrived somewhat to reassure the Kabyles, while he
guaranteed their undisturbed possession of their territories; and
until his fall there was peace. But the day of weakness for France was
the opportunity for Algiers, and another serious revolt broke out; the
Kabyles descended from their mountains, and Gen. Durieu had enough to
do to hold them in check. The result of this last attempt, and the
change of government in France, was the appointment of civil instead
of military governors, and since then Algeria has on the whole
remained tranquil, though it takes an army of fifty thousand men to
keep it so. There are at least no more Algerine Corsairs.
It remains to refer to the affairs of Tunis. If there was provocation
for the French occupation of Algiers in 1830, there was none for that
of Tunis in 1881.[94] It was a pure piece of aggression, stimulated by
the rival efforts of Italy, and encouraged by the timidity of the
English Foreign Office, then under the guidance of Lord Granville. A
series of diplomatic grievances, based upon no valid grounds, was set
up by the ingenious representative of France in the Regency--M.
Theodore Roustan, since deservedly exposed--and the resistance of the
unfortunate Bey, Mohammed Es-S[=a]dik, to demands which were in
themselves preposterous, and which obviously menaced his
semi-independence as a viceroy of the Ottoman Empire, received no
support from any of the Powers, save Turkey, who was then depressed in
influence and resources by the adversities of the Russian invasion.
The result was natural: a strong Power, unchecked by efficient rivals,
pursued her stealthy policy of aggression against a very weak, but not
dishonest, State; and finally seized upon the ridiculous pretext of
some disturbances among the tribes bordering on Algeria to invade the
territory of the Bey. In vain Mohammed Es-S[=a]dik assured M. Roustan
that order had been restored among the tribes; in vain he appealed to
all the Powers, and, above all, to England. Lord Granville believed
the French Government when it solemnly assured him that "the
operations about to commence on the borderland between Algeria and
Tunis are meant solely to put an end to the constant inroads of the
frontier clans into Algerian territory, and that the independence of
the Bey and the integrity of his territory are in no way threatened."
It was Algiers over again, but with even more serious consequences to
English influence--indeed to all but French influence--in the
Mediterranean. "Perfide Albion" wholly confided in "Perfida Gallia,"
and it was too late to protest against the flagrant breach of faith
when the French army had taken Kef and Tabarka (April 26, 1881), when
the tricolor was floating over Bizerta, and when General Breart, with
every circumstance of insolent brutality, had forced the Treaty of
Kasr-es-Sa'[=i]d upon the luckless Bey under the muzzles of the guns
of the Republic (May 12th). It is difficult to believe that the
feeling of the English statesmen of the day is expressed in the
words--_Haec olim meminisse juvabit._
The Bey had been captured--he and since his death Sidi 'Al[=i] Bey
have continued to be the figureheads of the French Protectorate--but
his people were not so easily subdued. The southern provinces of Tunis
broke into open revolt, and for a time there ensued a period of
hopeless anarchy, which the French authorities made no effort to
control. At last they bestirred themselves, and to some purpose. Sfax
was mercilessly bombarded and _sacked_, houses were blown up with
their inhabitants inside them, and a positive reign of terror was
inaugurated, in which mutual reprisals, massacres, and executions
heightened the horrors of war. The whole country outside the fortified
posts became the theatre of bloodshed, robbery, and anarchy. It was
the history of Algiers _in petto_. Things have slowly improved since
then, especially since M. Roustan's recall; doubtless in time Tunis
will be as subdued and as docile as Algiers; and meanwhile France is
developing the resources of the land, and opening out one of the
finest harbours in existence. Yet M. Henri de Rochefort did not,
perhaps, exaggerate when he wrote: "We compared the Tunisian
expedition to an ordinary fraud. We were mistaken. The Tunis business
is a robbery aggravated by murder." The "Algerian business" was of a
similar character. _Qui commence bien finit bien_, assumes Admiral
Jurien de la Graviere in his chapter entitled "Gallia Victrix." If the
history of France in Africa ends in bringing the southern borderlands
of the Mediterranean, the old haunts of the Barbary Corsairs, within
the pale of civilization, it may some day be possible to bury the
unhappy past, and inscribe upon the tombstone the optimistic motto:
_Finis coronat opus._
FOOTNOTES:
[93] See the graphic journal of the British Consul-General, R. W. St.
