Interviews with the Osages--Occasional observations on their
manners and habits, &c.--Sickness in the encampment.
24th.] Last evening, as well as this morning, we were waited upon by
two of the Osage chiefs from the village, one of whom was Tá-lai,
their hereditary ruler. Some of the inferior chiefs were begging
tobacco, like earnest and genuine mendicants. It is to be regretted,
that the man of nature should sink so low by intercourse with the
civilized world, and by the acquisition of what were once to him
merely artificial wants. Surrounded by a fertile country, the Indian,
without ever being either rich or independent, finds it difficult
to obtain subsistence, trespasses upon his neighbours, lives in
insecurity, and in implacable enmity with those of his own race. A
{182} stranger to our ideas of honour, he destroys his enemies by
the meanest stratagems, and levels, in his revenge, all distinctions
of age and sex. Such is the general character of the Osages, and
such even that of the Cherokees, after all their external approaches
towards civilization.
To give my Reader some idea of the laborious exertions which these
people exercise to obtain a livelihood, I need only relate, that
the Osages had now returned to their village from a tallow hunt, in
which they had travelled not less than 300 miles up the Arkansa, and
had crossed the Saline plains, situated betwixt that river and the
Canadian. In this hunt, they say, that 10 villages of themselves and
friends (as the Kansas, who speak nearly the same language) joined
for common safety. They were, however, attacked by a small scout of
the Pawnees, and lost one of their young men who was much esteemed,
and, as I myself witnessed, distractingly lamented by the father, of
whom he was the only son. They say, the country through which they
passed is so destitute of timber, that they had to carry along their
tent poles, and to make fire of the bison ordure.
The activity and agility of the Osages is scarcely credible. They
not uncommonly walk from their village to the trading houses, at the
mouth of the Verdigris, in one day, a distance of about 60 miles.
The Osages, in their private conversations, do not appear still to
be on an amicable footing with the Cherokees. One of their chiefs
insisted on the hunting boundary being established betwixt the
two nations, so that either party might be punished, by robbery
and plunder (or confiscation as we term it), who should be found
transgressing the limits assigned. Aware of the strength of their
enemies, they have been led to seek the alliance of other Indians,
and have recently cultivated the friendship of the Outigamis (now
called Sauks and Foxes) of the Mississippi. {183} In a recent
council, held at the village of the Verdigris, these people were
presented with 100 horses by the Osages. Sensible of this liberality,
the Outigamis pledged themselves to prove their active allies,
whenever necessity should dictate it to them. These gifts, however
great, are not difficult to replace, as they now, this hunt, obtained
more than 300 horses, which they had either caught wild, or stolen
from the Pawnees, their enemies.
27th.] This morning, Clarmont, accompanied by some of the lesser
chiefs, arrived from the lower village, on their way to the garrison,
where they were to hold a council with the Cherokees. There was some
degree of urbanity, though nothing at first very prepossessing,
in the appearance of Clarmont. He wore a hat ornamented with a
band of silver lace, with a sort of livery or regimental coat, and
appeared proud of the artificial distinctions bestowed on him by
the government. He asked, familiarly, if I had ever heard of him
before, and appeared gratified at my answering in the affirmative.
I am told, however, that, of late years, his influence at _home_
has been greatly superseded by that of Tá-lai, the true hereditary
chief. Tá-lai was now also present, but destitute of any exterior
decorations, though on his way to the general council; I did not
consequently recognise him until pointed out to me. In excuse for
laying aside the honourable distinctions of the government, he said,
there was no necessity, he thought, of parading the medal, his people
knew him to be the chief, and the major could not be ignorant of
his station. This natural unassuming behaviour, which we so seldom
witness in life, surprised and prepossessed me in favour of this
legitimate chief. His aspect was uncommonly benign, and bespoke the
man of candor and benevolence.
Last summer a general council of the natives, friendly disposed
towards the Osages, took place at {184} their village; amongst them
were Shawnees, Delawares, Creeks, Quapaws, Kanzas, Ouitgamis, &c.
Their ostensible object was not known; it would appear, however, that
they had been invited by the Osages, who on this occasion gave away
more than 300 horses. The Outigamis told them in an unlimited manner,
that they would be always ready at the first notice, to join them at
any time, against any nation. With the Creeks they were dissatisfied,
and alledged that they had undervalued their hospitality by bringing
spoons in their pockets, which was probably turned into a sinister
omen.
Preparatory to undertaking a warlike expedition, the Osages, in
common with many other of the aborigines, practised rigid fasts,
which were frequently continued from three to seven days together,
forming, with other privations and inflictions, a kind of penance, by
which they disciplined themselves for disasters, and supplicated the
pity and favour of heaven. Their invocations to the Good Spirit, and
their lamentations, are incessant. About sunrise the whole village
re-echoes with the most plaintive tones of distress, uttered at the
doors of their lodges, or at the tombs of those whom they loved and
esteemed while living. Indeed, all their affections, uncontrolled by
the mask of affectation, are sincere and ingenuous. Of the sincerity
of their conjugal attachment, notwithstanding the coldness of
temper which has been alleged against the aborigines generally, I
have witnessed, among them and others, many unequivocal proofs. The
expression of affection, perhaps, as in other societies, where it is
so studiously concealed, is more tender and assiduous on the part of
the female. A few days ago we were near upon witnessing something
tragical, in the conduct of an Indian woman, who had been several
years married to a French hunter, living with the Osages. Soon after
Mr. Bougie’s arrival, intoxication taking place in the camp, a
quarrel {185} ensued between the husband of this woman and another
of the French hunters. Their altercation filled her with terror, and
she gave way to tears and lamentations, not doubting but that the
antagonist, who was the aggressor, intended the death of her husband,
as threats among the Indians are the invariable preludes to fatal
actions. When, at length, they began to struggle with each other,
without any more ado, she seized upon a hatchet, and would instantly
have dispatched the man who fought with her husband, if not prevented
by the bystanders.
That curious species of polygamy, which prevails among some other
Indian nations, is likewise practised by the Osages, by which, the
man who first marries into a family, from that period possesses the
controul of all the sisters of his wife, whom he is at liberty either
to espouse himself, or to bestow upon others. The maid, as amongst
the Quapaws and others, is distinguished from the matron by the
method she employs in braiding her hair into two cylindric rolls,
which are ornamented with beads, silver, or wampum, and inclined to
either side of the head near the ears. After marriage the hair is
unloosed and brought together behind. This is one of those little
arbitrary distinctions which is quite as invariable as the general
costume of the people who employ it.
A practise no less notorious among the young men of the Osages, and
the natives generally, is the careful extraction of the marks of
pubescence from every part of the body. These Indians even pluck out
their eyebrows, shave their heads, and leave only a small scalp upon
the crown. Of this, two locks left long, are plaited and ornamented
with silver, wampum, and eagle’s feathers. The tonsure and ears,
as well as the eye-lashes, are painted with vermillion on ordinary
occasions, but blackened to express grief or misfortune. Sometimes,
apparently out of fancy, they fantastically {186} decorate their
faces with white, black, or green stripes. The use of calico or
shirts is yet unknown among them, and their present fashions and mode
of dress have been so long stationary, as now to be by themselves
considered characteristic. In their dress, fairish tawney red colour,
and aquiline features, they resemble the Outigamis.
The Osages are more than usually superstitious. With them an ominous
dream is often sufficient to terminate the most important expedition.
After performing an exploit, instead of pursuing their success,
scarcely any consideration can deter them from instantly returning
to bear the welcome intelligence to their band. Their communion
with each other is so frank, that nothing can remain a secret. In
this way their intentions of war and plunder are long anticipated,
however sudden and secret may be their actual operations. They are
no strangers to dissimulation, when it will answer their purpose in
their intercourse with others, but falsehood among their friends
or fellows would be looked upon as unnatural and unpardonable.
