CHAPTER XI

THE POLITICAL BOSS

At an assembly-room in New York I met a famous American political

"boss." Many governors in China do not have the same power and

influence. I had letters to him from Senators ---- and ----. I expected

to meet a man of the highest culture, but what was my surprise to see a

huge, overgrown, uneducated Irishman, gross in every particular, who

used the local "slang" so fiercely that I had difficulty in

understanding him. He had been a police officer, and I understand was a

"grafter," but that may have been a report of his enemies, as he

commanded attention at the time of the election.

This man had a fund of humor, which was displayed in his clapping me on

the back and calling me "John," introducing me to a dozen or so of as

hard-looking men in the garb of gentlemen as I have ever seen. I heard

them described later as "ward beetles," and they looked it, whatever it

meant. The "Boss" appeared much interested in me; said he had heard I

was no "slouch," and knew I must have a "pull" or I would not be where I

am. He wished to know how we run elections on "the Ho-Hang-Ho." When I

told him that a candidate for a governmental office never obtained it

until he passed one of three very difficult literary examinations in our

nine classics, and that there were thousands competing for the office,

he was "paralyzed"--that is, he said he was, and volunteered the

information that "he would not be 'in it' in China." I thought so

myself, but did not say so.

I told him that the politicians in China were the greatest scholars;

that the policy of the Government was to make all offices competitive,

as we thus secured the brightest, smartest, and most gifted men for

officials. "Smart h----!" retorted the "Boss." "Why, we've got smart

men. Look at our school-teachers. Them guys[9] is crammed with guff,[10]

and passing examinations all the time; but there ain't one in a thousand

that's got sense enough to run a tamale[11] convention. The State

governor would get left here if all the boys that wanted office had to

pass an examination. We've got something like it here," he said, "that

blank Civil Service, that keeps many a natural-born genius out of

office; but it don't 'cut ice with me.' I'm the whole thing in the

ward."

Despite his rough exterior, ---- was a good-hearted fellow, as they

say, no rougher than his constituents, and I was with him several days

during a local election with a view to studying American politics. Much

of the time was spent in the saloons of the district where the "Boss"

held out, and where I was introduced as a "white Chinee," or as a "white

Chink," and "my friend." I wish I had kept a list of the drinks the

"Boss" took and the cigars he smoked _per diem_. Perhaps it is as well I

did not; you would not believe me. I was always "John" to this crowd,

that was made up of laboring people in the main, of whom Irish and

Germans predominated. The "Boss" was what they called a "bulldozer." If

a man differed with him he tried to talk or drink him down; if it was an

enemy and he became too disputatious, he would knock him out with his

fist. In this way he had acquired a reputation as a "slugger," that

counted for much in such an assemblage, and he confided to me one

evening that it was the easiest way to "stop talk," and that if he "laid

down," the opposition would walk off with all his "people." He was

"Boss" because he was the boss slugger, the best executive, the best

drinker and smoker, the best "persuader," and the best public speaker in

his ward. So you see he had a variety of talents. In China I can imagine

such a man being beheaded as a pirate in a few weeks; this would be as

good an excuse as any; yet men like this have grown and developed into

respectable persons in New York and other cities.

"For ways that are dark and tricks that are vain, the Heathen Chinee is

peculiar," but I doubt if he is more so than the political system of the

United States, where every man is supposed to be free, but where a few

men in each town own everything and everybody politically. The American

thinks he is free, but he has in reality no more freedom than the

Englishman; in fact, I am inclined to think that the latter is the

freest of them all, and I doubt if too much freedom is good for man.

Politics in America is a profession, a trade, a science, a perfect

system by which one or two men run or control millions. Politics means

the attainment of political power and influence, which mean office. Some

men are in politics for the love of power, some for spoils ("graft" they

call it in slang), and some for the high offices. In America there are

two large parties, the Republican and the Democratic. Then there are the

Labor, Prohibition (non-drinking), and various other parties, which, in

the language of politics, "cut no ice." The real issues of a party are

often lost sight of. The Republicans may be said to favor a high

tariff; the Democrats a low tariff or free trade; and when there is not

sufficient to amuse the people in these, then other reasons for being a

Democrat or a Republican are raised, and a platform is issued. Lately

the Democrats have espoused "free silver," and the Republicans have

"buried" them. The Democrats are now trying to invent some new

"platform"; but the Republicans appear to have included about all the

desirable things in their platform, and hence they win.

In a small town one or two men are known as "bosses." They control the

situation at the primaries; they manage to get elected and keep before

the people. Generally they are natural leaders, and fill some office.

When the senator comes to town they "escort" him about and advise him as

to the votes he may expect. Sometimes the ward man is the postmaster,

sometimes a national congressman, again a State senator; but he is

always in evidence, and before the people, a good speaker and talker and

the "boss." Every town has its Republican and Democratic "boss," always

striving to increase the vote, always striving for something. The larger

the city, the larger the "boss," until we come to a city like New York,

where we find, or did find, Boss Tweed, who absolutely controlled the

political situation for years.