John, published in Sir R. Lambert Playfair's _Scourge of Christendom_,
pp. 310-322.
[94] For a full account of this scandalous proceeding, see Mr. A. M.
Broadley's _Tunis, Past and Present_.
THE END.
INDEX.
A
'Abd-el-K[=a]dir, 305-6
'Abd-el-Melik. Khalif, 7
'Abd-er-Rahm[=a]n, 7
Acre, 62
Acton, Chevalier, 191
Aden, 98
Aegina, 97
"Africa" (Mahd[=i]ya), Siege of, 128-133;
(Illustr.) 129;
taken by Dragut, 133;
retaken by Doria, 134.
Aghlab[=i]s, 7, 21
Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress, 4, 299
Alghero, 62
Algiers, 8;
taken by D. Pedro Navarro, 13;
orthography, 13 _n._, 16, 19;
occupied by Ur[=u]j Barbarossa, 46;
ruled by Kheyr-ed-d[=i]n, 54;
Hasan Aga, viceroy, 81;
Charles V.'s Expedition, 112-123;
renegade Pashas, 185;
Turkish Deys, 185-7;
its galleys, 218 ff.;
its slaves, 235 ff.;
arrogance of its Deys, 257 ff.;
bombardment, 297;
French occupation, 301-7
Algiers (Illustr.) frontispiece, 48, 115
Alhucemas, 188
'Ali Aga, 272
'Ali Pasha at Lepanto, 164, 173-6
Allen, Sir T., 272
Almohades, 7, 21
Almoravides, 21
Alva, Duke of, 113
'Amr, General, 7
Angelo, Fort (Corfu), 97
Angelo, Fort (Malta), 136, 142 ff.
Aragon, 23
Aranda, Emanuel d', 195
Arenela, 143
Armadores, 221
Arta, Gulf of, 101 ff.
Astrolabe, 170
Astrolabe, observation with, 104
Atlas range, 14
Aubusson, D', 66
Aumale, Duc d', 306
Ay[=a]s, Grand Vez[=i]r, 96
Ayd[=i]n Reis "Drub-Devil," 56, 57, 89
B
Bab Az[=u]n, 117, 118
Bab-el-W[=e]d, 117
Bainbridge, Capt., 277 ff.
Balaklava, 62
Balearic Islands, 24, 56, 57
Baltimore in Ireland sacked, 233, 265
Barbarigo, 173, 175
Barbarossa, Ur[=u]j, birth, 31;
Lives of, 31 _n._;
arrives at Tunis, 32;
takes Papal Galleys, 35;
settles at Jerba, 40;
attacks Buj[=e]ya, 40;
is wounded, 43;
second attempt on Buj[=e]ya, 44;
goes to J[=i]jil, 44;
surprises Shersh[=e]l, 46;
occupies Algiers, 49;
defeats the Spaniards, 50;
conquers Tinnis, 51;
is pursued by the Spaniards, 51;
and killed, 52
Barbarossa, Kheyr-ed-d[=i]n, see _Kheyr-ed-d[=i]n_
Barbary peninsula, 14 ff.