They entertain unconquerable prejudices against hunters. While
in the village, or in their company abroad, the stranger is sure
to be protected and treated like themselves in every particular;
but if he is found in their country as a foreigner, and pursuing a
different interest from their own, he can scarcely be distinguished
from an enemy and an intruder, and must calculate on meeting
with chastisement accordingly. To be found upon their war-paths
is likewise considered criminal. These particular routes which
they pursue in quest of their enemies, are recognised by beacons,
painted posts, and inscribed hieroglyphics, commonly set up near
the boundaries of their range; and those whom they chance to find
in this direction, are at best considered as ambiguous friends,
and trespassers on the neutral character which is expected to be
maintained.
{187} The miserable fate which, last autumn, befel Mr. M’Farlane (who
is mentioned by Wilkinson,[197] in his descent of the Arkansa, as
then taken prisoner by the Osages) is a sufficient proof the danger
of intruding on their war-path.[198] The Osages had taken this hunter
into custody near to a Pawnee village, with whose inhabitants they
were at war, and were about to proceed with him to their own town on
the Verdigris. He was, however, very desirous of returning to the
village for his son who remained behind, to which the Indians at last
consented, and two of them offered to accompany him back towards
the Pawnees; but after proceeding some distance they seized upon
him, put out his eyes, and then goaded him along for several miles
with sharpened canes, thus protracting his death by torture, until
one of them, through compassion, put an end to his existence by the
tomahawk. Although this fact was now well known in the territory,
and not denied by the Osages, no steps had been taken to avenge the
death of this unfortunate hunter. The Osages indeed disavowed the
deed as that of their nation, but contented themselves by saying,
that the action had been committed by two bad men, who were beyond
their control. The property of the white hunter generally, whom they
discover in their country, without special permission, is considered
as an indisputable perquisite; and after perhaps (as I have heard
related) breaking his gun in pieces, and flogging him with the
ram-rod, they will turn him out into the wilderness nearly naked, and
leave him to perish, unless, like a prisoner, he consents to adoption
or affiliation, when every thing is again restored to him, and he is
received as one of their people.
* * * * *
28th.] To-day I accompanied one of the hunters about 9 or 10 miles
over the alluvial lands of Grand {188} river, which were fertile,
and covered in great part with cane. The river lands are no less
extensive and luxuriant betwixt the Verdigris and Arkansa, and would
apparently support a condensed settlement; but the prairies will
only admit of settlements along their borders, in consequence of the
scarcity of wood and water. Coal, however, in this country appears
abundant, as fragments are to be seen commonly deposited along the
borders of the rivers.
On the 30th and 31st an irregular remittent fever began to show
itself in our camp, with which myself and five or six others were
affected. With me it came on towards evening, unaccompanied by any
sensible chill, but attended with the most excruciating head-ache
and violent heat.
_August_ 2d and 3d.] These two days in succession I experienced the
same fever, but now more moderate, and preceded by chills.
4th.] Last evening the chiefs of the Osage village arrived from
Fort Smith, without effecting an interview with the Cherokees, who,
under the pretext of attending to their harvest, had postponed the
meeting until the month of September. The chiefs, not without reason,
appeared to be considerably perplexed and disappointed at the conduct
and apparent evasion of the Cherokees.
Yesterday, whilst I lay sick, some Indian contrived to rob me of
the only penknife in my possession, and my pocket microscope. I
immediately suspected the thief to have been a fellow who had the
same morning, out of amusement, mounted my coat and hat, but he
constantly denied the theft, and suffered himself to be searched by
the soldier of police, who is generally some trusty warrior appointed
by the chief to keep order in the camp or village, and to punish
offenders in a summary way.
The chiefs addressed the Indians present concerning the theft, and
seriously admonished those who {189} had the articles to give them
up. Tálai reproved the Indians in general terms for their injustice,
which he asserted to be the means by which they had made themselves
so many enemies. “Why will you,” says he, “steal things which are
useless to you, and which are, at the same time, of importance to
others. To-day, while we were travelling, we heard the report of a
gun, which might, indeed, have been that of white people, who are our
friends, but it might likewise have been some party of those enemies
by which we are everywhere surrounded, who could so easily have
destroyed a handful of old and almost defenceless chiefs. How much
better, my friends, would it be if we could learn to do right and be
honest. We should then have friends instead of enemies; but as long
as we violate justice, we shall continue to live in fear and shame.
When did the white people steal from us? yet you have both plundered
and killed those who have always been your friends and benefactors.
This evening we arrived here fatigued and hungry, and the white
people have fed us. We ought to return this kindness by presents of
provision; but, instead of that, the Osages sell their tallow, and
corn, and meat, give nothing, and come and eat of that which they
have sold. The Osages are always a bad people, and so have many
enemies.”
The candour of this speech surprised us, although it well accorded
with the honest and benevolent character of the speaker. I am
told that he was quite assiduous in attempting the reform of the
village, and inculcating amongst them the necessity and advantage of
maintaining peace with their neighbours. It is gratifying to learn
that this chief, Tálai, whose example so well accorded with the just
principles which he preferred, was now gaining the ascendancy over
Clarmont, whose conduct had always been tinctured by rapacity. Tálai,
indeed, well deserved the chief medal of the nation.
{190} It is, I think, to be regretted, that the Indians should not be
made sensible of the impropriety and illegality of executing summary
and unlimited punishment upon the citizens of the United States, who
are found travelling or hunting in their country. Ought they not
rather to be taught that the government would be ever willing and
ready to do them justice, by punishing their own citizens, rather
than submitting them, in this way, to the cruel pilfering, and
castigation of savages! If the frontier garrisons are not capable of
effecting this beneficial purpose, for what were they established?
but could not even this be better executed by the governor and the
militia of the territory, than by the arbitrary commander and the
soldiers of a garrison?
* * * * *
This morning, about day-break, the Indians, who had encamped around
us, broke out into their usual lamentations and complaints to the
Great Spirit. Their mourning was truly pathetic, and uttered in a
peculiar tone. Amongst those who first broke forth into lamentation,
and aroused the rest to their melancholy orisons, was the pious
Tá-lai. The commencing tone was exceedingly loud, and gradually fell
off into a low, long continued, and almost monotonous base. To this
tone of lamentation was modulated, the subject of their distress
or petition. Those who had experienced any recent distress or
misfortune, previously blackened their faces with coal, or besmeared
them with ashes. This lamentation and abasement, in unison with
oriental customs, recalled to mind the penance of the Jews, their
“sackcloth and ashes,” and Jeremiah their weeping prophet.
4th.] Last evening two very handsome young men of the Osages arrived
from the village, with some tallow to barter, and while Mr. Bougie
and the rest of the camp were amusing themselves at cards, these
Mercuries contrived to carry off a small brass kettle, {191} and
endeavoured, though ineffectually, to hook off a musquetoe bier,
after which they took the advantage of the night to make their
escape. They appeared to have been very well satisfied with the
trader, but could not postpone their dexterity at thieving, which
being scarcely considered as a dishonourable action, is rarely
punished further than by the restitution of the articles.
On the evening of the 5th, we were visited by another of the Osages,
bringing the usual commodities of the season, tallow, dried bison
meat, and sweet corn, being dried while in the milk, and thus forming
an agreeable ingredient in the soup of the prepared bison beef. It is
a dish which the Indians, from time immemorial, have been accustomed
to prepare, and consider a luxury coeval with their annual festival
of the “Green-corn Dance.”[199]
In the morning, I was informed, that this Indian wished to exchange
a horse with me, for the mare which I had purchased of Mr. Lee;
I desired them to tell him, that I requested to have nothing to
say to him; knowing him, by report, to be a consummate thief and
rascal; but, as he insisted on the subject, I went to see the animal
offered me in exchange, and was truly surprised at the impudence
and knavery of the demand. The horse which he proffered, was not
worth possession, as lean as Rosinante. It may easily be supposed
that I rejected his offer, which was nothing better than an insult.