This means that he was in politics, and manipulated all the offices in

order to steal for himself and his friends; this is of public record. He

was overthrown or exposed by the citizens, but was followed by others,

who manipulated the affairs of the city for money. Offices were sold;

any one who had a position either bought it or paid a percentage for it.

Gambling-dens and other "resorts" paid large sums to "sub-bosses," who

become rich, and if the full history of some of the "bosses" of New

York, Philadelphia, Chicago, or any great American city could be

exposed, it would show a state of affairs that would display the

American politician in a dark light. Repeatedly the machinations of the

politicians have been exposed, yet they doubtless go on in some form.

And this is true to some extent of the Government. The honor of no

President has been impugned; they are men of integrity, but the enormous

appointing power which they have is a mere form; they do not and could

not appoint many men. The little "boss" in some town desires a position.

He has been a spy for the congressman or senator for years, and now

aspires to office. He obtains the influence of the senator and the

congressman, and is supported by a petition of his friends, and the

President names him for the office, taking the senator for his sponsor.

If the man becomes a grafter or thief, the President is attacked by the

opposition.

In a large city like New York each ward will have its "boss," who will

report to a supreme "boss," and by this system, often pernicious, the

latter acquires absolute control of the situation. He names the

candidates for office, or most of them, and is all powerful. I have met

a number of "bosses," and all, it happened, were Irish; indeed, the

Irish dominate American politics. One, a leader of Tammany in New York,

was a most preposterous person, well dressed, but not a gentleman from

any standpoint; ignorant so far as education goes, yet supremely sharp

in politics. Such a man could not have led a fire brigade in China, yet

he was the leader of thousands, and controlled Democratic New York for

years. He never held office, I was told, yet grew very rich.

The Republican "boss" was a tall, thin, United States senator. I was

also introduced to him--a Mephistophelian sort of an individual--to me

utterly without any attraction; but I was informed that he carried the

vote of the Republican party in his pocket. How? that is the mystery. If

you desired office you went to him; without his influence one was

impotent. Thousands of office-holders felt his power, hated him,

perhaps, but did not dare to say it.

The "boss" controls the situation, gives and "takes," and the other

citizens get the satisfaction of thinking they are a free people. In

reality, they are political slaves, and the "boss," "sub-boss," and the

long line of smaller "bosses" are their masters. Very much the same

situation is seen in national politics. The party is controlled by a

"boss," and at the present this personage is a millionaire, named Hanna,

said to be an honest, upright man, with a genius for political

diplomacy, a puller of wires, a maker of Presidents, having virtually

placed President McKinley where he is. This man I met. Many of the

politicians called him "Uncle Mark." He has a familiar way with

reporters. He is a man of good size, with a face of a rather common

type, with very large and protruding ears, but two bright, gleaming

eyes, that tell of genius, force, intelligence, power, and executive

talents of an exalted order. I recall but one other such pair of eyes,

and those were in the head of Senator James G. Blaine, whom I saw during

my first visit to America. Hanna is famous for his _bonhomie_, and is a

fine story-teller. Indeed, unless a man can tell stories he had better

remain out of politics, or rather he will never get into politics.

As an outsider I should say that the power of the "boss" was due to the

fact that the best classes will have none of him, as a rule (I refer to

the ordinary "boss"), and as a consequence he and his henchmen control

the situation. I think I am not overstating the truth when I say that

every city in the United States has been looted by the politicians of

various parties. It is of public record that Philadelphia, Chicago, St.

Louis, and New York citizens have repeatedly risen and shown that the

city was being robbed in the most bare-handed manner. Bribery and

corruption have been found to exist to-day in the entire system, and if

the credit of the republic stands on its political _morale_ this vast

union of States is a colossal failure, as it is being pillaged by

politicians. Every "boss" has what are termed "heelers," one function

of whom is to buy votes and do other work in the interest of "reform." A

friend told me that he spent election day in the office of a candidate

for Congress in a certain Western town, and the candidate had his safe

heaped full of silver dollars. All day long men were coming and going,

each taking the dollars to buy votes. By night the supply was exhausted,

and the man defeated. I expressed satisfaction at this, but my friend

laughed; the other fellow who won paid more for votes, he said. I was

told that all the great senatorial battles were merely a question of

dollars; the man with the largest "sack" won.

On the other hand, there are senators who not only never paid for a vote

but never expressed a wish to be elected. The foreign vote--Italians and

others--are swayed by cash considerations; the negroes are bought and

sold politically. The "bosses" handle the money, and the senators

consider it as "expenses," and doubtless do not know that some of it has

been used to influence legislators. The Americans have a remarkable

network of laws to prevent fraudulent voting. Each candidate in some

States is required to swear to an expense account, yet the wary

politician, with his "ways that are dark," evades the law. The entire

system, the control of the political fortunes of 80,000,000 Americans,

is in the hands of a small army of political "bosses," some of whom, had

they figured as grafters in "effete" China, would have been beheaded

without mercy.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Slang for citizens.

[10] Slang for information, facts.

[11] Mexican hash in corn-husk.

As A Chinaman Saw Us: Passages from His Letters to a Friend at Home · 第 11 / 18 章