Barbary, map of, 17
Barcone, 231
Bastion de France, 253-4
Bazan, Alvaro de, 173
Beaufort, Henry, 131
Bekri, El, 26
Beshiktash, 111
Besist[=a]n, 243
Beys of Tunis, 22
Blake, Admiral, 269
Blomberg, Barba, 167
Boccanegra, 103
Bona, 19, 24, 26
Bona, Cape, 19
Bor[=a]k Reis, 66-7
Bourbon, Duke of, 131
Bourbon, Francois de, 106
Boyssat, 89 _n._
Brigantine (Vergatina), 10, 205
Bragadino, 164
Braithwaite, Capt., 191 _n._
Breves, M. de, 226
Broadley, A. M., 89 _n._, 257, 295, 307
Bruce, James, 273
Bugeaud, Marshal, 306
Buj[=e]ya, taken by Spaniards, 12;
harbour, 19, 23;
besieged by
Ur[=u]j Barbarossa, 40;
again, 44, 51;
Charles V. at, 122, 254
Burgol, 222
C
Caesarea Augusta, 13 _n._
Cairo, 21
Canale, 95
Capellan, Van, 296
Capello, 101-4, 194
Carack, 86, 103
Caramuzel, 231
Caravel (Illustr.), 11, 231
Cardona, Juan de, 150, 168, 177
Carthage, 19
Castelnuovo, 105
Catena, 9, 168 _n._
Cattaro, 105
Cerda, Juan de la, 147
Cervantes, 177, 246-8
Cervellon, 182
Cetraro, 84
Ceuta, 16, 20, 23, 188
Challoner, Sir T., 122
Charles V., 51, 57, 77;
at Tunis, 86-91;
at Algiers, 112-123, 167
Chenier, 191 _n._
Chesneau, 83 _n._
Chioggia, 62
Christian privileges in Barbary, 22
Clement, Saint-, 161, 192
Col, 55
Collingwood, Admiral, 292
Colonna, 163, 173, 176
Comares, Marq. de, 51
Comelin, Father, 255
Commercial Treaties, 22
Compass, 99
Condulmiero, 103
Constantine, 55
Constantinople, 82-3
Consuls at Algiers, &c., 259 ff.
Cordova, 7
Corfu, 95;
besieged, 96-7
Corsica, 7, 24
Cortes, 114
Cossier, 89
Cottington, 229
Courcy, De, 131
Crossbow, observation with, 55
Cruz, Marquis of Santa, 177
Cyprus, 72;
taken by Turks, 162-4
D
Damad 'Al[=i], 181
Dan, Father, 218, 219, 220, 233, 235 ff., 252 ff.
Danser, Simon, 226
Dardanelles, 62
Da[=u]d Pasha, 67-71
Decatur, Stephen, 283 ff., 293
Delgarno, 188
Deli Memi, 246
Dell[=a]ls, 243
Denis, Sir Peter, 264
Denmark and Tunis, 258 ff.
Deys of Algiers, 22, 262 ff.
Doria, Andrea, drives Kheyr-ed-d[=i]n from the Goletta, 43;
life up to 1533, 76-8;
portrait, 79;
takes Coron, 81;
misses Kheyr-ed-d[=i]n, 82;
expedition to Tunis, 86 ff.;
chases Kheyr-ed-d[=i]n, 93;
fight off Paxos, 95;
defeated at Prevesa, 101-4;
inactivity, 110;
expedition to Algiers, 113 ff.;
to Mahd[=i]ya, 133;
lets Dragut slip, 135;
death, 140
Doria, Giannettino, 112, 127
Doria, Giovanni Andrea, 138-40, 163, 168, 173, 175
Doria, Roger, at Jerba, 128
Dragut, Reis (Torgh[=u]d), 56, 98, 103, 110, 112;
early career, 124;
captivity, 127;
ransom, 112, 127;
at Jerba, 128;
takes "Africa," 133, and loses it, 134;
escape from Jerba, 135;
joins the Ottoman navy, 136, 138;
destroys the Christian fleet at Jerba, 140;
dies at the siege of Malta, 146-9
"Drub-Devil" Ayd[=i]n, 56
Duperre, Admiral, 302
Dynasties of N. Africa, 21
E
Echinades, 173
Elba looted, 82
Elmo, Fort St., 142-9
England and Algiers, 257 ff.
Eski Serai, 82
Evangelista, Master, 142
Exmouth, Lord, 293 ff.