My mare was at this time feeding across the Verdigris. The Indian
said no more, concluded his barter with the trader, and left us; but
instead of proceeding directly towards the village, by the usual
route, he kept down the Verdigris. I now suspected that he was intent
on thievery, and two of us directly followed him by land, and two
by water. We saw him and his wife now crossing the river, and then
walking hastily across the beach; by the time we came up with him, he
had {192} seized my horse, loaded it with his baggage, and would in a
minute or two more, with all the dexterity of an Arab, have carried
him off, and so by force and robbery have effected the exchange he
so much desired. Daring villains seldom want excuses; he pretended,
that the man of whom Mr. Prior bought the horse, had told him to
bring it away, and leave the one he offered in its stead. His first
depredation, this morning, was stealing a case of razors, which being
discovered in his shot pouch, were taken from him; these he said, he
only wanted to shave his head, and would then have returned them.
Circumstanced as we were, it was not politic to chastize him, as he
would probably, out of revenge, have lurked about a week, in order to
have stolen my horse. After some persuasion, and, above all, a hint
that if his conduct were made known at the garrison, from whom I had
received permission to proceed up the country, he need not expect
the restitution of his wife and three children, from the hands of
the Cherokees, if that was to be his line of conduct; he now began
to speak in a submissive tone, and ordered his squaw to unpack my
horse. I was still, however, mortified to find that it was necessary,
prudentially, as suggested by the trader, not only to desist from
administering punishment, but even to bestow a present upon the
villain by way of encouragement. Such is the indulgent method of
dealing with Indians employed by the traders!
As among most other nations of the aborigines, the principal labour,
except that of hunting, devolves upon the women. Accustomed to
perpetual drudgery, they are stouter and lower in stature than the
men. They appear scarcely to inherit the same condition. Considered
almost as slaves and creatures of appetite, their lives are always
secured as prisoners. It is to their industry and ingenuity, that
the men owe every manufactured article of their dress, as well as
every {193} utensil in their huts. The Osage women appear to excel
in these employments. Before the Cherokees burnt down their town
on the Verdigris, their houses were chiefly covered with hand-wove
matts of bulrushes. Their baskets and bed matts of this material,
were parti-coloured and very handsome. This manufacture, I am told,
is done with the assistance of three sticks, arranged in some way
so as to answer the purpose of a loom, and the strands are inlaid
diagonally. They, as well as the Cherokees and others, frequently
take the pains to unravel old blankets and cloths, and re-weave the
yarn into belts and garters. This weaving is no modern invention of
the Indians. Nearly all those whom De Soto found inhabiting Florida
and Louisiana, on either side of the Mississippi, and who were,
in a great measure, an agricultural people, dressed themselves in
woven garments made of the lint of the mulberry, the papaw, or the
elm; and, in the colder seasons of the year, they wore coverings
of feathers, chiefly those of the turkey. The same dresses were
still employed in the time of Du Pratz.[200] These feather mantles
were, within the recollection of the oldest men, once used by the
Cherokees, as I learnt whilst among them. There is, {194} therefore,
nothing extraordinary in the discovery of these garments around
the bodies which had been interred in the nitre caves of Kentucky.
Presents of these “mantels” as they are called by Purchas, now
superseded by European blankets, were perpetually offered to Soto,
throughout the course of his expedition, and are still made use of
by the natives of the north-west coast. Nor is there any thing in
this invention beyond the common ingenuity of man, guarding himself
against the inclemencies of climate. To assert that all men were
of the same race, because they had all invented a somewhat similar
clothing, is quite as futile, as the same conclusion would be in
consideration of their all being born naked.[201]
The principal food of the present Indians, who inhabit the west
side of the Mississippi, is the bison, which they prepare in a very
commodious way, without the use of salt, by cutting it up into broad
and thin slices, which are dried on a scaffold over a slow fire,
and afterwards folded up in the manner of peltries, so as to be
equally portable. The tallow is rendered into skins or cases, like
the utriculi, or leathern bottles of the ancients, the whole animal
being skinned through the aperture of the neck. In this way, they
also collect with convenience the honey and bear’s oil, which is the
produce of their forests.
* * * * *
From the general absence of religious ceremony, and the
unostentatious character of devotion among the Indians, it has
always been a difficult matter to inspire them with any thing like
correct ideas of the Christian religion. As we have already remarked,
they are not, however, void of superstition, such as a belief in the
warnings of dreams, the observance {195} of omens, the wearing of
amulets, and the dedication of offerings to invisible or miraculous
agents, supposed to be represented in the accidental forms of natural
objects. But these objects, calculated to inspire a momentary homage,
are never addressed for any thing beyond temporal favours.
Although they generally believe in the immortality of the soul, they
have no steady and distinct conception of a state of reward and
punishment. The future state, believed to be but little different
from that which they now enjoy, is alike attainable by every hunter,
and every warrior. It is on a conviction of this belief, that the
implements of war, and the decorations and utensils employed by the
living, are entombed with the dead. Their jealousy of the whites, and
suspicion of sinister designs, render them cold and cautious in the
adoption of Christianity, and it has ever been those who have said
the least on religion, and who, like the Society of the Friends and
the Moravians, have preached rather by their benevolent example, and
by the introduction of useful arts, that have made the most durable
and favourable impression on the minds and morals of the natives.
To show how little can be anticipated among the Osages, by the
inculcation of the mere dogmas of Christianity, may be seen by the
following anecdote. Mr. Bougie, informed me, that last winter, while
accidentally engaged in reading the New Testament, two or three young
men, of the Osages, coming into his store, enquired of him what was
said in that book. He answered, that it informed him of the descent
of God upon the earth, who was seen by men, conversed with them, and
wrought miracles. If that was true, they asked, why did he not come
down now among men as he did then? To which Mr. B. replied, because
the world was now so wicked. They looked at one another, held their
hands to their mouths, as they always do in token of surprise, and,
smiling, {196} said, “the book may tell you so, but we don’t believe
it.”
* * * * *
Independent of some resemblance in language, discoverable betwixt the
aborigines of North America, and the Tartar tribes of the Russian
empire, there is, likewise, something very similar in their habits
and morals. They are equally erratic and unsettled in their abode,
and have ever been so, according to Herodotus, for thousands of
years. The Hamaxobii, of that author, still live in their travelling
houses, and occupy the same country without any sensible diminution
or increase of numbers. Both people are separated into numerous bands
or tribes, characterised by a diversity of language, acknowledging
no other rule than that which is patriarchal, and no other alliance
than that of fraternity. They are alike insensible to the wants and
comforts of civilization. They know neither poverty nor riches;
vice nor virtue. Their simple condition appears to have perpetually
partaken of that of the first family of the human race, and they have
been alike exempt from the luxuries of ephemeral grandeur, and the
mournful vicissitudes of fortune. Happy equality, which knows neither
the sins of ambition, nor the crimes of avarice!
The picture of the Samoyades,[202] drawn apparently by a careful
hand, might almost pass for that of the North American Indians. Alike
they acknowledge the existence of a supreme and invisible Being, the
author of all things. The sun and moon they also adore as superior
beings of the creation. They both in their invocations address the
four quarters of the earth. Their priests or elders administer to
them charms when sick or unfortunate in hunting. They submit with
apathy (or resignation) to misfortunes, and express no violent
passions. Their insensibility is such, as to prevent all surprise
or curiosity at the {197} sight of novelties. They fear, but do not
adore bad spirits. Unacquainted with laws, and governed by customs,
they acknowledge no ruler beyond the senior of the common family
or tribe. To religious ceremonies they are strangers. Anticipating
the contingencies of a future state of existence, they also inter
with the warrior his bow and arrows. They allow polygamy, but avoid
consanguinity in marriage. Their wives are purchased (to evince their
esteem), and the marriage, consummated at an early age, is no longer
binding than the continuance of mutual friendship and affection.
Their names are taken from the animals of the forest, or the
phenomena of nature. Their hair is coarse, lank, and black, and they
have little or no beard, or marks of pubescence on other parts of the
body, and, whenever it does appear, it is carefully eradicated. Such
is the character, and such the manners of those Asiatics, inhabiting
the very same parallel as that which includes the most proximate and
occidental point of the North American continent, the same parallel,
which in both continents afford the _Ovis Ammon_, or wild sheep, the
reindeer, the white wolf, the chacal, the silver fox, the sable, and
the ermine.
FOOTNOTES:
[197] Lieutenant J. B. Wilkinson, mentioned in note 195. For the
account of his meeting with M’Farlane, see Coues, _Expeditions of
Zebulon Montgomery Pike_ (New York, 1895), p. 558.--ED.
[198] Charlevoix remarks, “Every one is an enemy found in the
warrior’s path,” p. 155.--NUTTALL.
[199] For an account of the green corn dance as practiced by the
Minitaree of Dakota, see _Report_ of Smithsonian Institution, 1885,
ii, p. 314.--ED.
[200] “Many of the women wear cloaks of the bark of the mulberry
tree, or of the feathers of swans, turkies, or India ducks. The
bark they take from young mulberry shoots that rise from the roots
of trees that have been cut down; after it is dried in the sun,
they beat it to make all the woody part fall off, and they give the
threads that remain a second beating, after which they bleach them by
exposing them to the dew. When they are well whitened, they spin them
about the coarseness of packthread, and weave them in the following
manner: they plant two stakes in the ground, about a yard and a half
asunder, and having stretched a cord from the one to the other, they
fasten their threads of bark double to this cord, and then interweave
them in a curious manner into a cloak, of about a yard square, with a
wrought border round the edges.” Du Pratz. Hist. Louisiana. p. 363.
Lond. Ed.
According to Adair also, the Choctaws formed blankets of the
smaller feathers of the turkey. “They twist the inner end of the
feathers very fast into a strong double thread of hemp, or the inner
bark of the mulberry tree, of the size and strength of coarse twine,
and they work it in the manner of fine netting.” Adair’s History of the
American Indians. p. 423.--NUTTALL.
[201] See Archæologia Americana, vol. i. p. 320, &c. in which there
is an attempt to prove that the ancient inhabitants of the western
states originated from the Malays.--NUTTALL.
[202] Vide Pinkerton’s collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. i. in
loco.--NUTTALL.
{198} CHAPTER XIV
Journey by land to the Great Salt river of the Arkansa--Proceed
across the prairies to the Little North Fork of the
Canadian--Detained by sickness--Continue up the Little
North Fork, arrive at Salt river, and afterwards at the
Arkansa--Molested and pursued by the Osages--Arrive again at the
Verdigris, and proceed to the garrison--Conclusion of the treaty
between the Osages and Cherokees.
August 11th.] To-day I left the trading establishment of the
Verdigris to proceed on a land journey up the Arkansa, accompanied
by a trapper and hunter named Lee, who had penetrated across this
country nearly to the sources of Red river, and followed his present
occupation for upwards of eight years. We crossed the river, and
proceeding through the alluvion, entered the prairie, over which we
continued in a westwardly course, encamping in the evening upon the
banks of a small creek, about 12 miles from our place of departure.
The prairies or grassy plains which we entered upon a mile from the
river, exhibited the same appearance as below, and on the opposite
side of the river. The rock of the hills, like those of the prairies
near the garrison, consisted of a ferruginous sandstone. To the
south of our encampment, we had in view a low ridge of hills very
abruptly broken into fantastic contours. In these prairies, I found
a second species of _Brachyris_, pungently aromatic to the taste,
and glutinous to the touch; its aspect is that of _Chrysocoma_. Our
route was directed towards the Salt river, or the first Red river of
the Arkansa, called by Pike the Grand Saline,[203] and about 80 or 90
miles distant from our encampment.
{199} 12th.] We continued our journey about sunrise, proceeding over
the plain in a south-west direction. About 10 miles from the brook
of our last night’s encampment we passed another, but destitute
of running water, which is at this season of the year exceedingly
scarce. The Arkansa, several miles to our right, appeared to make
an extensive sinus to the north-west, as is designated in Pike’s
map, where it is continued up to the 100th degree of longitude, the
dividing line from the possessions of Spain. We found the prairies
full of grass about knee deep, although all the gullies and smaller
streams were perfectly dried up; it was only when we arrived at a
brook or rivulet that we could obtain a draught of water, and that
always stagnant, and often putrid. The day being oppressively hot and
thirsty, I very imprudently drank some very nauseous and tepid water,
which immediately affected my stomach, and produced such a sickness,
that it was with difficulty I kept upon my horse, until we arrived at
the next creek for shelter, where we encamped and remained for the
rest of the afternoon. Our horses were still tormented with the clegs
or green-headed flies of the prairies, which goaded them without
intermission.
About 10 o’clock this morning, we crossed the trace which the Osages
had made, going out to hunt in a body of 2 or 300 men and their
families. Its direction was south, or towards Red river. Two or
three miles further we crossed their returning track. We were no way
anxious to meet with Indians, as they would, probably, rob us of our
horses, if not of our baggage, and ill-treat us besides, according to
the dictates of their caprice and the object of their party.--To-day
we came about 20 miles.
13th.] We were again on our way soon after sunrise, and still
continued through plains destitute of timber. After proceeding about
four miles, we passed another insignificant brook, and about six
miles {200} further a second of the same magnitude. We observed very
little game. Yesterday, Mr. Lee pointed out to me the burrow of a
badger, about the size of those made by the prairie wolf. Still
proceeding, a little to the north of west, about 10 miles further,
we came to a considerable rivulet of clear and still water, deep
enough to swim our horses. We kept for about two miles through the
entangled thickets, by which it was bordered, in search of a ford.
Both above and below it was bordered by wooded hills, which appeared
almost to shut up our course, and terminate the prairies. This stream
was called the Little North Fork[204] (or branch) of the Canadian,
and emptied into the main North Fork of the same river, nearly 200
miles distant, including its meanders, which have been ascended
by the trappers of beaver. Having encamped, without crossing the
rivulet, towards evening, I was about to bathe, but was sufficiently
deterred by the discovery of a poisonous water snake, lurking a
few yards from the spot I had chosen. No change yet appears in the
vegetation; and the superincumbent rock continues arenaceous. No
mountains or picturesque prospects present themselves to amuse the
eye. Occasionally, indeed the monotonous plain is diversified by
the view of low and broken ridges, often presenting isolated hills,
deserted by the more friable materials with which they were once
surrounded, and now presenting the fantastic appearance of artificial
tumuli, and piles of ruins. In the course of the day we passed three
or four of these hillocks, of considerable elevation. About six miles
from our encampment, to the right, there are two of them nearly
together, and two also which are separated from each other, nearly
opposite to the others on the left. The Indians remark them in the
regulation of their routes, and, on some of them, they have made
elevated interments. This fondness for burying in high places has not
subsided among the aborigines, and, {201} probably, gave rise to the
erection of artificial hills over the remains of the dead. Blackbird,
the chief of the Mahas, was interred, at his particular request, on
the summit of a hill which overlooked the village; and both the Mahas
and the Arikarsees made choice of the summit of a neighbouring ridge
for their general place of sepulture.
The day was very warm, though occasionally relieved by a breeze
from the south-west; and the dazzling light of the prairies proved
oppressive and injurious to the eyes. We passed a place where the
Indians appeared to have been killing numbers of deer, though not
recently.
14th.] We remained to-day on the banks of the Little North Fork, to
recruit our horses, that of my companion being from the first totally
unfit to travel from a large wound upon its back. I now experienced
a relapse of the remittent fever, attended with delirium. Being
about 3 o’clock in the afternoon when it came on, I was exposed to
a temperature of between 90 and 100°. It was with difficulty that
I could crawl into the shade, the thin forest being every where
pervious to the sun, so that I felt ready to burn with heat; by
forcibly inciting a vomit, I felt relieved. Mr. Lee, profiting by our
delay, began to trap for beaver, and the last night caught four of
these animals. Scarcely any thing is now employed for bait but the
musk or castoreum of the animal itself. As they live in community,
they are jealous and hostile to strangers of their own species, and
following the scent of the bait, are deceived into the trap.
15th.] At night I again experienced an attack of the fever, without
any preceding chill, and attended with diarrhœa. It continued 36
hours, the paroxysm being only divided for a short space by an
intermediate chill. The heat of the weather continued excessive; and
the green blow-flies, attracted by the meat brought to our camp,
exceeded every thing that can {202} be conceived. They filled even
our clothes with maggots, and penetrated into the wounds of our
horses, so as to render them almost incurable.
16th.] Still at the same encampment, and still afflicted with the
fever.
17th.] This morning, at the suggestion of my companion, for the
purpose of trapping, we went about five miles lower down the rivulet.
In proceeding this short distance, I fainted with the effort, and
was near falling off my horse. All the remainder of the day and the
succeeding night, I experienced the fever under the exposure of a
burning sun and sultry air. Shade was not to be obtained, and the
night brought with it no alleviation but darkness.
In the evening Mr. Lee suggested the propriety of our returning to
the Verdigris, before I became so weak as to render it impossible;
but the idea of returning filled me with deep regret, and I felt
strongly opposed to it whatever might be the consequences.
18th.] To return, was again urged to me in plainer terms than before.
I therefore complied, on the condition of trying the event of one
or two days longer, and that then, if no better, I would return.
I remarked to him, however, that these small distances from one
trapping place to another, would, at this hot season, be far less
difficult for me to accomplish, than to enter back again upon the
prairies.
19th.] We proceeded to another place of encampment, through ponds and
dry gullies, crossing the prairies from point to point, for about
10 miles, instead of a supposed five or six, until it became dark,
when, not finding the place where Mr. Lee had deposited his baggage,
we stopped in a very eligible situation, compared with the rest of
the wilderness through which we had been toiling. The preceding
night we had experienced a slight rain, and had reason to suspect it
again, but we lay down unprepared; and about midnight were caught in
a thunder storm {203} of great violence, and continued till daylight
under pelting torrents of rain.
20th.] Mr. Lee now said nothing more about returning, as his horse
was become incapable of carrying either himself or his baggage. We
had no method left of proceeding, at present, but by making double
journeys, and employing my horse to convey the whole. The flies still
continued to annoy us, filling our blankets, linen, and almost every
thing about us with maggots. To compensate, however, in some measure,
for these disgusting and familiar visitors, we had the advantage of
the bee, and obtained abundance of excellent honey, on which, mixed
up with water, I now almost entirely subsisted, as we had no other
food but venison, and were without either bread or vegetables.
21st.] We again proceeded five or six miles further over stoney
hills, with great fatigue, and again encamped on a branch of the
Little North Fork. Lee was now in a great dilemma about our falling
into the way of the Indians; he observed to-day (22d) their general
encampment quite contiguous.
The fever had now rendered me too weak to bear any exercise; and it
was become impossible to find any thing which would suit my feeble
appetite. In the commencing coolness of the weather, I had, however,
a reasonable hope of recovery.
23d.] We continued about three miles further up the banks of the
rivulet, and again encamped amidst gloomy prospects.
24th.] To-day, Mr. Lee having contrived to place a great part of his
baggage upon his own horse, we proceeded about 10 miles, alternately
along the borders of the rivulet and over the bases of the adjacent
hills, which we had now the satisfaction to find more open and less
rocky. We passed by three or four enormous ponds grown up with
aquatics, among which were thousands of acres of the great pond
lily {204} (_Cyamus luteus_), amidst which grew also the _Thalia
dealbata_, now in flower, and, for the first time, I saw the _Zizania
miliacea_ of Michaux. At length we gained sight of the prairies,
which were doubly interesting after being so disagreeably immured
amidst thickets and ponds. In our way we struck across the desiccated
corner of the pond; here the _Ambrosias_ or bitter weeds were higher
than my head on horseback, and we were a considerable time in
extricating ourselves from them. Clearing the thicket, we ascended
a hill of the prairie, and continued across it to the first creek,
where we encamped.
26th.] While Mr. Lee was absent this morning examining the beaver
traps, which he had set, to my surprise I observed, on the opposite
side of the creek, an Indian busily examining our horses; after
viewing them a few minutes, he chased them down the creek in a gallop
towards our encampment, and after looking at me also with caution,
instantly disappeared without paying me a visit. I need not say, how
unwelcome this intelligence was to my cautious companion, who had not
now to learn the rapacity of the savage hunters, having nearly lost
his life, and all his property, last autumn, by falling in with the
Cherokees near the banks of the Canadian. We delayed not a moment
to leave our encampment, expecting nothing more certain than an
unfriendly visit or clandestine theft. My own situation was indeed
extremely critical, as I could not possibly walk, and even required
assistance to get on and off my horse: thus to have had it stolen
would have been to leave me to perish without hope. As we passed
along, something which I imagined to be an Indian, dodged near us
twice, from amidst the high grass, like some unfriendly animal of the
forest, and slunk from our observance. This evening I felt extremely
unhappy, and became quite delirious; when reclined, it was with
difficulty that I could rise; a kind of lethargy, almost the prelude
of death, now {205} interposed, affording an ominous relief from
anxiety and pain.
27th.] Three days were now elapsed since I had been able to taste any
kind of food, and to add to the miseries of sickness, delirium, and
despondence, we experienced as many days of unremitting gloom, in
which the sun was not visible even for an hour.
30th.] Being a little recovered, we now ventured out some distance
into the prairie hills; but, after travelling a few miles without
much pain, my mind became so unaccountably affected with horror and
distraction, that, for a time, it was impossible to proceed to any
convenient place of encampment. This evening my companion killed
two bison, the first we had seen on the route, but neither of them
were fat, or any thing like tolerable food. I here spent a night of
great misery and delirium, and felt exceedingly cold from the sudden
decrease of the temperature.
31st.] We moved onwards a few miles, but encamped at an early hour.
_September_ 1st.] We proceeded about 10 miles over wooded hills, with
the expectation of soon arriving at the Salt river, which we imagined
to lie before us, either to the west or south-west, but were entirely
deceived, and my companion now appeared to be ignorant of the
country. We saw nothing far and wide but an endless scrubby forest of
dwarfish oaks, chiefly the post, black, and red species.
2d.] We now travelled about 15 miles nearly north, in the hope
of arriving, at any rate, on the Arkansa, and passed through oak
thickets, like those of Red river, for most part of the day. The
land was poor and hilly, but abounded with clear and cool springs,
issuing through rocks of a fine grained sandstone. We found the small
chinquapin oak by acres, running along the ground as in New Jersey.
The _Portulaca_ resembling _P. villosa_, which I had seen below in a
solitary locality, Mr. Lee picked up for me to-day, growing {206} in
arid rocky places, where the soil had been nearly washed away. The
general aspect of the vegetable kingdom still, however, continued
nearly the same.
3d.] We continued on about 26 miles through the same kind of deeply
undulated country, abounding with clear grit springs, but the land
poor, and covered with scrubby oak, except occasional prairie
openings and narrow valleys. At length we arrived on the banks of a
small clear brook dammed up by the beaver, where we obtained a ford.
Towards evening, greatly fatigued, and with our course directed
more towards the west, we observed clouds of sand to arise at a
distance, which we were satisfied must originate from the beach of
some neighbouring river, and, in about an hour after, we came upon
the rocky bank of the First Red Fork or Salt river, which, though
very low, was still red and muddy, bordered with an extensive beach
similar to the Arkansa, and not greatly differing from it apparently
in point of magnitude. Along the argillaceous banks I observed saline
incrustations, and, on tasting the water, I found it to be nauseous
and impotably saline.[205] Our horses, however, naturally fond of
salt, drank of it with the utmost greediness. Though gratified by the
sight of this curious stream, which we had so tediously sought, I now
lamented the loss of the fine spring water lately afforded us by the
barren hills. This extensive stream constitutes the hunting boundary
of the Pawnees and Hietans. Its first view appeared beautifully
contrasted with the broken and sterile country through which we had
been travelling. The banks of cotton-wood (_Populus monilifera_),
bordered by the even beach, resembled a verdant garden in panorama
view. A few days journey to the west, Mr. Lee informs me, that there
are extensive tracts of moving sand hills, accompanied by a degree of
sterility little short of the African deserts.
{207} 4th.] We continued a few miles up the banks of this saline
stream, crossing it from point to point. But the following day (5th)
we concluded on leaving it, studying our safety from the Osages,
whose traces became now more and more evident. We pursued our course
along the sand beaches of the river, now oppressively hot, and about
noon turned out into a shade. Here, unfortunately, while Mr. Lee was
busied about his beaver traps, his horse got into a mirey gully, and
could not be extricated. In this dilemma, no resource for proceeding
remained for my companion, but to construct a canoe, and so descend
by water. From the general diminution and deterioration of the
forest, it was not even an easy matter to find a tree of sufficient
size for this purpose. The largest timber was the cotton-wood
(_Populus angulata_). After an unexpected and irksome privation, I
was now again gratified by the taste of fresh water, which we found
in a small stagnant rivulet contiguous to our encampment.
On the 8th, my companion launched his canoe, which so exactly
answered his purpose that it would have sunk with any additional
loading. Although I had now so far recovered as to possess a little
appetite, we were, for several days, destitute of any kind of food,
except the tails of the beaver, the flesh of this animal being now
too lean and musky to be eaten. The game appeared to be driven out
of the country by the approach of the Indians. I still continued
my route along the beaches of the river, which proved almost
insupportably hot, and I severely felt the want of fresh water,
though it now, from necessity, became possible for me to swallow
this tepid brine, which always proved cathartic. As we proceeded,
the river appeared continually bordered by sandstone hills, like the
Arkansa. Amongst several other new plants, I found a very curious
_Gaura_, an undescribed species of _Donia_, of _Eriogonum_, of
_Achyranthes_, _Arundo_, {208} and _Gentian_. On the sandy beaches
grew several plants, such as the _Uralepsis aristulata_ (_Festuca
procumbens_, Muhlenberg), an _Uniola_ scarcely distinct from _U.
spicata_ and _Sesuvium sessile_, which I had never heretofore met
with, except on the sands of the sea coast.
9th.] About noon we arrived at the entrance of the Arkansa, and were
once more gratified with the taste of fresh water. Here the stream,
now at its lowest depression, was almost colourless, and scarcely any
where exceeding the depth of three feet. We travelled down it 9 or 10
miles, and saw the ascending smoke of the general encampments of the
Osages, whom, if possible, we wished to avoid. By the multitude of
traces upon the sand, it was easy to perceive that the whole village
and its accompaniments were in motion.
10th.] We still saw the smoke of the Osage fires in all directions,
and hourly expected a discovery. As I passed along contiguous to
the river, now alone, one of the Indians saw me in the wood, but
did not venture to come up, dodged out of sight, and then ran along
with haste towards his encampment. This wolfish behaviour, it may
be certain, was not calculated to give me any very favourable
anticipation of our reception. I could not help indeed reflecting on
the inhospitality of this pathless desert, which will one day perhaps
give way to the blessings of civilization. The scenery was not
without beauty; wooded hills of gentle slope every where bordered the
river; and its islands and alluvions, still of considerable extent,
are no way inferior to the lands of the Ohio.
11th.] To-day, with all our caution, it became impossible to avoid
the discovery of the Indians, as two or three families were encamped
along the borders of the river. They ran up to us with a confidence
which was by no means reciprocal. One of the men was a blind chief,
not unknown to Mr. Lee,{209} who gave him some tobacco, with which he
appeared to be satisfied. About the encampment there were a host of
squaws, who were extremely impertinent. An old woman, resembling one
of the imaginary witches Macbeth, told me, with an air of insolence,
that I must give her my horse for her daughter to ride on; I could
walk;--that the Osages were numerous, and could soon take it from
me. At last, the blind chief invited us to his camp to eat, but had
nothing to offer us but boiled maize, sweetened with the marmalade of
pumpkins. When we were about to depart, they all ran to the boat, to
the number of 10 or 12, showing symptoms of mischief, and could not
be driven away. They held on to the canoe, and endeavoured to drag
it aground. Mr. Lee tried in vain to get rid of them, although armed
with a rifle. At length, they got to pilfering our baggage; even the
blind chief, who had showed us a commendatory certificate which he
had obtained at St. Louis, also turned thief on the occasion. We had
not got out of the sight of these depredators, before another fellow
came after us on the run, in order to claim my horse, insisting that
it was his, and I could no way satisfy his unfounded demand, but by
giving him one of my blankets.
Mr. Lee, as he descended, now observed two men on the shore, who hid
themselves at his approach, and began to follow him as secretly as
possible. They continued after us all the remainder of the day, till
dark. We knew not whether they intended to kill or to rob us; and,
endeavouring to elude their pursuit, we kept on in the night, amidst
the horrors of a thunder storm, the most gloomy and disagreeable
situation I ever experienced in my life. In consequence also of the
quicksands and the darkness, it was with the utmost difficulty that
I could urge my horse to take the river, which it was necessary
repeatedly to cross. In one of these attempts, both myself and it
were on the point of being buried before we {210} could extricate
ourselves. Dressed in leather, I came out of the water drenched and
shivering, almost ready to perish with cold. After some persuasion,
I prevailed upon Lee to kindle me a handful of fire, by which I lay
alone for two or three hours, amidst the dreary howling of wolves,
Mr. Lee not wishing to trust himself near such a beacon. Nothing,
however, further molested us, and, after cooking and eating a portion
of a fat buck elk, which my companion had contrived to kill in the
midst of our flight, we continued our journey by the light of the
moon. After proceeding about 20 miles farther down the Arkansa,
unable to keep up with Lee and his boat, at noon we agreed to part.
I took with me some small pieces of the boiled elk, with a portion
also uncooked, and furnished myself, as I thought, with the means of
obtaining fire, but, when evening arrived, I was greatly mortified to
find all my attempts to obtain this necessary element abortive. My
gun was also become useless, all the powder having got wet by last
night’s adventure.
14th.] Fatigued with the sand-beaches, as hot and cheerless as the
African deserts, I left the banks of the river; and, after travelling
with extreme labour through horrible thickets for three miles, in
which the _Ambrosias_ were far higher than my head on horseback, I,
at length, arrived amongst woody hills, and a few miles further came
out, to my great satisfaction, into the open prairies, from whence,
in an elevated situation, I immediately recognised the Verdigris
river. At night, though late, I arrived on its wide alluvial lands,
lined with such an impenetrable thicket, that I did not attain
the bank, and had to lie down alone, in the rank weeds, amidst
musquetoes, without fire, food, or water, as the meat with which I
had been provided was raw, and spoiled by the worms.
{211} 15th.] With all the advantage of day-light, it was still
difficult to penetrate through the thicket, and ford the river.
Towards evening, I again arrived at the trading establishment of Mr.
Bougie, an asylum, which probably, at this time, rescued me from
death. My feet and legs were so swelled, in consequence of weakness
and exposure to extreme heat and cold, that it was necessary to cut
off my pantaloons, and at night both my hands and feet were affected
by the most violent cramp.
I remained about a week with Mr. Bougie, in a very feeble state,
again visited by fever, and a kind of horrific delirium, which
perpetually dwelt upon the scene of past sufferings. I now took
the opportunity of descending to the garrison with an engagée, but
continued in a state of great debility, my hands and feet still
violently and frequently affected with spasms.
In about five days slow descending, from the feebleness of my invalid
companion, we arrived at the garrison.
The Indian councils now pending betwixt the Osages and Cherokees
filled the fort with a disagreeable bustle.[206] The Osages,
according to the stipulation of the treaty signed at St. Louis, were
assembled to receive their prisoners from the hands of the Cherokees.
The captives, chiefly female, were, however, kept back, and they
wished to retain them on the score of adoption. Tálai and Clarmont
insisted on their compliance with the treaty; and the government
agents now ordered the Cherokees to produce the prisoners in 10
days. The 11th day, however, arrived without any appearance of the
Cherokees, excepting five of their hunters. The chiefs of the Osages
were exceedingly mortified. Captain Prior told them to demand of the
commander the liberty of seizing upon the five Cherokees in the fort
as hostages. To this the chief, called the Mad Buffalo, objected,
saying, “if we take these Cherokee prisoners {212} to our village,
the warriors, and those who expected the return of their own people,
would say, who are these strangers and enemies? we wanted our own
captives, not Cherokees, and so they would instantly kill them.”
In the evening the Osage chiefs left the fort, and proceeded towards
their village; but next morning the Cherokees began to assemble, and
the Osages were sent for to receive their prisoners, now arrived.
Tálai and Clarmont sent the lesser chiefs, and remained behind, but
the Cherokees insisted on the presence of the whole, and after a
second message they came as desired.
Tikitok,[207] one of the principal Cherokees, a very old and
venerable looking man, presided on the occasion, and every appearance
of friendship and satisfaction, accompanied by the usual smoking,
prevailed on either side. The prisoners, after some little talk,
were now produced, and given up according to the treaty. There
was, however, a chief sitting next to Tikitok, who undertook to
propose, that the prisoners should be permitted to use their own
will, and go to either party as they should chuse, but this unfair
and equivocating proposal was not made known to the Osages, some
private conversation with the Cherokees putting a stop to it. It
appeared that, in the interval of captivity, one of the young women
had contracted marriage with a Cherokee of her own age. Their parting
was a scene of sorrow; the Cherokee promised to go to the village,
and ask her of her father, she also plead with the chiefs to stay,
but Clarmont, unmoved by her tears and entreaties, answered, “your
father and mother lament you; it is your duty to go and see them. If
the Cherokee loves you, he will not forget to come for you.” In this
way terminated the treaty of peace between the Osages and Cherokees,
in September, 1819.[208]
FOOTNOTES:
[203] This river is now known as the Cimarron. A smaller stream, some
distance above, is alone properly called Salt Fork of the Arkansas.
The two waterways and their names were long confused. Among the
tributaries of the Arkansas from the west, the Cimarron is second
only to the Canadian in size. It rises in the mountains of New
Mexico.--ED.
[204] Now known as Deep Fork.--ED.
[205] Lieutenant Wilkinson reported (1807) that the Cimarron, which
he called the Grand Saline, was potable at all seasons, its name
being derived from the salt upon the banks. See Coues, _Expeditions
of Z. M. Pike_, p. 556.--ED.
[206] See _ante_, note 155.--ED.
[207] Tikitok (or Tikatok) was one of the chiefs whose leadership
dated from the death of Tallantusky (see _ante_, note 148). His
village was situated on the lower of the streams called Illinois.--ED.
[208] Since this period, as might readily be foreseen, hostilities
have again commenced between these restless and warlike tribes,
who can perhaps never be prevailed upon to live in friendship, as
they will be perpetually transgressing each other’s hunting bounds.
At a very recent date (1821), 400 Osage warriors appeared before
the garrison of Belle Point, on their way against the Cherokees,
accompanied by a party of the Sauks and Fox Indians, and killed four
Quapaws hunting in the neighbourhood. Such is the effect of the
imprudent and visionary policy of crowding the natives together, in
the hopes of keeping them at peace.--NUTTALL.
{213} CHAPTER XV
Proceed from the garrison to the Pecannerie settlement--Hot-springs
of the Washita--Phenomena of the seasons.
In consequence of sickness, and an extreme debility, which deprived
me of the pleasure of my usual excursions, I remained at the
garrison until the 16th of October. A nervous fever had now for ever
separated me from the agreeable company of Dr. Russel, and amongst
my associates in affliction were numbered two missionaries, who had
intended to proceed to the Osages. One of them, (Mr. Viner), after
the attacks of a lingering fever, paid the debt of nature.
From July to October, the ague and bilious fever spread throughout
the territory in a very unusual manner. Connected apparently with
these diseases, was one of an extraordinary character. It commenced
by slight chills, and was succeeded by a fever, attended with
unremitting vomitings, accompanied with blood, and bloody fœces.
Ejecting all medicine, it became next to impossible to administer
internal relief. The paroxysms, attended with excruciating pain,
took place every other day, similar to the common intermittent. One
of the soldiers who descended with us, was afflicted in this way for
the space of six days, after which he recovered. On the intermitting
days he appeared perfectly easy, and possessed a strong and craving
appetite. I was credibly informed {214} that not less than 100 of the
Cherokees, settled contiguous to the banks of the Arkansa, died this
season of the bilious fever.
On the 3d of November, I at length got down in a perogue of the
garrison as far as Major Wilborne’s in the Pecannerie settlement.
Here, though the bilious fever and ague had been unusually prevalent,
no instance of mortality had taken place.
In this settlement there was a succession of heavy rains down to
the month of September. Above, we had experienced no rain beyond
the month of June. Perhaps the unusual prevalence of rain, on the
banks of the Arkansa, might have been conducive to the extraordinary
sickness of this season. As a proof of the locality of this rain, the
river was now so exceedingly low, that no boats drawing more than 10
or 12 inches of water could possibly navigate it from the Dardanelles
to the Verdigris. All along the banks, the clay and pebbles of the
beaches were whitened with an efflorescence of salt (muriate of
soda), deposited from the water of the red freshes. We also remarked
that all the sandstone rocks, scattered confusedly on the borders of
the river, blacken by exposure, and assume a metallic tinge, probably
arising from an admixture of manganese.
The Pecannerie, now the most considerable settlement in the
territory, except Arkansas, derived its name from the Pecan nut-trees
(_Carya olivæformis_), with which its forests abound; in a few
years it will probably form a county, containing at this time about
60 families, all, in regard to circumstances, living in a state
of ignorance and mediocrity of fortune: many of them indeed were
renegadoes from justice who had fled from honest society, to seek
refuge in these fertile alluvial forests, where, indulging themselves
in indolence, they become the pest of their more industrious and
honest neighbours, and are encouraged in their dishonest practices
by the laxity of the laws, and {215} the imperfect manner in which
they are administered. Thus the settlement was now oppressed by gangs
of horse thieves, who carried their depredations even among the
neighbouring savages.
The soil throughout this settlement, after three or four years
working, is found to be extremely favourable for the growth of
cotton, as appeared by the crops of the present year, but the price
was fallen to 3 dollars per cwt. in the seed, with little or no
demand, so that the settlers, for want of a market, were really
indigent, and most of them lived in a very poor and uncomfortable
manner. The alluvial lands, here about two miles wide, are flanked
by a range of wooded hills, and a somewhat broken country of
considerable fertility.
A number of families were now about to settle, or rather take
provisionary possession of the land purchased from the Osages,
situated along the banks of the Arkansa, from Frog bayou to the
falls of the Verdigris; a tract in which is embraced a great body
of superior alluvial land. But, to their disappointment, an order
recently arrived, instructing the agent of Indian affairs to put the
Cherokees in possession of the Osage purchase, and to remove them
from the south side of the river. It appeared, from what I could
learn, that the Osages, purposely deceived by the interpreter, at
the instigation of the Shoutous, had hatched up a treaty without
the actual authority of the chiefs, so that in the present state
of things a war betwixt the Cherokees and the Osages is almost
inevitable, unless the latter relinquish the banks of the Arkansa,
as Messrs. Shoutou wish them. The Osages in a recent council said,
they would have no objection to dispose of their lands, provided the
whites only were allowed to settle upon them.[209]
* * * * *
I understand that the hot springs of the Washita are situated about a
mile from that river, contiguous to the {216} bank of a brook. At the
springs, a ridge of between five and six hundred feet, from whence
smoke had been seen to issue, appears, by the massive rocks that
fill this stream, to have been broken through, or undermined by its
torrents. Many thermal springs, besides those employed by visitors,
are seen boiling out of the side of the hill, and mingling with the
cool water of the brook. The principal fountain, issuing from amidst
huge masses of black rocks, apparently bituminous and calcareous
slate in thick laminæ, has a stream of near a foot in diameter at its
orifice, and hot enough to boil eggs or fish; a steam arises from it
as from water in a state of ebullition, attended with a considerable
discharge of bubbles. It is only after mixing with the cool water of
the brook, at some distance from this spring, that it becomes of a
temperature in which it is possible to bathe. There is, however, a
kind of rude inclosure made around the spring, as a steam bath, which
often probably debilitates, and injures the health of ignorant and
emaciated patients. Major Long,[210] who visited these springs in the
month of January, found their temperature to vary from 86° to 150°
of Fahrenheit. Hunter and Dunbar[211] ascertained the temperature of
five different springs, to be at 150°, 154°, 140°, 136°, and 132°.
The water, as near Onondago, in the state of New York, at the tepid
baths of Natlock in Derbyshire, and in many parts of Italy, charged
with an excess of carbonic acid, holding lime in solution, deposits a
calcareous tufa, which incrusts leaves, moss, or any other substance
which it meets in its course, to the great surprise of the ignorant,
who commonly pronounce them petrifactions. Indeed, the exploring
party of the Washita assert, that a mass of calcareous rock, 100
feet perpendicular, had been produced by this aqueous deposition.
Eruptions of argillaceous mud in small quantities have also been
observed, which in time become considerably indurated.
{217} Among the more remarkable features of the autumnal season
in this country, is the aspect of the atmosphere, which in all
directions appears so filled with smoke, as often to render an object
obscure at the distance of 100 yards. The south-west winds at this
season are often remarkably hazy, but here the effect is greatly
augmented by the burning of the surrounding prairies, annually
practised by the savages and whites, for the benefit of the hunt,
as the ground is thus cleared of a heavy crop of withered grass,
prepared for an early vegetation in the succeeding spring, and also
assisted in its growth by the stimulating effects of the alkaline
ashes. Indeed, ever since the beginning of September, the prairies
had appeared yellow and withered, with a prevailing mass of dying
vegetation. The autumnal Asters and Solidagos, are but a faint gleam
of the mid-summer splendour of these flowery meadows. Throughout this
territory, there are no grasses nor other vegetables of consequence
in agriculture (except the cane), which retain their verdure beyond
the close of September. ’Tis true, that in the sheltered alluvions,
verdure may be protracted, and it is here that the cattle, left to
nature, now seek their food, and, as the winter advances, finally
repair to the sempervirent cane brake. That delightful and refreshing
verdure one naturally expects to see in a garden, regales not the
eye of the Arkansa farmer beyond the vegetating period assigned by
nature. From the month of September to February (except in the lowest
and richest alluvions), every enclosure, in common with the prairies,
appears a dreary waste of withered herbage, with the exception of
the biennial turnip, the radish, and the cabbage, which still retain
their freshness. The month of February, however, scarcely closes
before vegetation again commences, and the natural meadows, thickets,
and alluvions, in March, are already enamelled with the flowers of
May.
{218} The aridity of the autumnal atmosphere, which becomes more and
more sensible as we advance towards the west, or recede from the
ocean, may be perceived to modify many of the natural productions
of the country, and deserves to be studied by those who reside on
the spot. Amongst the _Cucurbitaceæ_, every species of melon, which
attain such enormous bulk and perfection east of the Mississippi,
are here often of diminutive size, notwithstanding the heat of the
climate; and by the increasing dryness of the air, the plants,
full of young fruit, wither and prematurely die. The diminution of
the forest, and at length its total disappearance, is also, in all
probability, attributable to the same source of infertility.
The natural phenomena of the seasons appear no less corroborative of
a distinction of climate betwixt the eastern and western territories.
From the Pecannerie settlement eastward, heavy rains were experienced
for most part of the summer down to the beginning of September; while
from the garrison upwards, scarcely any rain except the slightest
flying showers had fallen since the month of June. It might, indeed,
be reasonably conjectured, that the further any country was removed
from the ocean, the great reservoir of rains, and the more it was
elevated above that level, the more it would have to depend upon
the winter or rainy season for irrigation; and that, in such a
country, rain can hardly be expected in the summer, especially if the
temperature be elevated. Facts bear out these conjectures, for the
higher we ascend toward the great platform of the Andes, the more
arid becomes the climate; and at length, approaching the mountains,
nothing is to be seen but a barren and desert region, tantalized with
numerous streams, which flow only in the winter, and then with such
force and velocity, as to tear up frightful ravines, and, sweeping
away thousands of acres of friable materials, which to a considerable
depth constitute the more ancient {219} incumbent soil, leave behind,
upon the denuded plains, colossal masses insulated in the most
fantastic forms, so as to appear like piles of artificial ruins.
Such is the appearance of the saline plains of the Arkansa, and many
extensive tracts towards the sources of the Missouri, from Fort
Mandan westward to the basis of the Northern Andes.
FOOTNOTES:
[209] The Osage purchase referred to was made at St. Louis, September
25, 1818. Frog Bayou is a few miles below Fort Smith. The tract lay
on the north side of the Arkansas, and was sixty miles wide at the
eastern line. By the word “Shoutous,” Nuttall means to designate the
Chouteaus, French fur-traders at St. Louis.--ED.
[210] For sketch of Major Stephen H. Long, see preface to volume xiv
of our series.--ED.
[211] In the autumn of 1804 President Jefferson sent a party under
Sir William Dunbar (see Cuming’s _Tour_, in our volume iv, note 209),
to explore the Ouachita. Dunbar, a Scotchman (1740–1810) who had
come to the United States before the Revolutionary War, had after
various business ventures at Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and Baton
Rouge, settled near Natchez on a plantation. He was a scientist of
considerable note; the _Transactions_ of the American Philosophical
Society at Philadelphia, of which he was a member, contain various
contributions from his pen.
Dr. Hunter was Dunbar’s assistant on the Ouachita journey. Their
“Observations” were transmitted to Congress with Jefferson’s message
of February 19, 1806.--ED.