F
Falcon, Consul, 264
F[=a]tim[=i]s, 7, 21, 24
Ferdinand the Catholic, 8, 13, 44
Fez, Bishop of, 22
Fondi sacked, 84-5
Formentara, 57, 224
France and Algiers, 256 ff., 301 ff.
Francis I., 77, 94, 106-10
Frazer, Hon. A. C., 264
Frizell, Consul, 266
Froissart, 128-33
Furttenbach, 206 ff., 232
G
Gabes, Gulf of, 26
Galata, 62
Galleasse, 68, (illustr.) 69, 227;
description, 206, 230
Galleon (illustr.), 6;
description, 205
Galleot, description, 218
Galley (illustr.), 37, 64;
building at Constantinople, 83;
(illustr.) 107, 203, 207, 209, 211;
description of, 200 ff., 213 ff.
Gembloux, 178
Genoa, 23, 43, 61 ff., 77
Goletta of Tunis, 16, 32, 78, 86
Gonzaga, Giulia, escape of, 84-5
Granada, fall of, 8
Graviere, Admiral Jurien de la, 31 _n._, 59, 71, 73, 81, 83, 104, 123,
138, 150, 177, 206, 215
Greece, raid among the isles of, 97
Greek fire, 131
Grimani, 67, 71, 101-4
Guaras, Jean de, 146
H
Haedo, Diego de, 31 _n._, 36, 82 _n._, 200-5, 219, 220, 223-4
Hafs, dynasty, 21, 23, 32, 85
H[=a]jji Khal[=i]fa, 31 _n._, 67, 82 _n._, 98, 104
Hamm[=a]d, dynasty, 21
Hammer, Von, 31 _n._, 104
Harebone, Mr., 260
Hasan Aga, 81, 112;
defends Algiers against Charles V., 112-23
Hasan, King of Tunis, 85-91
Hasan, Pasha of Algiers, 246-7
Herbert, Admiral, 272
His[=a]r Reis, 134
Holland and Algiers, 257 ff., 271, 295
Hope, Capt., 264
Hospitallers, Knights of St. John, 66, 73, 76, and see _Malta_
I
Ibrah[=i]m, Grand Vez[=i]r, 83, 89, 94
Ibrah[=i]m Lubarez, 277
Idr[=i]s, 21
Inchiquin, Earl of, 269
India, expedition to, 98
J
Jerba, lotus-eaters' island, 16, 40;
(illustr.) 125;
Dragut's lair, 128;
his escape from, 135;
destruction of the Christian fleet, 139
Jezair, Al-, 13 _n._
J[=i]jil, 19, 20;
occupied by Ur[=u]j Barbarossa, 44
John of Austria, Don, 164-78, 246
Julius II., Pope, 35
K
Kasaba at Algiers, 244 ff.
Kara Hasan, 49
Kayraw[=a]n, 91
Kem[=a]l Reis, 66
Keppel, Admiral, 273
Khald[=u]n, Ibn-, 26
Khalifs, 7, 21
Kheyr-ed-d[=i]n Barbarossa, birth, 31 and _n._, 36 _n._;
driven from the Goletta, 43;
character, 53;
policy towards Sultan, 54;
appointed Governor of Algiers, 54;
defeats Hugo de Moncada, 55;
storms the Penon de Alger, 58;
summoned to Constantinople, 75;
arrival, 82;
High Admiral of Turkey, 83, 94;
raid in Italy, 84;
sacks Fondi, 85;
takes Tunis, 86;
is expelled, 89;
sacks Port Mahon, 92-3;
at Stambol, 94;
lays waste Apulia, 96;
siege of Corfu, 96-7;
takes Castelnuovo, 105;
at Marseilles, 106;
siege of Nice, 109;
winters at Toulon, 109;
returns to Constantinople, 111;
death, 111
Knights of St. John, 66, 73, 76
Koka, 67
Kuroghler, Creole, 221
L
Lacalle, 19;
taken by Turks, 71
Lepanto, 67;
battle of, 164-178
Lesbos, 31
Liman Reis, Port Admiral, 225
Lomellini family, 19, 43
Loredani family, 65, 68
Louis, St., 85
Lucida, S., stormed, 84
Luni, 24
Lutfi Pasha, 81, 96
M
Madeira, 232
Mahon, Port, sacked, 93, 114
Mahd[=i]ya, 16, 21, 24, 26;
siege by Bourbon, 128-133;
(Illustr.) 129;
taken by Dragut, 133;
by Doria, 134
Mahm[=u]d, Bey of Tunis, 294-5
Majorca, 57
Malta, description of, 143
Malta, Knights of, 76, 86 ff., 109, 118-123, 136-8, 141-159, 161, 177,
213;
captives, 244 ff.
Mansell, Sir R., 272
Marabut, 222
Marmora, 62
Matha, Juan de, 251
Marmol, 31 _n._
Marsa, La, 143
Mars-el-Keb[=i]r, 19
Marseilles merchants, 19, 254
Marseilles receives the Turkish fleet, 106
Martinego, 73
Mas-Latrie, Cte. de, 24, 25
Maura, Santa, 103
McDonell, Consul, 296 ff.
Medina-Celi, Duke of, expedition to Jerba and defeat, 138-140
Memi Arnaut, 185
Memi Gancho, 220
Mendoza, 81, 114
Merin, dynasty, 22
Minorca, 92
Modon, 71
Mohammed II., 31, 65, 66
Mohammed Es-S[=a]dik, 308-9
Moor of Alexandria, 95
_Moors in Spain_, _Story of_, 8, 167
Morgan, S., 36, 46, 52, 58, 91, 104, 215, 241, 268
Moriscos, 26, 57, 59
Morocco, 187-191
Muj[=a]hid (Muget), 24
Munatones, 156
Mur[=a]d Reis, 98, 192, 193, 233
Mur[=a]d IV., 194
Muset, 143
Mustafa, Seraskier, 144 ff.
Mustafa, Lala, 162-3
Mustafa, Bogotillos, 187
N
Narborough, Sir John, 272
Navarino, 67, 68
Navarro, D. Pedro, takes Oran, Algiers, &c., 12-13, 43, 138
Nave, 231
Naxos, 97
Neale, Sir H., 300
Negropont, 65
Nelson, Admiral Lord, 292
Nice, siege of, 109
O
Ochiali (El-Ul[=u]ji, Uluj Ali), at Jerba, 140;
at Malta, 146;
his exploits, 161;
at the battle of Lepanto, 175-7;
retakes Tunis, 182;
death, 185, 219
Oglander, Consul, 294
Oliva, 57
'Omar, Khalif, 7
Oran, 8;
taken by Spaniards, 12;
harbour, 19, 51
Othello, 65
Otranto, 65
P
Page, Sanson Le, 252-4
Pallavicini, Cristofero, 81
Patras, 71, 81
Paxos, 95, 97
Pellew, Sir Edward, see _Exmouth_
Penon de Alger founded, 13, 45, 46, 49, 51;
destroyed, 59
Penon de Velez da la Gomera, 188
Pertev Pasha, 176
Pi[=a]li Pasha, 138;
at Jerba, 140;
at Malta, 145 ff.;
at Cyprus, 162-4
Pichinin, 'Ali, 194-9
Piracy, pleasures of, 9-13
Pisa, 23, 24, 25
Pius V., 162, 164, 177
_Philadelphia_, loss of the, 280
Playfair, Sir R. L., 242 _n._, 261, 273, 296, 302
Polacca, 231
Porto Farino, 19, 269
Portundo, General, 57
Portus Divinus, 19
Preble, Commodore, 276 ff.
Prevesa, battle of, 101-4
Provence, 23
R
Ramadan Sardo, 185, 200
Ransoms, 267
Redemption, order of, 251 ff.
Reggio looted, 84;
burnt, 106
Reis, 221
"Religion, The," 86
Renegades, 200 ff.
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 273
Rhodes, siege of, 66;
second siege and fall, 73
Robles, Melchior de, 150 ff.
Roe, Sir T., 272, 285
Romegas, 142
Roustan, M., 307-9
S
Sahara, 14, 15
Sal[=e], 20, 23, 188, 191
S[=a]lih Reis, 56, 57, 98, 103, 110, 112
S[=a]lih Reis (II.), 156, 185
Salim, 45, 46, 49, 50
Sandwich, Lord, 272
Sanson Napolon, 254
Saracens, arts of, 72
Sardinia, 7, 24
Sarmiento, D. Francisco, 105
Scirocco (Mohammed Shaluk), 175
Sel[=i]m II., 161
Sevigne, Mons., on galley slaves, 217
Sfax, 128
Shaler, W., 293, 298
Sher[=i]fs of Morocco, 22
Shersh[=e]l, 8, 19;
taken by Ur[=u]j Barbarossa, 46;
attacked by Doria, 78;
219
Ship supersedes galley, 229 ff.
Sicily, 7, 23, 24, 25
Sin[=a]n Pasha, attacks Malta, 136;
and Tripoli, 137
Sin[=a]n Reis, 56, 89, 98, 112
Simeoni, 109
Slaves on galleys, 39
Soame, Sir W., 273
Spain and Tunis, 258 ff.
Spragg, Sir E., 272
Spratt, Rev. D., 266
Stradiotes, 65
Suleym[=a]n the Magnificent, 60, 72 ff., 78, 82, 96-8, 104, 134, 142,
143, 161
Susa, 128
Syrtes, Greater, 16
Sweden and Tunis, 258 ff., 295
T
Tabarka, 19, 43
Tangiers, 16, 188
Tartana, 231
Temendefust, 121
Tetw[=a]n, 188, 223-4
Tierra Nuova, Duke of, 192
Tilims[=a]n, 7, 51
Timur, 66
Tinnis, 19;
conquered by Ur[=u]j, 51
Tipton, John, 259
Toledo, D. Garcia de, 133
Tongues of the Order of St. John, 73, 137
Torgh[=u]d, see _Dragut_
Torpedoes, 232
Toulon receives Turkish fleet, 109
Treaties of Commerce, 22
Tripoli, 23, 274 ff., 294-5;
(Illustr.) 281
Tron, Alexandro, 97
Tunis, 7, 16, 20, 21, 23, 25, 32, 85;
taken by Kheyr-ed-d[=i]n, 86;
retaken by Charles V., 86-93;
taken by Ochiali, 161;
retaken by Don John of Austria, 178;
again taken by Ochiali, 182;
arrogance of the Beys, 257 ff.;
Lord Exmouth, 294-5;
French invasion, 307-310
Tunis, Illustr. of, 33, 87
_Turkey_, _Story of_, 65, 66, 72, 78, 82, 94, 138
U
United States and Barbary States, 258 ff., 274-293
Ur[=u]j, see _Barbarossa_
V
Vacher, Jean de, 263
Valette, de la, 127, 142, 145 ff.
Vargas, D. Martin de, 58
Vasquez, 168
Venice, 23, 61 ff., 71 ff., 94 ff.
Venice, Oriental commerce of, 72
Venice, Greek islands, 97
Veniero, 62, 173, 176
Vera, D. Diego de, 50
Villiers, Gaspard de, 138
W
Wales, Caroline, Princess of, 294-5
Watts, H. E., on Cervantes, 246-8
Wer, Captain, 226
William III., letter to 'Ali Reis, 187
Winchelsea, Earl of, 272
Windus, J., 191 _n._
X
Ximenes, Cardinal, 50
Y
Yamboli, 104
Y[=a]ni, 66
Z
Zanne, 163
Zante, 72
Zeyr[=i]s of Tunis, 21
Ziy[=a]n, dynasty, 21
The Story of the Nations.
Messrs. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure in announcing that they have
in course of publication a series of historical studies, intended to
present in a graphic manner the stories of the different nations that
have attained prominence in history.
In the story form the current of each national life will be distinctly
indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes
will be presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to
each other as well as to universal history.
It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into
the real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as
they actually lived, labored, and struggled--as they studied and
wrote, and as they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the
myths, with which the history of all lands begins, will not be
overlooked, though these will be carefully distinguished from the
actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted historical
authorities have resulted in definite conclusions.
The subjects of the different volumes will be planned to cover
connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive epochs or periods, so
that the set when completed will present in a comprehensive narrative
the chief events in the great STORY OF THE NATIONS; but it will, of
course not always prove practicable to issue the several volumes in
their chronological order.
The "Stories" are printed in good readable type, and in handsome 12mo
form. They are adequately illustrated and furnished with maps and
indexes. They are sold separately at a price of $1.50 each.
The following volumes are now ready (November, 1889):
THE STORY OF GREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harrison.
" " " ROME. Arthur Gilman.
" " " THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer.
" " " CHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin.
" " " GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould.
" " " NORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen.
" " " SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale.
" " " HUNGARY. Prof. A. Vambery.
" " " CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church.
" " " THE SARACENS. Arthur Gilman.
" " " THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole.
" " " THE NORMANS. Sarah Orne Jewett.
" " " PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin.
" " " ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. Rawlinson.
" " " ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J. P. Mahaffy.
" " " ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin.
" " " THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley.
" " " IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless.
" " " TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole.
" " " MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA. Z. A. Ragozin.
" " " MEDIAEVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gustav Masson.
" " " HOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold Rogers.
" " " MEXICO. Susan Hale.
" " " PH[OE]NICIA. Prof. Geo. Rawlinson.
" " " THE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zimmern.
" " " EARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred J. Church.
Now in Press for immediate issue:
THE STORY OF BARBARY CORSAIRS. Stanley Lane-Poole.
" " " RUSSIA. W. R. Morfill.
" " " VEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozin.
" " " THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. Helen A. Smith.
" " " MODERN FRANCE. Emily Crawford.
" " " THE JEWS UNDER ROME. W. D. Morrison.
" " " CANADA. A. R. Macfarlane.
" " " SCOTLAND. James Macintosh.
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PUBLICATIONS OF G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
THE SCRIPTURES,
HEBREW AND CHRISTIAN.
ARRANGED AND EDITED AS AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE BIBLE.
EDITORS.
REV. EDWARD T. BARTLETT, D.D.,
Dean of the Divinity School of the P. E. Church in Philadelphia, and
Mary Wolfe, Prof. of Ecclesiastical History.
REV. JOHN P. PETERS, PH.D.,
Professor of Old Testament Literature and Language in the Divinity
School of the P. E. Church in Philadelphia, and Professor of Hebrew in
the University of Pennsylvania.
The work is to be completed in three volumes, containing each about
500 pages, Vols. I. and II. now ready.
Vol. I. includes Hebrew story from the Creation to the time of
Nehemiah, as in the Hebrew canon.
Vol. II. is devoted to Hebrew poetry and prophecy.
Vol. III. will contain the selections from the Christian Scriptures.
The volumes are handsomely printed in 12mo form, and with an open,
readable page, not arranged in verses, but paragraphed according to
the sense of the narrative.
Each volume is complete in itself, and will be sold separately at
$1.50.
The editors say in their announcement: "Our object is to remove stones
of stumbling from the path of young readers by presenting Scriptures
to them in a form as intelligible and as instructive as may be
practicable. This plan involves some re-arrangements and omissions,
before which we have not hesitated, inasmuch as our proposed work will
not claim to be the Bible, but an introduction to it. That we may
avoid imposing our own interpretation upon Holy Writ, it will be our
endeavor to make Scripture serve as the commentary on Scripture. In
the treatment of the Prophets of the Old Testament and the Epistles of
the New Testament, it will not be practicable entirely to avoid
comment, but no attempt will be made to pronounce upon doctrinal
questions."
The first volume is divided into four parts: