CHAPTER III

Departure from Shippingsport--Velocity of the

current--Troy--Owensville--Indigence of the

hunting emigrants--Mounds--Evansville--The Diamond

island--Shawneetown--Grandeur of the river and the uncultivated

state of the surrounding country--Fort Massac--Arrival at the

mouth of the Ohio--Delayed by the ice of the Mississippi--A

visit from the Delaware and Shawnee Indians--Observations on

their mutual jealousy and improvidence.

On the 7th, towards evening, I left Shippingsport in the flat-boat

which I had purchased, accompanied by an elderly gentleman and his

son, who intended to proceed to New Orleans. The river had now taken

a sudden and favourable rise of eight or ten feet perpendicular.

We floated all night, keeping an alternate watch, and before the

expiration of 24 hours, on the 8th, the current alone had carried

us without labour near 80 miles! We accompanied another vessel of

the same kind, and, for mutual convenience, our boats, according to

custom, were lashed together side by side, thus also facilitating our

progress by obtaining a greater scope of the current.

9th.] We continued at the same rate, floating along without any

labour, except that of occasionally rowing out from the shore, or

avoiding submerged trunks of trees, called snags or sawyers, as they

are either stationary or moveable with the action of the current; by

the French they are called _chicos_. In the night {38} we passed the

town of _Troy_, an insignificant handful of log-cabins, dignified by

this venerable name; here we stopped a few minutes to unload some

salt, which, in consequence of the scarcity, incident to the low

stage of water, sold at four dollars per bushel. Nearly all the salt

which supplies this country descends the Kanhaway.

On the 10th we arrived at Owensville,[42] more commonly called

Yellow Banks, from the ochraceous appearance of the argillaceous

friable bank of the river. This is another insignificant cluster

of log-cabins, and the seat of a county. Flour sold here at 10

dollars per barrel. In consequence of the want of mills, they depend

altogether on the upper country for their supplies of this important

article. Mills are much wanted, and, in order even to obtain

corn-meal, every one has to invent something of the kind for himself.

At this place the store-keepers were busily collecting pork for the

market of New Orleans, at the rate of five dollars per hundred, in

exchange for dry-goods and groceries. No other produce appeared in

this place. No orchards are yet planted, and apples were worth one

dollar and a half the bushel.

We floated as usual till towards midnight, but the north-west wind

arising, at length put a stop to our progress. Having proceeded about

18 miles below Owensville, we endeavoured to land on the Kentucky

side, but, in the attempt, ran an imminent risk of grounding on an

extensive bar; with considerable labour we rowed our unmanageable

flat to the opposite shore, where we found deep water, and a good

harbour from the wind.

11th.] About day-break we were accosted by a backwoods neighbour,

anxious for a dram of whiskey, which we had foreseen and provided

for. We were detained all day by the wind, and the hunters went out

in quest of turkeys. The improvidence of these hunting farmers, is

truly remarkable: annually {39} mortgaging their produce for the

meanest luxuries of civilized life; still destitute of flour, of the

produce of the orchard, of country spirits, and, indeed, of coffee

and sugar for a great part of the year; at the same time, that they

might become independent, with even moderate industry.

Potatoes are very indifferent in this country, but pulse and all

kinds of grain excellent and productive.

Here, at Mountplace [43] as it is called, there are two or three

Indian mounds, upon one of which our visitor had built his house,

and in digging had discovered abundance of human bones, as well as

several stone pipes, and fragments of earthen ware.

12th.] About 9 o’clock, we pushed out and proceeded. Towards

evening, 15 miles from Hendersonville,[44] in Indiana, we passed a

small town called Evansville,[45] apparently a county seat, by the

appearance of a court house. We continued to float throughout the

night, which was very fine and moonlight, but cold, the thermometer

being down at 20°. We passed Henderson in the night, and, about

5 o’clock in the morning of the 13th, came in sight of the large

and beautiful broad island, called the Diamond, with the river, on

either side of it, apparently a mile in breadth. At two intervals

of 10 miles each, we had passed two other islands, and about one

o’clock, found ourselves carried by good fortune, and at an easy

rate, opposite to the Wabash[46] and its island, which mark the

commencement of the territory of Illinois.

From Owensville, cane begins to be tall and abundant. The prospect

of an approaching storm caused us to come to shore at an early hour,

where we remained for the night, having our boat tied to a stout

branch or stem of the _Borya acuminata_,[47] which grows here in

abundance, and is nearly as thorny as a {40} sloe bush, sending up

many straight stems from the same root.

14th.] We rode over to Shawneetown,[48] a handful of log cabins,

with some of them shingled, commanding an agreeable view of the

river, but not situated beyond the reach of occasional inundation. I

learned, on inquiry, that Mr. Birkbeck’s settlement[49] was not so

unhealthy as had been reported, and that it was continually receiving

accessions of foreigners. After floating some distance, we came up

with three other flat boats, and lashing to them proceeded all night.

The river is here very wide and magnificent, and checquered with many

islands. The banks at Battery Rock, Rock in the Cave,[50] and other

places, are bold and rocky, with bordering cliffs. The occidental

wilderness appears here to retain its primeval solitude; its gloomy

forests are yet unbroken by the hand of man, they are only penetrated

by the wandering hunter, and the roaming savage.

15th and 16th.] Got down below Fort Massac,[51] and remained ashore

most part of the night, being detained by the wind. On the night

and morning of the 15th, the thermometer fell to 10°. In a cypress

swamp, near to the shore, grew the _Gleditsia monosperma_ and the

_Cephalanthus_, with pubescent leaves and branchlets, which grows in

Georgia and Louisiana, also the _Asclepias parviflora_.

17th.] Between 2 and 3 o’clock in the afternoon, we arrived at the

mouth of the Ohio, and were considerably mortified on perceiving the

Mississippi to be full of floating ice. Governed by the conduct of

the boats which we had for three days accompanied, we came to on the

Kentucky shore, and remained in company with several other boats,

this and the whole of the following day.

The summit of the bank, at the foot of which we had landed, was

surmounted by an almost impenetrable and sempervirent cane brake;

we measured several {41} canes upwards of 30 feet in height. These

wilds afford but little gratification to the botanist, their extreme

darkness excluding the existence of nearly every herbaceous plant.

Among the trees, we still continue to observe the coffee bean

(_Gymnocladus canadensis_), now loaded with legumes, the seeds of

which, when parched, are agreeable to eat, but produce a substitute

for coffee greatly inferior to the _Cichorium_.

The whole country here, on both sides of the Mississippi and the

Ohio, remains uninhabited in consequence of inundation, and abounds

with various kinds of game, but particularly deer and bear, turkeys,

geese, and swans, with hosts of other aquatic fowls; though, with the

exception of the white pelican, they are such as commonly exist in

many other parts of the Union.

While amusing ourselves on the 17th, we were visited by a couple

of the Delaware Indians, and shortly after by a hunting party of

Shawnees,[52] who reside some miles west of St. Louis. I invited

one of them into our cabin, and prevailed upon him to take supper,

with which he appeared to be well satisfied and grateful. On the

following day, a number of the Shawnees came with our evening guest,

and desired to purchase gun-powder. They behaved with civility,

and almost refused to taste of spirits, but their reluctance was

at length overcome by some of our neighbours, and the night was

passed at their camp with yells and riot. Although the Delawares and

Shawnees are proximately allied to each other, yet we perceive the

existence of that jealousy among them, which has ever been so fatal

to the interest of the aborigines, from the conquest of Cortes to

the present moment. The Delawares cautioned me against the Shawnees,

among whom they were continually hunting, and stigmatized them as

rogues; I found them, however, all equally honest in their dealings,

as far as I had any intercourse with them; still the history {42}

of the Shawnees, on many occasions, has long proved the truth of

the character which is given of them by the Delawares. Scarcely

any of the Indian tribes have migrated so often and so far, as the

restless and intriguing Shawnees; who, since their first discovery

on the banks of the Savannah, in Georgia, have, in the space of a

century, successively migrated through the western states to the

further bank of the Mississippi. Ever flying from the hateful circle

of civilized society, which, probably in their own defence, they

have repeatedly scourged, so as, indeed, to endanger their safety;

averse to agriculture and systematic labour, they still depend upon

the precarious bounty of the chase for their rude subsistence.

Retreating into the forests of the western interior, according to

their own acknowledgment destitute of lands, they are reduced to the

misery of craving the favour of hunting ground from the Cherokees and

Osages,[53] excepting the uninhabitable wilds of the Mississippi,

which, as in former times, still continue the common range of every

tribe of native hunters.

These Indians possess the same symbolical or pantomimic language,

as that which is employed by most of the nations with which I have

become acquainted. It appears to be a compact invented by necessity,

which gives that facility to communication denied to oral speech.

FOOTNOTES:

[42] Now Owensborough, seat of Daviess County, Kentucky. The original

name of the place was Rossborough, but it was rechristened in honor

of Abraham Owen, who fell at Tippecanoe. The shore from which the

name Yellow Banks was derived, is from twelve to twenty feet in

height. The undermining of these banks by the river frequently

engulfs trees, and sometimes even drives people from their

dwellings.-ED.

[43] Mountplace is not shown on modern maps. From the distances given

by Nuttall, the site must be quite near Newburg, Indiana, opposite

Scuffletown, Kentucky.-ED.

[44] Nuttall must mean Henderson, Kentucky, the words “in Indiana”

referring to the location of Evansville, about twelve miles above.

Henderson, incorporated in 1810, is the seat of Henderson County,

and was at this time Audubon’s residence; it was in 1818 that the

botanist Rafinesque visited him there. See note 175, in Cuming’s

_Tour_, volume iv of our series.-ED.

[45] Evansville, the seat of Vanderburgh County, Indiana, was named

for General Robert M. Evans, of Gibson County, Indiana. It was

founded (1814) on ground donated by Hugh McGary, famous as a Kentucky

pioneer, who had for several years possessed lands in this region.

McGary was one of the leaders in the disastrous Battle of the Blue

Licks. See Cuming’s _Tour_ in our volume iv, note 120.-ED.

[46] For sketch of Wabash River, see Croghan’s _Journals_, in our

volume i, note 107.-ED.

[47] Now _Forestiera acuminata_.--NUTTALL.

[48] For sketch of the site of Shawneetown, see Croghan’s _Journals_,

volume i of our series, note 108.--ED.

[49] On Birkbeck, see various references in our volume x.--ED.

[50] Rock-in-the-cave (Cave-in-Rock). See Cuming’s _Tour_, in our

volume iv, note 180.--ED.

[51] For sketch of Fort Massac, see André Michaux’s _Travels_, volume

iii of our series, note 139.--ED.

[52] On the Shawnee, see Weiser’s _Journal_, in our volume i, note

13.--ED.

[53] See _ibid._, note 33, for the Cherokee; for the Osage, see

Bradbury’s _Travels_, our volume v, notes 22, 107.--ED.

{43} CHAPTER IV

Embark amidst the ice of the Mississippi--Run aground on

Wolf’s island in attempting to land--relieved from this

situation--but find ourselves again involved in it, and are

imposed upon by the extortion of a neighbouring voyager--Pass

the Iron banks--Cypress--Solitude of the country--New

Madrid--Oscillations of the earth still frequent--Point

Pleasant--Vestiges of the great earthquake--The Little

Prairie settlement almost destroyed by it--The Canadian

reach--A dangerous and difficult pass of the river--The

first Chicasaw Bluffs--Additional danger and uncertainty of

the navigation--Stratification of the Bluff--A dangerous

accident--The second Chicasaw Bluffs--Observations on their

stratification.

19th.] This morning, after breakfast, our more than usually timid

neighbours and ourselves ventured into the floating ice of the

Mississippi, which we soon found to be less formidable than we

had imagined, though still not without some danger of drifting

imperceptibly or unavoidably upon some sunken tree, of which there

are no small abundance throughout the bed of the Mississippi. Carried

upon these by the rapid current, our boats might be staved or

entirely overturned, accidents which not infrequently happen to those

who give way to negligence or incaution.

About half an hour before sun-set, our company came to alongside

a breaking sand-bar, where lay also two other boats; governed by

their example we attempted to land, but floated by the current to

a distance below, and here, unfortunately, attempting to make a

landing, and trusting too confidently to the lightness of our boat,

we were instantly carried upon a shallow and miry bar. I was sensible

of the dilemma {44} into which we had fallen, and lost no time to

plunge into the water, though at the point of freezing, attempting,

but in vain, to float off the boat by a lever. The effort was beyond

my strength, and after remaining in the water nearly an hour, I

had reluctantly to submit to our situation. At length, two boatmen

offered their assistance, for the consideration of five dollars,

with which I complied, and in a few moments we again floated. They

took us in the dark about 100 yards further down, and there made a

landing. I still felt suspicious of our situation, notwithstanding

their assurances of safety: and at day-light, we found ourselves

(in consequence of the rapid falling of the river) as far as ever

grounded upon the bar; to obviate which, all our strength and

ingenuity availed nothing. The boatmen also, who had assisted us the

preceding night, and put us off our guard by false assurances, now

passed us with indifference, and denied us the assistance which they

had promised. We immediately commenced unloading, and had proceeded

pretty far in our labour, when we were visited by the owner of a

neighbouring boat, who, pretending to commiserate our situation,

offered to assist us gratuitously; and hearing how we had been

cheated out of five dollars, expressed his dislike at any boatman

having acted with such want of fellow-feeling. We had scarcely time

to breakfast, before our yankees arrived with two skiffs; and one of

them now assured us that we should never be able to get off until the

rise of the river; though, as appeared in the sequel, merely with the

friendly view of putting a good price upon his services. The other,

instead of the gratuitous assistance which he had offered, made a

tender of his services at three dollars. At length, like genuine

Arabs, they demanded the value of eight dollars, with which I was

reluctantly obliged to comply. After about ten minutes further

unloading, a lever placed under the bow, set us readily afloat {45}

in one minute; so much had these kind gentlemen deceived us, as to

our real situation. They now also refused to fulfil the bargain

of assisting us to reload, until brought to some sense of duty by

remonstrance.--I shall not indeed soon forget Wolf’s island, and its

harbour of sharpers.

20th.] The day was far advanced when we got off, and after floating

10 miles we moored for the night, taking care to have deep water.

The land appears low and uninhabited on every side, except at

the Iron-banks[54] (called Mine au Fer by the French) we passed

yesterday, and which are cliffs of friable and argillaceous earth,

the upper bed being ferruginous, beneath which occurs a very

conspicuously-coloured band of pink clay about 12 inches thick, and

below are white beds of the same material, improperly considered

chalk.

The Cyprus (_Cupressus disticha_) which continues some distance along

the Ohio above its estuary, is here much more common, and always

indicates the presence of annual inundation and consequent swamps

and lagoons, but we do not yet meet with the long moss (_Tillandsia

usneoides_), a plant so characteristic of the prevalence of unhealthy

humidity in the atmosphere.

21st.] We commenced our voyage at the dawn of day, and continued

to float along without interruption. The river here appears truly

magnificent, though generally bordered by the most gloomy solitudes,

in which there are now no visible traces of the abode of man. It

is indeed a sublime contrast to the busy hum of a city, and not

altogether destitute of interest. In the course of the day we passed

a number of capacious islands, but all as they ever were from their

creation, and most of them even without names, the property of any

one who will assume the possession; but they are in general, I

suspect, annually submerged by inundation.

{46} This evening we were 10 miles above New Madrid, and moored

opposite to one of the islands which had been convulsed by the

earthquake of 1811.

22d.] We commenced our voyage early, and arrived before noon at New

Madrid.[55] We found both sides of the river unusually lined with

sunken logs, some stationary and others in motion, and we narrowly

avoided several of considerable magnitude.

New Madrid is an insignificant French hamlet, containing little

more than about 20 log houses and stores miserably supplied, the

goods of which are retailed at exorbitant prices: for example, 18

cents per pound for lead, which costs seven cents at Herculaneum;

salt five dollars per bushel; sugar 31¼ cents per pound; whiskey

one dollar 25 cents per gallon; apples 25 cents per dozen; corn 50

cents per bushel; fresh butter 37½ cents per pound; eggs the same per

dozen; pork six dollars per hundred; beef five dollars. Still the

neighbouring land appears to be of a good quality, but people have

been discouraged from settling in consequence of the earthquakes,

which, besides the memorable one of 1811, are very frequently

experienced, two or three oscillations being sometimes felt in a day.

The United States, in order to compensate those who suffered in their

property by the catastrophe, granted to the settlers an equivalent

of land in other parts of the Territory.

The site of the town, as we learn from La Vega, the historian of

Soto, bears unequivocal marks of an aboriginal station; still

presenting the remains of some low mounds, which, as usual, abound

with fragments of earthen ware.[56]

23d.] We proceeded about six miles, and came to at another small

French hamlet called Point Pleasant. {47} Here I saw the Catalpa

(_Catalpa cordifolia_) in the forests, apparently indigenous, for the

first time in my life, though still contiguous to habitations.

This place and several islands below were greatly convulsed by the

earthquake, and have in consequence been abandoned. I was shown a

considerable chasm still far from being filled up, from whence the

water of the river, as they say, rushed in an elevated column. The

land is here of a superior quality, but flat, and no high grounds

have made their appearance since we passed the Iron-Banks, no rock is

any where to be seen; the banks of the river are deep and friable;

islands and sand-bars, at this stage of the river connected with the

land, are almost innumerable. In the midst of so much plenty provided

by nature, the Canadian squatters[57] are here, as elsewhere, in

miserable circumstances. They raise no wheat, and scarcely enough of

maize for their support. Superfine flour sold here at 11 dollars per

barrel.

The dresses of the men consist of blanket capeaus, buckskin

pantaloons, and mockasins.

25th.] Christmas-day. We left Point Pleasant,[58] and floated along

without encountering any material obstacle, except glancing against

an enormous moving log (or sawyer), which for the moment threw us

into terror. Indeed the submerged trees become more and more numerous.

In the evening we arrived at the remains of the settlement called the

Little Prairie, where there is now only a single house, all the rest,

together with their foundations, having been swept away by the river,

soon after the convulsion of the earthquake, in consequence (as the

inhabitants say, and as they also affirm in New Madrid) of the land

having sunk 10 feet or more below its former level.[59]

{48} 26th.] After continuing about 10 miles below the Little Prairie,

we were detained for the remainder of the day by the commencement of

a storm, which towards evening increased to violence, and continued

so throughout the night. I felt under some apprehension that we

should break our cable, and so be cast away upon some of the many

snags and sawyers which obstruct the river.

27th.] Towards noon, the north-west wind moderating, we continued as

usual, and proceeded about 12 miles through a portion of the river

filled with islands and trunks of trees. No habitations whatever

appeared since we left the Little Prairie.

28th.] Proceeded a few miles, to the head of the 25th island, as

marked in the Pittsburgh Navigator,[60] and remained about four

hours, waiting the abatement of the wind, which did not permit us to

proceed in safety. Our company did not appear inclined to advance

towards the Canadian reach until the following morning; but not

wishing to spend any time unnecessarily, we continued about five

miles further.

29th.] Proceeding at day-break, we looked with apprehension for the

dangers described by the Navigator, but passed along with so little

difficulty as almost to doubt our actual situation. A few miles

below, however, we observed the river contracted within a narrow

space by a spreading sand-bar (or island), and planted almost across

with large and dangerous trunks, some with the tops, and others with

the roots uppermost, in a perpendicular posture. The water broke

upon them with a noise which I had heard distinctly for two miles,

like the cascade of a mill-race, in consequence of the velocity of

the current; with all our caution to avoid them, the boat grazed on

one, which was almost entirely submerged, and we received a terrific

jar. All day we had experienced uninterrupted rain, but it was now

pouring down in torrents. About two o’clock in the afternoon, as

soon {49} as the fog had cleared away, we perceived ourselves again

moving towards the field of danger. I counted, in the space of a

minute, about 100 huge trees fixed in all postures, nearly across the

whole river, so as scarcely to leave room for a passage. We proceeded

towards a bank of willows on the Louisiana side, thinking to land for

the night, in consequence of the unremitting and drenching rain, but

found it impracticable, by reason of the rapid current. At length we

descended to water which had the appearance of an eddy, and here I

was strongly urged to land, in which attempt the boat would, in all

probability, have been sunk amidst a host of snags and half-concealed

trunks which lined the shore. With all our exertions in rowing off,

we but narrowly escaped from being drawn into the impassable channel

of a sand island which spread out into the river, presenting a

portion of water resembling a sunken forest. The only course which we

had left appeared no less a labyrinth of danger, so horribly filled

with black and gigantic trunks of trees, along which the current

foamed with terrific velocity--Scylla on one hand, and more than one

Charybdis on the other. Fortunately, however, our voyage was not

destined to end here, and, after an hour’s drenching amidst torrents

of rain, we at length obtained a landing place about 10 miles above

the first Chicasaw Bluffs.[61] On the point of one of these bars at

Flour island, we observed the wreck of two large flat boats which we

supposed might have been lost during the earthquake. Nothing still

appeared on every hand but houseless solitude, and gloomy silence,

the inundation precluding the possibility of settlement.

30th.] We proceeded as soon as the dense fog this morning would

permit, but could not ascertain our situation any longer by the vague

trifling of the Navigator,{50} and after proceeding some distance

at the beck of the current, came in sight of Flour island. Here the

Navigator says, “the channel is on the right side, but some prefer

the left,” but the very sight of the right-hand channel was to me

sufficient, and finding the main body of the river carrying us to

the left, I felt satisfied to go farther round rather than venture

through such a horrid pass, which indeed resembled a submerged

forest, and through which no flat boat, I should suppose, could ever

proceed with safety, however deep might be the water. That we had got

a passable channel to the left, I was fully satisfied on perceiving

the intersection of the first Chicasaw Bluffs or hills, all the

high lands of the Mississippi being uniformly washed at their base

by a deep and rapid current. Here we landed for a few moments, to

survey those hills, the only ones we had seen since leaving the Iron

banks. The ascent was steep, and the elevation between 2 and 300

feet above the level of the river. These banks appeared to consist

of a stratified, ferruginous, and bluish sandy clay, probably a

disintegrated sandstone, which it perfectly resembled to the eye,

though altogether friable to the touch. In some places, lower down

the river, we observed masses of ferruginous conglomerate blackened

by the atmosphere, the pebbles chiefly hornstone, and some of them

quartz. The _debris_ of which this conglomerate consists is entirely

adventitious, or unconnected with the existing rocks, which form the

basis of this ancient deposit.

At this place, we saw the first cabin since our departure from the

Little Prairie. On approaching the 34th island from the mouth of the

Ohio, which presents itself rounding, and nearly in the middle of the

river, we had at first determined to take the left-hand side, set

down by the Navigator as the channel, but finding ourselves to float

very slowly, we rowed a little, and then submitted to the current.

It was soon {51} observable, that we drifted towards the right-hand

channel, though much the narrowest, and my companion advised that

we should keep the left, especially as it was the nearest, and as

the wind accompanied by rain blew strongly up the river. However,

on finding still that the current drew to the right, even against

the wind, and having arrived at the commencement of the bar of the

island, I determined, at all events, to keep to the right. At length,

after considerable labour, we landed at a neighbouring cabin, and

were informed that the left channel had not in places more than 12

inches of water, being nearly dry, and almost destitute of current.

Here, again, we made a fortunate escape. We also learnt, that not

more than two days ago, a flat boat was sunk by the snags, which

filled the right-hand channel of Flour island.

At this place, we met with two or three families of hunters, with

whom were living some individuals of the Shawnees and Delawares.

They had lately caught an unusual abundance of beaver in the

neighbourhood, and were anxious to barter it for whiskey, though

scarcely possessed either of bread or vegetables. Amongst their furs,

I also saw a few skins of the musk-rat, (_Arctomys monax_, L.) which

are never met with further to the south.

31st.] We continued our voyage as usual at daylight, and floating

with a brisk current down the right side of the 34th island, had

nearly cleared ourselves of a host of snags and sawyers, when at

last, puzzled on which side of one of these terrific objects to

steer, we unfortunately struck it with considerable force, and the

young man who accompanied us (the son of Mr. G.), an amiable youth

of 16, was precipitated headlong into the river, together with the

steering oar, which was suddenly jerked off by the snag; our boat

was at the same instant careened over so far, as at first to appear

overturning, but I instantly had the satisfaction to see that she was

free, had received no {52} injury, and that Edwin on this emergency

could swim, and, though much alarmed, had come within our reach, and

got safely on board. As to our steering oar it remained across the

snag, and was now become a sawyer; working horizontally upon the back

of the black and fearful trunk which had so justly thrown us into

consternation.

The wind springing up against us, we came to under the second

Chicasaw Bluff, and had time to examine and contemplate these

romantic cliffs, now doubly interesting after such a monotonous and

cheerless prospect of solitary brakes and enswamped forests. This

fasçade, or perpendicular section, precisely of the same materials

and consistence as that of the Iron banks above, continues, I think,

uninterruptedly for near two miles, and is about 150 feet high. The

uppermost bed (all of them as nearly horizontal as may be), 12 to

20 feet thick, commencing immediately below the present vegetable

loam, consists of a yellowish, homogeneous, now friable, sandy,

and argillaceous earth, which is succeeded by a thinner and more

ferruginous bed; below occurs a layer or band of _pink_-red clay,

now and then variegated with white specks, and, though constant

in its appearance and relative position, no where exceeding 18

inches in thickness; below again occur ferruginous earths and clays

more or less sandy, then a bed of a brownish-black colour, and

about 18 inches in thickness, which, on examination, I found to be

lignite, or wood-coal, containing less bitumen than usual, and so

distinctly derived from the vegetable kingdom, exhibiting even the

cross grain of the wood, as to remove all doubts of its origin. To

the taste it was sensibly acid, and smelt in burning like turf.

Beneath this coal, and in connection with it, occurs a friable bed

of dark-coloured argillaceous and sandy earth, in which I could very

distinctly perceive blackened impressions of leaves of an oak, like

the red oak and the willow oak, with {53} _Equisetum hiemale_ or

Shave-rush, and other vegetable remains, not much unlike the black

beds of leaves which occur along the banks of the Ohio, but much more

intermingled with earth. In this bed also occur masses or nodules of

a hard and very fine-grained light gray sandstone, bordering almost

upon hornstone, likewise charged with vegetable remains, resembling

charred wood, together with leaves of oaks and of other forest trees.

Nearly on a level with the present low stage of the river, there was

a second bed of this coal, more interrupted than the first in its

continuity, though constant in its locality, no less in some places

(like basins) than 8, 12 or 15 feet in thickness. Below, clays again

succeeded, and terminated the visible stratification.

In two or three places, I observed that the mud, which was very deep,

had been boiling up into circular masses like fumeroles, and have

no doubt, but that the decomposition of this vast bed of lignite or

wood-coal, situated near the level of the river, and filled with

pyrites, has been the active agent in producing the earthquakes,

which have of late years agitated this country. The deposition of

vast rafts of timber, thus accidentally brought together by the

floods of the river, are continually, even before our eyes, as I may

say, accumulating stores of matter, which, in after ages, will, no

doubt, exert a baneful influence over the devoted soil, beneath which

they are silently interred! How much has the vegetable kingdom to do

with the destiny of man! The time, though slowly, is perhaps surely

approaching, which will witness something like volcanic eruptions on

the banks of the Mississippi. The inhabitants frequently, and almost

daily, experience slight oscillations of the earth: I have even

witnessed them myself while descending the river.

FOOTNOTES:

[54] The bluffs called Iron Banks are on the Kentucky side of the

river, about twenty miles below the mouth of the Ohio. They are

eighty to a hundred and twenty feet in height. From their brownish

color, the early explorers supposed them to contain rich deposits of

iron, whence the name; but the amount of the metal is negligible.--ED.

[55] For New Madrid, see Cuming’s _Tour_, our volume iv, note

185.--ED.

[56] See the Appendix, and the account of De Soto’s incursion.

In the immediate vicinity of the town I met with _Bœbera

glandulosa_, _Erigeron (Cænotus) divaricatum_, _Verbena stricta_, _V.

Aubletia_, _Croton capitatum_, and _Helenium quadridentatum_. On the

banks of the river _Oxydenia attenuata_ and the _Capraria multifida_ of

Michaux.--NUTTALL.

[57] Such as cultivate unappropriated land without any species of

title.--NUTTALL.

[58] Point Pleasant is on the Missouri side of the river, ten miles

below New Madrid, and eighty below the mouth of the Ohio. This place

should not be confused with the site of the battle of Point Pleasant,

at the mouth of the Great Kanawha.--ED.

[59] For a historical account of this country, once thickly inhabited

by the natives, see the abridged relation of its discovery, and

pretended conquest, by Ferdinand de Soto, in the APPENDIX.--NUTTALL.

[60] For comment on the _Pittsburgh Navigator_, see Cuming’s _Tour_,

in our volume iv, note 43.--ED.

[61] Called by the first French settlers the Cliffs of

Prud’homme.--NUTTALL.

{54} CHAPTER V

Pass the third Chicasaw Bluff--Dangers of the navigation,

and solitude of the country--The fourth Bluff of the

Chicasaws--Lignite prevalent--Chicasaw Indians--St. Francis

river--depopulation of the neighbouring country--Trees

of the alluvial forest--Destruction of the Big Prairie

settlement--Scrub grass--Difficulties of the navigation--Changes

of the soil, produced by the agency of the river--A visit from

three of the Arkansa Indians--A dense fog over the river; the

cause of it--Arrival near the mouth of the Arkansa and White

river.

January 1st, 1819.] We proceeded slowly, in consequence of adverse

wind; and at length, came in sight of the third Chicasaw Bluff,[62]

quite similar in appearance and conformation with that of the second

above described. The 35th island of the Navigator intervened betwixt

us and the cliff, there being no water to the left of it; the channel

at this stage of the river, was completely choked up by a bed of sand.

We came to for the night on a sand-bar, opposite the centre of

the island, resembling an Arabian desert, and scattered in every

direction with lignite or bovey coal, washed probably from the basis

of the Bluffs. The shore of the island was horribly strewed with

the wreck of the alluvial forest, brought down by the overwhelming

current of the river at its highest stage, and thrown confusedly

together in vast piles.

In the course of the day, we stopped awhile at a Shawnee camp, and

bartered for some venison and wild honey, which they had in plenty.

The honey, according to the Indian mode, was contained in the skin

of a deer taken off by the aperture of the neck, {55} thus answering,

though very rudely, the purpose of a bottle.

On the 2d, we passed the “Devil’s Race-ground,” as it has been very

formidably termed, but observed no obstructions in the river equal

to that at Plumb point, where we saw the wrecked boats. We observe,

however, every day, wrecks of flat boats, drifted along the shores.

We continued to the lower end of the “Devil’s Elbow,” and again found

the difficulty greatly exaggerated. The whole surrounding country

still continues a desolate wilderness, abandoned to inundation,

presenting impenetrable cane brakes and gloomy forests: none of

the trees, however, attain that enormous magnitude, which they so

frequently present along the borders of the Ohio. This appearance may

perhaps be attributed, in part, to the perpetual revolutions of the

soil, occasioned by the overwhelming force and inundations of the

river.

A dog lost in the forest, and perishing with hunger, came up to

the bank of the river, yelling most piteously; but would not enter

our skiff, which was sent for it, and continued to follow us for

some distance, but the danger of the shore, and the rapidity of the

current, rendered our endeavours to assist the miserable animal

perfectly useless, and, after some time, he fell back, stopped and

yelled, till he reluctantly disappeared.

3d.] We proceeded only a few miles in consequence of the wind, and

came to at the point of a sand-bar, seven miles above the fourth

Bluff. Here we observed a flat-boat lying aground, and dry upon the

bar, for want of precaution in landing during the falling state of

the river.

4th.] This morning we descended to the fourth Chicasaw Bluffs,[63]

and, after endeavouring in vain to proceed, were obliged to desist

for the wind, and come to under fort Pickering.[64] The strata are

here again similar to those of the second Bluffs, even the {56} seam

of pink clay occurs, and near the level of the river we likewise

perceive the lignite in a bed of about six feet thickness; but not

probably continuous. Along the shore we saw masses which looked

precisely like burnt logs, but all this coal, at length, blazes in

the fire, and gives out, as usual, a smoke partaking of the odour of

coal and turf.

We found a store here for the supply of the Indians and the settlers

of the neighbourhood, besides that of the United States. The advance

upon articles sold to the natives is very exorbitant: for example, a

coarse Indian duffell blanket four dollars, whiskey, well watered,

which is sold almost without restraint, in spite of the law, two

dollars per gallon, and every thing else in the same proportion. Yet

the Indians get no more than 25 cents for a ham of venison, a goose,

or a large turkey.

On visiting a neighbouring encampment of the Chicasaws, we found many

of them in a state of intoxication. They are generally well dressed,

extravagantly ornamented, and, from the fairness of many of their

complexions, and agreeable features, appear to have profited by their

intercourse with the whites. Several of them possessed some knowledge

of English, and a considerable number are making advances towards

civilization. General Jackson purchased from them a tract of land,

said to be of more than 300 miles extent, and bounded by Wolf river,

a small stream which enters the Mississippi at the commencement

of the Bluffs.[65] On the river lands I here first noticed the

occurrence of _Brunichia_, _Quercus lyrata_, and _Carya aquatica_

(_Juglans_, MICH.)

On the 5th we passed President island, of considerable magnitude,

contiguous to which there is a rapid current. The left channel was

now choked up with sand at its entrance. Here we again observed

a settlement of two or three families. In the evening we came to

alongside a sand-bar or willow island, at {57} least so in high

water, though now connected with the land by a dry sand-bar, like

many other of the transient islands noticed in the Navigator. We, at

length, began to observe a rise in the bed of the river.

6th.] To-day we saw a few widely-scattered log-cabins along the

bank,[66] and came within 14 miles of the mouth of St. Francis.

7th.] We proceeded by the left channel of St. Francis island, and

found it very shallow and difficult, abounding with snags and bars,

upon one of which lay a flat-boat aground, which had been detained

here 12 days. We endeavoured to make a landing at the uppermost house

of the settlement, near the mouth of the St. Francis, but found the

water much too rapid; we succeeded, however, in eddy water half a

mile below, but found a considerable difficulty in ascending the

broken bank.

I made some enquiries respecting the Arkansa, 95 miles from hence.

The Osages[67] bear a very bad character with these hunting farmers,

of whom we saw but two individuals, and one inhabited house,

excepting that we had first endeavoured to make. This settlement

appears to be nearly abandoned, and very undeservedly. I walked out

two or three miles into the woods, and found the land considerably

elevated above the reach of inundation, and of a good quality. Nearly

opposite island 60, a few miles below, we were informed of the

existence of hills within a quarter of a mile of the river.

How many ages may yet elapse before these luxuriant wilds of the

Mississippi can enumerate a population equal to the Tartarian

deserts! At present all is irksome silence and gloomy solitude, such

as to inspire the mind with horror.

I was greatly disappointed to meet with such a similarity in the

vegetation, to that of the middle and northern states. The higher

lands produce black ash, elm (_Ulmus americana_), hickory, walnut,

maple, {58} hackberry (_Celtis integrifolia_, no other species),

honey-locust, coffee-bean, &c. On the river lands, as usual, grows

platanus or buttonwood, upon the seeds of which flocks of screaming

parrots were greedily feeding,[68] also enormous cotton-wood trees

(_Populus angulisans_), commonly called yellow poplar, some of them

more than six feet in diameter, and occasionally festooned with the

largest vines which I had ever beheld. Here grew also the holly

(_Ilex opaca_), _A plectrum hiemale_, (_Ophrys hyemale_, LIN.),

_Botrychium obliquum_, and _Fumaria aurea_. Nearly all the trees

throughout this country possessing a smooth bark, are loaded with

misletoe (_Viscum verticillatum_).

8th.] About a mile below the place where we spent the last night, is

the settlement called the Big Prairie, consisting of three or four

log-cabins, and two families, but in a state of abandonment since the

shock of the earthquake, which the inhabitants assert to have produced

a depression of the ordinary level, that exposed the settlement to

inundation; and, in fact, by a sudden encroachment of the river, which

carried off the land for more than a quarter of a mile in breadth,

all the habitations, except the two now surviving, were swept into

the river. About a mile and a half below commences the 60th island

of the Navigator; the right channel was now choked up with sand at

its outlet. A little distance below we landed at a store to purchase

some necessaries. Considerable tracts of good and elevated land,

once numerously peopled by the natives, appear in this quarter, over

which the conspicuous devastations of a hurricane now added horror to

solitude.

The scrub-grass or rushes, as they are called here (_Equisetum

hiemale_), from about 50 to 60 miles above, to this place, appear

along the banks in vast fields, and, together with the cane,

which is evergreen, {59} are considered the most important, and,

indeed, the only winter fodder for all kinds of cattle. The cane

is unquestionably saccharine and nutritious, but the scrub-grass

produces an unfavourable action on the stomach, and scours the cattle

so as to debilitate and destroy them if its use be long continued.

We proceeded, without any accident worthy of remark, about six miles,

below the “Little Round island,” noticed in the Navigator, which

from its uncommon aspect affords a pretty good local object for the

boatmen. While passing the island we were accosted by some, to us,

suspicious characters, mimicking distress to draw us to land, but in

vain. We had been well assured of the existence of gangs of pirates

occasionally occupying these solitudes.

9th.] We continued, as usual, soon after day-break, and were about

to stop by reason of the wind, when it unexpectedly abated, so far

as to prevent us, and we proceeded to the _Three Islands_, as they

ought to be called for the sake of distinction, and which are not

intelligible as the 62d and 63d of the Navigator. These islands lie

nearly parallel, and present themselves at the commencement of a left

hand bend in the river. Two of them which first appear are small

willow islands, with adjoining sand-bars. The channel of the first

was now dry; that of the second smooth, but apparently shallow. The

principal insulated forest is crescent-formed like Flour island,

or deeply and circularly indented on the right-hand side. We had

proceeded past the two willow islands nearly to the principal one,

when we perceived, unexpectedly, that the greater part of the river

was pouring along with headlong velocity between the main and second

willow island. To the left, the channel round the third island

appeared broad and shallow, indeed nearly deserted by the river.

We now entered the torrent almost too late for precaution, which,

towards the main island, the side to which we had been inadvertently

{60} drawn, was planted full of black and fearful logs. It was only

with the utmost exertion that we saved ourselves (by rowing out

towards the bar) from the fate of some unfortunate boatmen, which

presented itself to us with more than usual horror. This was a large

flat-boat, which hung upon the trunk of an implanted tree, by which

it had been perforated and instantly sunk.

We passed islands 64 and 65, and came to the shore in the bend

opposite the middle of 66, which appeared to be about three miles in

length. From New Madrid to this place the river appears singularly

meandering, sweeping along in vast elliptic curves, some of them

from six to eight miles round, and constantly presenting themselves

in opposite directions. The principal current pressing against

the centre of the bend, at the rate of about five miles per hour,

gradually diminishes in force as it approaches the extremity of

the curve. Having attained the point or promontory, the current

proceeds with accumulating velocity to the opposite bank, leaving,

consequently, to the eddy water, an extensive deposition in the form

of a vast bed of sand, nearly destitute of vegetation, but flanked

commonly by an island or peninsula of willows. These beds of sand,

for the most part of the year under water, are what the boatmen term

bars. The river, as it sweeps along the curve, according to its force

and magnitude, produces excavations in the banks; which, consisting

of friable materials, are perpetually washing away and leaving broken

and perpendicular ledges, often lined with fallen trees, so as to be

very dangerous to the approach of boats, which would be dashed to

pieces by the velocity of the current. These slips in the banks are

almost perpetual, and by the undermining of eddies often remarkable

in their extent. To-day we witnessed two horrid sinkings of the bank,

by each of which not less than an acre of land had fallen in a day

or two {61} ago, with all the trees and cane upon them, down to the

present level of the river, a depth of 30 or 40 feet perpendicular.

These masses now formed projecting points, upon which the floating

drift was arrested, and over which the current broke along with more

than ordinary velocity. Just after passing one of these foaming

drifts, we narrowly escaped being drawn into a corresponding eddy and

vortex that rushed up the stream, with a fearful violence, and from

which we should not have been easily extricated. I now sufficiently

saw the reason why the flat-boats were always kept out from the

shore, and towards the bars which occupy the opposite side of the

river.

The encroachments in the centre of the curves of the meanders,

proceeding to a certain extent, at length break through and form

islands, in time the islands also disappear, and so the river

continually augmenting its uncontroulable dominion over the friable

soil, alternately fills up one channel, and more deeply excavates or

forms another, in proportion to the caprice of the current.

In regard to landing, eddy or silent water is constantly to be found

beyond the point of the bends or curves of the river. The bars are

also generally safe, when sufficiently high, and the water deep. In

such situations, the counter current, though inconsiderable, affords

also a singular facility to vessels which are ascending.

A rude cabin, which we passed to-day, was the only habitation we had

seen for 30 miles.

This evening we were visited by three young men, a boy, and a squaw

of the Osarks, a band of the Quapaws[69] or Arkansa Indians. Their

aspect was agreeable, their features aquiline, and their complexion

comparatively fair; my first impression was that they somewhat

resembled the Osages. Their errand was whiskey, and I regretted that

it was not possible to satisfy them without it. They drank healths in

{62} their own language, and one of them could mumble out a little

bad English. They informed me, partly by signs, that their company

was about five or six families or fires, as they intimated, out on a

hunting excursion. I was sorry to find that they were beggars, and

that one of them proved himself to be a thief.

10th.] This morning we left the 66th island, opposite the middle of

which we came to last evening, but found our situation hazardous

from the sliding in of the bank around, and which might easily have

involved us in difficulty. By the time we had proceeded about a

mile and a half along the bend or right hand channel of 67 and 68,

which lie opposite to each other, a fog sprung up, so very dense as

to render our situation amidst almost unseen obstacles extremely

dangerous. We had no alternative but rowing over to the bar of the

island on our left, in which attempt we at length succeeded, not,

however, without a risk of grounding. Here we lay until towards

evening, when we proceeded to the termination of the 68th island,

and made an indifferent landing. On exposing the thermometer to the

air, it rose and remained at 62°. In the water it fell to 42°; the

difference being 20°, which readily accounted for the dense fog

that exclusively enveloped the river. This coldness of the water

was no doubt occasioned by the thawing of ice in the upper part of

the river, or some of its more considerable tributary streams, in

consequence of which, the vapours of the moist and warm air were

perpetually precipitated over it. The air, of unequal temperature,

now and then felt extremely warm.

On the 11th we were again detained by the fog and heavy rain,

but turned out about 10 o’clock. After proceeding opposite the

commencement of the 69th island we stopped in consequence of the fog.

Here, on ascending the bank, I found the woods almost impenetrably

laced with green briars (_Smilax_), {63} supple-jacks (_Œnoplia

volubilis_), and the _Brunichia_, and for the first time recognised

the short-podded honey-locust (_Gleditscia brachycarpa_), a distinct

species, intermediate with the common kind (_G. triacanthos_),

and the one-seeded locust (_G. monosperma_), differing from _G.

triacanthos_ in the persisting fasciculated legumes, as well as in

their shortness and want of pulp.

We proceeded a few miles further amidst torrents of rain, and were

again obliged to land in consequence of the fog. Here we met with

two hunters, who informed us of the existence of a considerable

settlement on the banks of White River.[70]

The wind springing up in the evening from the northwest, the

thermometer fell to 52°, and the water to 40°, from which time the

dense fog that had exclusively enveloped the river began to disperse,

and in the night we had a storm.

12th.] Coming along the bend of the 71st island, we struck upon

an enormous planter, or immoveable log, but again escaped without

accident. About noon we landed at Mr. M’Lane’s,[71] a house of

entertainment. Here I was advised to proceed with my small cargo and

flat-boat to the port of Osark, on the Arkansa, by the bayou,[72]

which communicates between the White and Arkansa rivers, in both

of which it was now conjectured there was back-water from the

Mississippi. Concluding upon this measure, I hired a man at five

dollars to assist me, and parted here with Mr. G---- and son, who

soon, to my satisfaction, got a further passage on board a flat-boat.

The idea of so soon arriving on the ground which I more immediately

intended to explore, did not fail to inspire me with hope and

satisfaction.

FOOTNOTES:

[62] For historical sketch of site of the third bluff, see Cuming’s

_Tour_, our volume iv, note 188.--ED.

[63] For sketch, see _ibid._, note 189.--ED.

[64] For note on Fort Pickering, see _ibid._, note 192.--ED.

[65] For brief statement regarding the purchase, see _ibid._, note

190.--ED.

[66] There is no record of a compact or permanent settlement at this

date near the mouth of the St. Francis. There were scattered settlers

as early as 1800, for John Patterson was born in that year not far

above Helena.--ED.

[67] For the Osage Indians, see _ante_, note 53.--ED.

[68] Their most favourite food in the autumn is the seeds of the

cuckold bur (_Xanthium strumarium_).--NUTTALL.

[69] For the Quapaw, see _post_, note 84.--ED.

[70] Local historians mention an early settlement at Crockett’s

Bluff, on White River, which may be the one here referred to.--_Ed._

[71] We find nothing positive relative to this individual; but it is

interesting to note that Arkansas County was represented in the upper

house of the territorial legislature in 1821 by Neil McLane, who may

have been the same man.--ED.

[72] This bayou, sometimes called “White River Cut Off,” was the

common route from the Mississippi to the Arkansas, for travellers

from the North.--ED.

{64} CHAPTER VI

Proceed up White river for the Arkansa--Suspicious conduct of

one of the boatmen--Pass through the connecting bayou, and

proceed up the Arkansa; its navigation; soil and surrounding

scenery--A small French settlement--Extraordinary mildness of

the season--Mounds--Changes in the alluvial lands produced by

the agency of the river--Land speculators--Vegetation of the

alluvial lands--The town or Post of Arkansas--Enormous land

claims--Difficulty of navigating against the current--The

Great Prairie--First settlement on the Arkansa; its present

state--Agricultural advantages arising from the mildness

of the climate--Storax--Aboriginal remains--The Quapaws or

Arkansas--Their traditions and character.

13th.] To-day I was detained at Mr. M’Lane’s, waiting the drunken

whim of the Yankee, whom necessity had obliged me to hire. In the

course of a few hours he had shifted from two bargains. At first, I

was to give him five dollars for his assistance, and in case that

should prove inadequate, I had agreed to hire an additional hand

on the Arkansa. Now he wished to have the boat for bringing her

completely to the Port, and next he wanted 10 dollars!

I endeavoured to amuse myself in the neighbourhood, by a ramble

through the adjoining cane-brake. Here I found abundance of the

_Celtis integrifolia_ (entire-leaved nettle tree) and the common

and one-seeded honey-locust; also _Forrestiera acuminata_ of Poiret

(_Borya acuminata_, WILD.). The day was as mild and warm as the month

of May, and the _Senecio laciniata_, so common along the banks of the

Mississippi, already showed signs of flowering.

14th.] To-day we proceeded up White river with {65} considerable

difficulty, and hard labour, the Mississippi not being sufficiently

high to produce any eddy. The course which we made, in the two

miles that we ascended, was west by north. I now found the boatman

whom I had hired, one of the most worthless and drunken scoundrels

imaginable; he could not be prevailed upon to do anything but steer,

while myself and the other man I had hired, were obliged to keep

constantly to the oar, or the cordelle (tow-rope). In the evening we

left the boat without any guard, intending to repair to it in the

morning from Mr. M’Lane’s, where we returned again this evening,

being only three miles distant across the forest. Here I discovered

that the Yankee intended to proceed to the boat in our absence and

rob me, pretending some business to the mouth of the Arkansa, for

which he must depart by moon-light. Unknown to him, however, and

accompanied by a young man whom I had hired in his place, we repaired

to the boat, waiting under arms the approach of the thief, but unable

to obtain a boat, he had relinquished the attempt, and saved himself

from chastisement.

In the neighbouring woods I was shewn a scandent leguminous shrub,

so extremely tenacious as to afford a good substitute for ropes, and

commonly employed as a boat’s cable. A knot can be tied of it with

ease. On examination I found it to be the plant which I have called

_Wisteria speciosa_ (_Glycine frutescens._ WILLD.) the Carolina

kidney-bean tree.[73]

15th.] We continued with hard labour ascending White river to the

bayou, said to enter seven miles up that stream. The latter proceeds

from the bayou, in a direction of west to north-west, the bayou or

cut-off continuing to the southwest. In this distance, there are

no settlements, the land being overflowed by the back water of the

Mississippi. We passed nearly {66} through the bayou, in which there

are four points of land and a half; the current carrying us almost

three miles an hour towards the Arkansa, which it entered nearly at

right angles, with a rapid current, and a channel filled with snags.

The length of the bayou appears to be about eight or nine miles.

16th.] Leaving the bayou, we entered the Arkansa, which was very low,

but still red and muddy from the freshets of the Canadian. Most of

the larger streams which enter into it from the south, are charged

with red and turbid water, while those of the north are clear. Every

where I observed the chocolate or reddish brown clay of the salt

formation, deposited by the southern freshets. The Arkansa had here a

very gentle current, and was scarcely more than 200 yards wide, with

its meanders on a small scale, similar to those of the Mississippi.

In consequence of the unrestrained dominion of the inundation, no

settlements yet appeared in this quarter. We proceeded chiefly by

means of the cordelle, but at a very tedious and tiresome rate, for,

after the utmost exertion, with our unwieldy boat, we were this

evening only six and a half miles above the outlet of the bayou.

17th.] We found the labour of towing our boat exceedingly tiresome,

in consequence of the sudden falling of the river, produced by a

corresponding ebb of the Mississippi. With painful exertions, and

after wading more than three hours in the river, we passed only two

bars in the course of the day.

18th.] To-day we towed along two bars, much more considerable

than any preceding bends, but had the disappointment to spend the

night only a single mile below Madame Gordon’s, the place of our

destination with the boat, and only 16 miles above the bayou, by

which we entered the Arkansa. This house is the first which is met

with in ascending the river. Nearly opposite to the foot of the last

bar {67} but one which we passed, a vast pile of drift wood marks the

outlet of a bayou, which is open in high water, and communicates with

the Mississippi.

The three last bends of the river, like the four first, tending by

half circles to the north-west, are each about two and three miles in

circuit. As in the Mississippi, the current sets with the greatest

force against the centre of the curves; the banks of which are nearly

perpendicular, and subject to a perpetual state of dislocation. In

such situations we frequently see brakes of cane; while, on the

opposite side, a naked beach of sand, thinly strewed with succulent

and maritime plants, considerably wider than the river, appears

to imitate the aridity of a desert, though contrasted at a little

distance by skirting groves of willows and poplars.

No other kind of soil appears than a friable loam, and the beds of

red clay, which so strongly tinge the water at particular periods of

inundation. The sand of the river appears to be in perpetual motion,

drifting along at the beck of the current; its instability is indeed

often dangerous to the cattle that happen to venture into the river,

either to drink or traverse the stream.

The land, although neglected, appears in several places, below Madame

Gordon’s, high enough to be susceptible of cultivation, and secure

from inundation, at least for some distance from the immediate bank

of the river.

No change, that I can remark, yet exists in the vegetation, and the

scenery is almost destitute of every thing which is agreeable to

human nature; nothing yet appears but one vast trackless wilderness

of trees, a dead solemnity, where the human voice is never heard to

echo, where not even ruins of the humblest kind recal its history to

mind, or prove the past dominion of man. All is rude nature as it

sprang into {68} existence, still preserving its primeval type, its

unreclaimed exuberance.

19th.] This morning we had extremely hard labour, to tow the only

mile which remained of our tiresome voyage. I was obliged to plunge

into the water up to the waist, and there work for some time, to

disengage the boat from a hidden log upon which it was held; the men

I had employed, being this morning scarcely willing to wet their

feet, although I had to pay them exorbitant wages.

A mile and a half from Madame Gordon’s, there was a settlement,

consisting of four or five French families, situated upon an elevated

tract of fertile land, which is occasionally insulated by the

overflowings of the White and Arkansa rivers.

20th.] To-day, and indeed for more than a week past, the weather,

except being cloudy, has felt to me like May; towards mid-day, the

thermometer rose to 67°. The birds had commenced their melodies; and

on the high and open bank of the river near to Madame Gordon’s, I

had already the gratification of finding flowers of the same natural

family as many of the early plants of Europe; the Cruciferæ; but to

me they were doubly interesting, as the first fruits of a harvest

never before reaped by any botanist.

In the afternoon, I walked about a mile from the river to the house

of Monsieur Tenass, an honest and industrious farmer. The crop of

cotton, and of corn, here the last summer was, I understand, very

indifferent, for want of rain. The first sold here, at five to six

dollars per hundred weight, in the seed; and flour at 10 dollars per

barrel.

The climate is said to be too warm for apples, but quite suitable for

peaches. The land on which this gentleman and his neighbours resided,

in tolerable independence, is very considerably elevated and open,

bearing a resemblance to the lands about the Chicasaw {69} Bluffs,

and at first view, I thought I discovered a considerable hill, but

it was, in fact, an enormous mound, not less than 40 feet high,

situated towards the centre of a circle of other lesser mounds, and

elevated platforms of earth. The usual vestiges of earthenware, and

weapons of hornstone flint, are here also met with, scattered over

the surrounding soil.

In any other direction from this settlement, the lands are totally

overflowed in freshets as far as the Mississippi. On this side of

the Arkansa, the floods cover the whole intermediate space to White

river, a distance of 30 miles. Within this tract, cultivation can

never take place without recourse to the same industry, which has

redeemed Holland from the ocean. The singular caprice of the river,

as it accidentally seeks its way to the sea, meandering through its

alluvial valley, is truly remarkable. The variation of its channel is

almost incredible, and the action which it exercises over the destiny

of the soil, can scarcely be conceived. After pursuing a given course

for many ages, and slowly encroaching, it has, at length, in many

instances cut through an isthmus, and thus abandoned perhaps a course

of six or eight miles, in which the water stagnating, at length

becomes totally insulated, and thus presents a lagoon or lake. One of

these insulated channels, termed a lake, commences about two miles

from hence, and approaches within four miles of the Arkansas or the

Post of Osark, affording a much nearer communication than the present

course of the river.

Towards evening, two keel boats came in sight, one of which was

deeply loaded with whiskey and flour; the other, a small boat

fitted out by a general Calamees and his brother, two elderly men

out on a land speculation, who intended to ascend the river as far

as the Cadron,[74] which is 300 miles from hence by water, or to

the Fort,[75] which is 350 miles further. I perceived that they

noted down every particular which {70} came to their knowledge, but

appeared to be illiterate men, and of course, I found them incapable

of appreciating the value of science. On application, they merely

condescended to offer me a passage, provided I would find my own

provision, and work as a boat-man. Such was the encouragement, which

I at length wrung from these generous speculators; not, I dare say,

exploring the Missouri territory with the same philanthropic views as

the generous Birkbeck.

21 st.] About 12 o’clock, the thermometer was again at 67°. In the

course of the forenoon, I took a solitary ramble down the bank of the

river, and found along its shelving border, where the sun obtained

free access, abundance of the _Mimosa glandulosa_ of Michaux; also

_Polypremum procumbens_, _Diodia virginica_, _Verbena nodiflora_,

LIN. _Eclipta erecta_, MICH. _Poa stricta_, _Panicum capilaceum_,

_Poa reptans_ as usual in vast profusion, and _Capraria multifida_.

The trees and shrubs are chiefly the Pecan, (_Carya olivœformis_)

_C. aquatica_; the black walnut, (_Juglans nigra_), but very rare;

_Fraxinus quadrangulata_, _Liquidamber_ and _Platanus_, but rarely

large or full grown; also _Celtis integrifolia_; the swamp oak

(_Quercus aquatica_), nearly sempervirent, the red oak (_Q. rubra_),

the scarlet oak (_Q. coccinea_), Spanish oak (_Q. falcata_), _Populus

angulisans_, the cotton wood, of greater magnitude than any other

tree in this country, with the wood yellowish, like that of the Tulip

tree, answering the purpose of fence rails, and being tolerably

durable. The smaller white poplar (_P. monilifera_), never so large

as the preceding, commonly growing in groves like the willows,

and presenting a bark which is white and even. Different kinds of

honey locust, as the common species _Gleditscia triacanthos_, the

one-seeded _G. monosperma_, and the short podded _G. brachyloba_.

There is no sugar-maple, as I understand, nearer than the upper parts

of the St. Francis and White river.

{71} The alluvial soil is here sandy and light; by no means

luxuriant, except on the very margin of the river. We no where

see such enormous trees as those which so frequently occur along

the banks of the Ohio; this, however, may in part be occasioned

by the instability of the soil, from whence they are occasionally

swept at no very distant intervals. The tulip tree (_Lyriodendron

tulipifera_), which attains the acme of its perfection and magnitude

in Kentucky, is not met with on the banks of the Arkansa.

In consequence of the many saline streams which fall into this river,

its waters are frequently found to be almost impotable.

22d.] The path, which I this morning pursued to the Post, now town of

Arkansas, passed through remarkably contrasted situations and soil.

After leaving the small circumscribed and elevated portion of settled

lands already noticed, and over which were scattered a number of

aboriginal mounds, I entered upon an oak swamp, which, by the marks

on the trees, appeared to be usually inundated, in the course of the

summer, four to six feet by the back water of the river. The species

are principally _Quercus lyrata_, _Q. macrocarpa_ (the over-cup

oak); _Q. phellos_ (the willow oak); _Q. falcata_ (the Spanish oak);

and _Q. palustris_ (the swamp oak); with some red and scarlet, as

well as black and post oak on the knolls, or more elevated parts.

In this swamp, I also observed the _Nyssa aquatica_, _N. pubescens_

(Ogechee lime, the fruit being prepared as a conserve), as well as

_N. biflora_, and _Gleditscia monosperma_. After crossing this horrid

morass, a delightful tract of high ground again occurs, over which

the floods had never yet prevailed; here the fields of the French

settlers were already of a vivid green, and the birds were singing

from every bush, more particularly the red bird (_Loxia cardinalis_),

and the blue sparrow (_Motacilla sialis_). The ground appeared

perfectly whitened with {72} the _Alyssum bidentatum_. The _Viola

bicolor_, the _Myosurus minimus_ of Europe, (probably introduced by

the French settlers) and the _Houstonia serpyllifolia_ of Michaux,

(_H. patens_ of Mr. Elliott) with bright blue flowers, were also

already in bloom. After emerging out of the swamp, in which I found

it necessary to wade about ankle deep, a prairie came in view, with

scattering houses spreading over a narrow and elevated tract for

about three miles parallel to the bend of the river.

On arriving, I waited on Monsieur Bougie,[76] one of the earliest

settlers and principal inhabitants of the place, to whom I was

introduced by letter. I soon found in him a gentleman, though

disguised at this time in the garb of a Canadian boatman. He treated

me with great politeness and respect, and, from the first interview,

appeared to take a generous and active interest in my favour.

Monsieur B. was by birth a Canadian, and, though 70 years of age,

possessed almost the vigour and agility of youth. This settlement

owes much to his enterprise and industry.

The town, or rather settlement of the Post of Arkansas,[77] was

somewhat dispersed over a prairie, nearly as elevated as that of the

Chicasaw Bluffs, and containing in all between 30 and 40 houses. The

merchants, then transacting nearly all the business of the Arkansa

and White river, were Messrs. Braham and Drope, Mr. Lewis, and

Monsieur Notrebe,[78] who kept well-assorted stores of merchandize,

supplied chiefly from New Orleans, with the exception of some heavy

articles of domestic manufacture obtained from Pittsburgh. Mr. Drope,

to whom I was also introduced by letter, received me with politeness,

and I could not but now for awhile consider myself as once more

introduced into the circle of civilization.

The improvement and settlement of this place proceeded slowly, owing,

in some measure, as I am informed, to the uncertain titles of the

neighbouring {73} lands. Several enormous Spanish grants remained

still undecided; that of Messrs. Winters, of Natchez, called for

no less than one million of acres, but the congress of the United

States, inclined to put in force a kind of agrarian law against such

monopolizers, had laid them, as I was told, under the stipulation of

settling upon this immense tract a certain number of families.[79]

The cotton produced in this neighbourhood, of a quality no way

inferior to that of Red river, obtained this year from six to six

and a half dollars per cwt. in the seed, and there were now two gins

established for its preparation, though, like every thing else,

in this infant settlement of the poor and improvident, but little

attention beyond that of absolute necessity, was as yet paid to any

branch of agriculture. Nature has here done so much, and man so

little, that we are yet totally unable to appreciate the value and

resources of the soil. Amongst other kinds of grain, rice has been

tried on a small scale, and found to answer every expectation. The

price of this grain, brought from New Orleans, was no less than 25 to

37½ cents per lb. by retail. Under the influence of a climate mild

as the south of Europe, and a soil equal to that of Kentucky, wealth

will ere long flow, no doubt, to the banks of the Arkansa.

I again made application to the land speculators, trying to prevail

upon them on any terms, to take up my baggage, as far as the Cadron,

which would have enabled me immediately to proceed on my journey,

across the great prairie, but they remained inexorable.

23d.] To-day, I returned to Madame Gordon’s, which, though only

six miles distant by land, is not less than 15 by water. I was now

obliged more deeply to wade through the enswamped forests, which

surround the habitable prairie lands, in consequence of the late

rain. In these ponds, I am told, the Proteus {74} or Syren is

occasionally met with. There are also alligators, though by no means

numerous.

24th.] This morning I again proceeded up the river with my flat boat,

by the assistance of two French boatmen, full of talk, and, at first,

but indifferently inclined to work; we succeeded, however, by night,

to get to the third of the five sand-bars or bends, which intervene

between this place and the village of Arkansas. The following day in

the evening, after a good deal of hard labour and wading, on my part,

and that of the negro in my employ, we arrived at Monsieur Bougie’s,

and the next day I parted with a sort of regret from the boat,

which, with all its difficulties, had afforded me, through the most

inclement season of the year, no inconsiderable degree of comfort and

convenience.

On the 26th, I proceeded with my baggage and property to the village

in Monsieur Bougie’s perogue, accompanied by one boatman. Near to the

town, we grounded on the inner side of a recent, and still augmenting

bar, and, after falling a little back, we crossed over, but here

the current would not permit us to advance with the oars. The shore

was high, and the water too deep for poles, so that we had again

to attempt the side we had left; here, in drifting with velocity

again on the bar, our fickle boat or canoe was so near overturning,

notwithstanding our exertions, that, for a moment I considered every

thing as lost; getting out, however, into the water, we with some

difficulty set the perogue afloat, and for safety dragged her along,

up to our waists in water. The sand was here so moveable, as to bury

our feet at every step. We at length succeeded, and came to shore,

under a bank 100 feet high, without any kind of practicable landing

for merchandise, that of last year being now choked up with moving

sand.

In the meanest garb of a working boat-man, and {75} unattended by a

single slave, I was no doubt considered, as I had probably been by

the land speculators, one of the canaille, and I neither claimed nor

expected attention; my thoughts centered upon other objects, and all

pride of appearance I willingly sacrificed to promote with frugality

and industry the objects of my mission.

An insignificant village, containing three stores, destitute even

of a hatter, a shoe-maker, and a taylor, and containing about 20

houses, after an existence of near a century, scarcely deserved

geographical notice, and will never probably flatter the industry of

the French emigrants, whose habits, at least those of the Canadians,

are generally opposed to improvement and regular industry. During

my stay, I took up my residence with Dr. M’Kay, and found in him an

intelligent and agreeable companion; but such is the nationality

of these ignorant people, that French quackery has hitherto been

preferred to the advice of a regular physician. Blanket capeaus,

mocassins, and overalls of the same materials, are here, as in

Canada, the prevailing dress; and men and women commonly wear a

handkerchief on the head in place of hats and bonnets.

28th.] This morning I accompanied the doctor to shoot wild geese, as

they passed to a neighbouring lake, about two miles in the rear of

the town. Here a vast prairie opens to view, like a shorn desert,

but well covered with grass and herbaceous plants. Over this vast

plain, which proceeds a little to the west of north, computed to be

not less than 30 leagues in length, by 10 to 15 in breadth, passes

the road to the Cadron, and the settlements of Red river.

Among other plants already in flower in these natural meadows,

we saw abundance of a new and fragrant species of _Allium_ with

greenish-white flowers, and destitute of the characteristic odour of

the genus in common with _A. fragrans_, to which it is allied. {76}

The _Houstonia serpyllifolia_ and _Claytonia caroliniana_ were also

in full bloom at this early season.

_February 3d._] This afternoon I walked to Mr. Mosely’s, six miles

distant by land, and 15 by water. The prairie, in consequence of the

late rains, appeared almost one continued sheet of water. I observed

springing up, the _Eryngium aquaticum_, occasionally employed as a

medicine by the inhabitants, acting as a diuretic, and in larger

doses proving almost emetic. Crossing the prairie, which is bordered

with settlements, we entered the alluvial forest, containing oak,

hickory, box, elder (_Acer negundo_), elm, &c. nearer the river

cotton-wood appears as usual. I saw here a prickly-ash (_Zanthoxylion

Clava Herculis_), the size of an ordinary ash, but the same species

as that of the southern states, and the bark proving equally

efficacious for allaying the tooth-ache.

The first attempt at settlement on the banks of the Arkansa, was

begun a few miles below the bayou which communicates with White

river. An extraordinary inundation occasioned the removal of the

garrison to the borders of the lagoon near madame Gordon’s, and,

again disturbed by an overflow, they at length chose the present

site of Arkansas. The first band of hunters who attempted to

reside here, were, it is said, obliged to remove, in consequence

of the swarms of rats, with which they found the country infested.

These animals, which are native, differ specifically from the

European species, are much larger, and commit the most serious

depredations.[80]

{77} The poverty of the land in the immediate vicinity of this place,

will probably operate as a perpetual barrier to its extension. The

encroachments of the river upon the precipitous and friable bank in

front of the town, and the enlargement of the ravines by which it is

intersected, renders the site altogether precarious, and prevents

the practicability of any thing like a convenient landing for

merchandise. During the period of high water, however, the adjoining

bayou, or channel of communication with a neighbouring lake, affords

this convenience.

The love of amusements, here, as in most of the French colonies,

is carried to extravagance, particularly gambling, and dancing

parties or balls. But the sum of general industry is, as yet, totally

insufficient for the support of any thing like a town.

The houses, commonly surrounded with open galleries, destitute of

glass windows, and perforated with numerous doors, are well enough

suited for a summer shelter, but totally destitute of comfort in

the winter. Without mechanics, domestic conveniences and articles

of dress were badly supplied at the most expensive rate. Provision

produced in the country, such as beef and pork, did not exceed six

cents per pound; but potatoes, onions, apples, flour, spirits, wine,

and almost every other necessary article of diet, were imported at an

enormous price, into a country which ought to possess every article

of the kind for exportation to New Orleans. Such is the evil which

may always be anticipated by forcing a town, like a garrison, into

being, previous to the existence of necessary {78} supplies. With a

little industry, surely every person in possession of slaves might

have, at least, a kitchen garden! but these Canadian descendants,

so long nurtured amidst savages, have become strangers to civilized

comforts and regular industry. They must, however, in time give way

to the introduction of more enterprising inhabitants.

The enormous claim of Messrs. Winters, containing about a million of

acres of this territory, and which will yet probably for some time

remain undetermined, proves a considerable bar to the progress of the

settlement. Besides a great portion of the neighbouring prairie, it

embraces much of the finest land on the northern border of the river,

and continues for near one hundred miles along its bank.

The great prairie of which we have already spoken, said to be 90

miles in length, contains an invaluable body of land, and, where

sufficiently drained, which is pretty generally the case, except

during the rains of winter, would produce most species of grain in

abundance. As a pasture it is truly inexhaustible, though in the

hottest months of summer occasionally deprived of water.

The cattle throughout this country are generally left to provide for

themselves, and suffered to range at large, excepting such as are

in domestic use. That they may not become entirely irreclaimable,

they are now and then enticed to come up to the fold by a handful

of salt, or a few ears of corn. No hay is provided for fodder, nor

does it indeed appear necessary, except to assist in fattening for

the stall, but this piece of economy, like almost every thing else

which might promise comfort, is neglected, and the cattle are killed

just as they are hunted up from the prairie or the cane-brake. It

is from the prevalence of the cane, and the shave-rush (_Equisetum

hiemale_), that the cattle are kept in tolerable condition, and

often even fat, through the severest part of the winter. Indeed, at

{79} this early, but perhaps uncommonly advanced season of the year

(not yet the middle of February), there was already a few inches

of green herbage, and only one night during this month have I seen

any ice. The thermometer, towards noon, rises to 70°, and the peach

and plum-trees, almost equally naturalized, have nearly finished

blooming. The fig, however, unprotected by the shelter of a wall,

though sufficiently vigorous, appears every year to die down nearly

to the ground. Grapes succeed so as to promise wine, but without

the advantage of cellars it soon becomes subjected to the acetous

fermentation.

The sweet gum tree (_Liquidambar styraciflua_), which produces no

resin in the northern states, where it is equally indigenous, here,

as in Mexico and the Levant, exudes the odoriferous Storax of the

shops.

As to the breed of domestic animals, no selection of those commonly

raised has yet been attended to, nor any foreign ones introduced

from parallel climates, so as to afford us any idea of the resources

and conveniences which might here be brought into existence. The

horned cattle increase and fatten without any labour or attention,

more than the trouble of occasionally ascertaining their existence

in the wilderness through which they are at liberty to roam without

limit. It is in consequence of this unrestrained liberty, and

the advantage of a perpetual supply of food, that the horse has

become already naturalized in the southern parts of this territory,

and the adjoining province of Spain. By this means, however, the

domestic breed has been, in some respects considerably deteriorated;

the horses of this country are rather small, though very hardy,

and capable of subsisting entirely upon cane or grass, even when

subjected to the hardest labour. They were commonly sold from 30

to 50 and 100 dollars a piece, though paid for in the depreciated

currency of the country, bearing a discount of from 10 to 20 per cent.

{80} The singular temperature and general mildness of this climate,

which may be presumed from a cursory inspection of its flora and

agriculture, and then again the occurrence of considerable frosts

in the winter, are circumstances which justly excite astonishment

when we survey the same parallels of latitude in the transatlantic

regions. Here, in the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope, in that

of Sidon, and even south of Candia and Cyprus, with its groves

of myrtle, near to the latitude of Madeira, and in that of the

empire of Morocco, we find the fig annually levelled to the ground

by frosts. Not even the low palmetto (_Sabal minor_) indigenous,

consequently no prospect of naturalizing the date, so common in the

same parallels of Africa; no olive, nor any well-grounded prospect

of its success; wines, for which Madeira has so long been celebrated

(at least any of superior quality), appear also proscribed from

this part of America. No evergreens of any description, except the

holly, appear throughout the dreary forests. The north-western winds,

sweeping over the arctic deserts of eternal winter, have extended the

temperature of northern Europe over all the regions of the United

States, nearly to the very limits of the tropic. The climate of

Arkansas, scarcely elevated more than 5 or 600 feet above the level

of the sea, is not more ardent and less temperate than that of the

south of France.

* * * * *

For several miles in and round the town, the accumulation of low

mounds or Indian graves, scattered with those fragments of pots,

which were either interred or left on the graves with offers of

food, by the affectionate friends of the deceased, mark the ancient

residence of the natives. In one of the tumuli, on the bank towards

the bayou, intersected by the falling away of the earth, a pot of

this kind, still employed by the Chicasaws and other natives for

boiling their victuals, had fallen out of the grave, and did not

appear {81} to be of very ancient interment. Whether these monuments

had been the slow accumulation of natural and casual mortality, or

the sad remains of some overwhelming destruction, was now impossible

to determine. From the ashes of fires, and fragments of charcoal,

besides the accompaniment of many indestructible weapons, utensils,

and pots broken into fragments by force, I suspect that these mounds

are merely incidental, arising from the demolition of the circular

dwelling in which the deceased had been interred, a custom which

was formerly practised by the Natchez, Cherokees, and other of the

natives. Indeed, the sacrifices and offerings which the Indians

formerly made to the manes of the deceased father, were sometimes

almost ruinous to his family, though no longer blackened by the

immolation of human victims. Father Charlevoix[81] relates, that

stopping, as he descended the Mississippi, at a village of Ouyapes

(or Wyapes), the same with the Quapaws (or, as they call themselves,

O-guah-pas), then living near the confluence of White river with the

Mississippi, he found them in great distress from the ravages of the

small-pox. Their burying-place appeared “like a forest of poles and

posts newly set up, and on which there hung all manner of things:

there is every thing which the savages use.” The men and women both

continued lamenting throughout the night, and repeating without

ceasing, “_Nihahani_, as the Illinois do, and in the same tone.” A

mother weeping over the grave of her son, poured upon it a great

quantity of Sagamitty (or hominy). Another kindled a fire near one

of the tombs,[82] probably for the purpose of sacrificing food, as I

have seen practised by the Pawnee-Rikasrees[83] of the Missouri.

The aborigines of this territory, now commonly called Arkansas or

Quapaws and Osarks, do not at this time number more than about 200

warriors.[84] They {82} were first discovered about the year 1685, by

Chevalier de Tonti.[85] From what source Father Charlevoix ascertains

that they were very numerous in the time of Ferdinand de Soto, I

am unable to learn. In the abridged relation of this expedition by

Purchas,[86] cannot possibly discover any thing relating to them.

The people of Quigaute must have occupied a country not far from

the Arkansa, and are said by La Vega[87] to have been numerous and

powerful, but that they were the same people as the Arkansas or

O-guah-pas, seems by no means probable. From their own tradition it

does not appear that they were visited by the whites previous to the

arrival of La Salle; they say, that many years had elapsed before

they had any interview with the whites, whom they had only heard of

from their neighbours.

In a council held with the Quapaws some years ago, concerning the

boundaries of the lands which they claimed, a very old chieftain

related to the agent, that at a very remote period his nation had

descended the Mississippi, and after having proceeded in one body

to the entrance of a large and muddy river (the Missouri), they

had there divided, one party continuing down the Mississippi, and

the other up the miry river. The descending band were checked in

their progress by the Kaskaskias,[88] whose opposition they at

length subdued. In their further descent they were harassed by the

Chicasaws and Choctaws, and waged war with them for some considerable

time, but, at length, overcoming all opposition, they obtained the

banks of the Arkansa, where they have remained ever since. Some of

them, reverting apparently to the period of creation, say, that

they originally emerged out of the water, but made many long and

circuitous journeys upon that element, previous to their arrival on

the banks of this river.

As their language scarcely differs from that of the Osages, Kanzas,

Mahas, and Poncas of the Missouri, it is presumable that these sprung

from the band {83} which ascended the Missouri. They say, they

remained separated from a knowledge of each other for many years,

until mutually discovered on a hunting party, taking each other at

first for enemies, till assured to the contrary by both uttering the

same language.

They bear an unexceptionally mild character, both amongst the French

and Americans, having always abstained, as they say, from offering

any injury to the whites. Indeed, to do them justice, and to prove

that this opinion concerning them is no modern prejudice, I cannot

do less than quote the testimony of Du Pratz,[89] made about a

century ago. Speaking of the Arkansa territory, he adds, “I am so

prepossessed in favour of this country, that I persuade myself the

beauty of the climate has a great influence on the character of

the inhabitants, who are at the same time very gentle, and very

brave. They have ever had an inviolable friendship for the French,

uninfluenced thereto, either by fear or views of interest; and live

with them as brethren, rather than as neighbours.”[90] They say, that

in consequence of their mildness and love of peace, they have been

overlooked by the Americans; that they are ready enough to conciliate

by presents those who are in danger of becoming their enemies, but

neglect those who are their unchangeable friends.

The complexion of the Quapaws, like that of the Choctaws and Creeks,

is dark, and destitute of any thing like the cupreous tinge. The

symmetry of their features, mostly aquiline, often amounts to beauty,

but they are not to be compared in this respect to the Osages, at

least those of them which now remain. Charlevoix says, “The Akansas

(as he calls them) are reckoned to be the tallest and best shaped

of all the savages of this continent, and they are called, by way

of distinction, _the fine men_.” I question, however, whether this

epithet is not similar to that of the {84} Illinois, and the

Llenilenape, or “original and genuine men,” as it is translated, of

the Delawares.[91] The name of Akansa or Arkansa, if ever generally

assumed by the natives of this territory, is now, I am persuaded,

scarcely ever employed; they generally call themselves O-guah-pa or

Osark, from which last epithet, in all probability, has been derived

the name of the river and its people; indeed, I have heard old French

residents in this country, term it Riviere des Arks or d’Osark.

They employ artificial means to eradicate that pubescence from their

bodies, which is, indeed, naturally scanty. The angle of the eye is

usually elongated, but never turned up exteriorly, as it is said,

in common with the Tartars, by Humboldt, to be the case with the

Mexicans.

Although they may be said to be taciturn, compared with Frenchmen,

their passions are not difficult to excite.

As hunters, they are industrious, but pay little attention to

agriculture; and pleased by intercourse with the whites, they are not

unwilling to engage as boatmen and hunters.

About a century ago, father Charlevoix describes the Arkansas as

occupying four villages; that which he visited was situated on the

bank of the Mississippi, in a little meadow, which was (in 1819)

M’Lane’s landing, the only contiguous spot free from inundation.

The people called Akansas by this author, were then made up of

the confederated remnants of ruined tribes. The villages which he

visited, called themselves Ouyapes, evidently the O-guah-pa. On the

Arkansa, six miles from the landing, there was a second village,

consisting of the Torimas and Topingas. Six miles higher were the

Sothouis, and a little further was the village of the Kappas;[92]

these are again the same people as the Quapaws or O-guah-pas.

{85} In the time of Du Pratz, the Arkansas had all retired up

the river of this name, and were living about twelve miles from

the entrance of White river. They were still said to be pretty

considerable in numbers, and had been joined by the Kappas, the

Michigamias,[93] and a part of the Illinois. He likewise remarks,

that they were no less distinguished as warriors than hunters, and

that they had succeeded in intimidating the restless and warlike

Chicasaws.[94] Indeed, the valour and the friendship of the

Arkansas is still gratefully remembered by the Canadians and their

descendants, and it is much to be regretted that they are making

such evident approaches towards total destruction. The brave manner

in which they opposed the Chicasaws, has long ensured them the quiet

possession of their present country. Among the most extraordinary

actions which they performed against those perfidious Indians, is the

story which has been related to me by major Lewismore Vaugin,[95] one

of the most respectable residents in this territory. The Chicasaws,

instead of standing their ground, were retreating before the Quapaws,

whom they had descried at a distance, in consequence of the want of

ammunition. The latter understanding the occasion, were determined

to obviate the excuse, whether real or pretended, and desired the

Chicasaws to land on an adjoining sand-beach of the Mississippi,

giving them the unexpected promise of supplying them with powder

for the contest. The chief of the Quapaws then ordered all his men

to empty their powder-horns into a blanket, after which, he divided

the whole with a spoon, and gave the half to the Chicasaws. They

then proceeded to the combat, which terminated in the killing of 10

Chicasaws, and the loss of five prisoners, with the death of a single

Quapaw.

I am informed, that it is a custom of the Quapaws, after firing the

first volley, to throw aside their guns, and make a charge with their

tomahawks.

{86} The treacherous Osages, to whom they are naturally allied by the

ties of consanguinity, at one period claimed the assistance of the

Quapaws, with the secret intention of betraying them to destruction.

Arriving near the scene of action, and discovering, as was said,

the encampment of the supposed enemy, the Osages parted from their

friends, under pretence of ambuscading the enemy. Their conduct,

however guarded, had not, it seems, been sufficient to remove the

suspicions of the wary leader of the Quapaws, who now concerted

measures of security. The Quapaws made their fires as usual, but

secretly left them, in order to watch the motions of the Osages, who,

as it had been suspected, crept up to their encampment in the dead of

night, and fired a volley near the fires, not doubting but they had

destroyed those who had seemingly confided in their friendship. But

at this instant, the Quapaws, sufficiently prepared, arose from their

concealment, and exercised a just chastisement on the traitors.

The social regulations, as well as the superstitions and ideas of

the supernatural entertained by the Quapaws, are no way materially

distinct from those which are practised by their eastern and northern

neighbours. The most simple testimonies of attachment, without the

aid of solemn vows, are thought sufficient to complete a conjugal

felicity, which, where all are equal, in wealth and property, can

only be instigated through the desire of personal gratification or

mutual attachment, and can but seldom be attended with that coldness

and disgust, which is but too common, where this sacred tie is knit

by avarice. Neither is this contract controlled by any unnatural and

overruling policy. The obligation to decorum and the essential ties

of society are not abandoned by the Indian, in consequence of his

being freed from that perpetual restraint, which appears to have been

requisite in civilized society. The father can recall his daughter

from {87} the habitation of one who has rendered himself odious to

his child. The husband can abandon the wife who has made herself

obnoxious to his house and family. They are only united by the bonds

of mutual esteem and reciprocal friendship; they will, of course,

endeavour to deserve it of each other, as affording a gratification

to themselves, no less than to their parents and relatives.

As the marriage is never ostentatious, or strictly ceremonious, so

its disavowal, when not induced by any thing flagrant, is not a

matter to alarm the repose of society. The male children go with

the father, the females attend upon the mother. Children, however

begotten, are dear to a society ever on the brink of extermination.

That any ceremonies, more than the celebration of a frugal and

sober feast, are constantly practised by any of the natives of this

country, is much more than can be satisfactorily proved. Among the

Quapaws, I have been informed, that the husband, on the consummation

of his marriage, presents his wife with the leg of a deer, and she,

in return, offers him an ear of maize, both of which are so many

symbols of that provision against the calls of necessity, which they

are mutually accustomed to provide.[96]

The young and unmarried women of the Quapaws, according to a custom

equally prevalent among many other tribes of Indians, wear their hair

braided up into two parts, brought round to either ear in a cylindric

form, and decorated with beads, wampum, or silver. After marriage

these locks are all unfolded, the decorations laid aside for her

daughters, and her hair, brought together behind in a single lock,

becomes no longer an assiduous object of ornament. According to the

History of the Costume of all Nations, this manner of braiding the

hair appears to have been equally prevalent among the women of {88}

Siberia, Tartary, Turkey, and China. As an expression of the greatest

grief and misfortune, anciently practised by many other nations

of the world, I have, amongst the aborigines of the Missouri, not

unfrequently seen both men and women shave away their hair. It is

not, however, I believe, practised by the Indians of the Mississippi,

nor among the Quapaws and Osages.

The ideas of supernatural agency, entertained by the Arkansas,

are very similar to those which prevail among the natives of the

Missouri. Every family, for example, chooses its _penates_, or

guardian spirit, from among those various objects of creation which

are remarkable for their sagacity, their utility, or power. Some will

perhaps choose a snake, a buffaloe, an owl, or a raven; and many of

them venerate the eagle to that degree, that if one of those birds

should happen to be killed during any expedition, the whole party

immediately return home. The large feathers of the war-eagle, which

they consider talismanic, are sometimes distributed throughout the

nation, as sacred presents, which are expected to act as sovereign

charms to those who wear them.

The cure of diseases, though sometimes attempted with rational

applications, is not unfrequently sought, among the Quapaws, and many

other natives of the continent, in charms and jugglery.

As to the future state, in which they are firm believers, their ideas

are merely deduced from what they see around them. Their heaven for

hunters is at least as rational as that of some of our own fanatics.

For some considerable time after the interment of a warrior and

hunter, his grave is frequented with provision, which, if still

remaining, after a reasonable lapse of time, is considered as a sure

presage that the deceased has arrived at a bountiful hunting ground,

and needs no further supply from the earth.

The Quapaws, though no greater proficients in music than the rest

of the Indians, have, however, {89} songs appropriated to love, to

death, and to battle, but which are merely so many simultaneous

effusions of the heart, accompanied by rude and characteristic airs

and dances.

It is hardly necessary to detail the dress of the Arkansas, which

scarcely, to my view, in any respect, differs from that of the

Delawares, Shawnees, or Chipeways. Its component parts are, as usual,

mocasins for the feet; leggings which cover the leg and thigh; a

breech-cloth; an overall or hunting shirt, seamed up, and slipped

over the head; all of which articles are made of leather, softly

dressed by means of fat and oily substances, and often rendered

more durable by the smoke with which they are purposely imbued. The

ears and nose are adorned with pendents, and the men, as among many

other Indian tribes, and after the manner of the Chinese, carefully

cut away the hair of the head, except a lock on the crown, which is

plaited and ornamented with rings, wampum, and feathers. Many of

them, in imitation of the Canadian French, wear handkerchiefs around

their heads, but in the manner of a turban. Some have also acquired

the habit of wearing printed calicoe shirts next to the skin.

The younger Indians, as I am informed, notwithstanding the neglect of

renewing their dress, are so partial to cleanliness of the skin, that

they practice bathing both winter and summer.[97]

FOOTNOTES:

[73] The name of _Thyrsanthus_, given by Mr. Elliott, has been

already employed for another genus.--NUTTALL.

[74] See _post_, note 133.--ED.

[75] Fort Smith. See chapter viii.--ED.

[76] Probably Charles Bogy, as the name is given by later writers. He

was a native of Kaskaskia, Illinois, who came to Arkansas Post with

the federal troops which took possession in 1804.--ED.

[77] For a brief history of Arkansas Post, see Cuming’s Tour, volume

iv of our series, note 195.--ED.

[78] Of these merchants, Lewis may be the Eli I. Lewis who was clerk

of Arkansas County from 1821–29. Local histories mention none of the

others save the Frenchman, Frederick Noteribe. He took part in the

French Revolution and was an army officer during the consulate, but

left France when Napoleon became emperor. Coming to Arkansas about

1815 or 1818, he became a wealthy planter, being considered in the

forties the most prominent man in the county. He died of cholera in

1849, at New Orleans.--ED.

[79] The loose system pursued by the Spanish in making land grants

caused much trouble after jurisdiction passed to the United States.

In 1804 President Jefferson appointed commissioners to examine land

titles in the newly-acquired territory, and considerable legislation

resulted. Most of these large grants were finally invalidated

(1847–48), on the ground of indefiniteness; among them, the Winter

grant referred to in the text. This grant was made (1797) to Elisha,

William, and Gabriel Winter, William Russell, and Joseph Stillwell.

Other large grants in the same region were made to Captain Don Joseph

Vallière, on White River (1793); Don Carlos de Villemont, commandant

of the post (1795); and Baron de Bastrop (1799).--ED.

[80] A much earlier settlement was made by Chevalier de Tonti,

who, in 1685, proceeding from the fort of the Illinois, recently

established, down to the mouth of the Mississippi, in order to second

the unfortunate La Salle, and not finding him, ascended the river

in order to return to his post. In his way he entered the Arkansa,

and proceeded up to the village of that nation, with whom he made an

alliance, and left 10 of his people, at their earnest request, to

settle among them. This small party, occasionally augmented by the

Canadians who descended the river, keeping on peaceable terms with

the natives, and intermarrying amongst them, continually maintained

their ground, though rather by adopting the manners of the Indians,

and becoming hunters, than by any regular industry or attention

to the arts and conveniences of civilized life. Families of this

mixed race are now scattered along the banks of the Arkansa, to the

extremity of the present Quapaw reservation.

Had the unfortunate grant of Mr. Law been carried into effect,

which proposed to settle at, and round the present village of Arkansas,

9000 Germans from the Palatinate, we should now probably have witnessed

an extensive and flourishing colony, in place of a wilderness, still

struggling with all the privations of savage life.--NUTTALL.

[81] Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix (1682–1761) was admitted to

the Jesuit order in 1698. In 1720 he went to Canada, ascended the St.

Lawrence, crossed Illinois, and descended the Mississippi. Passing

by the Gulf to St. Domingo, he returned to France in December, 1722,

and as a result of his tour wrote an authoritative history of New

France.--ED.

[82] Charlevoix’s Historical Journal, p. 307, London

Edition.--NUTTALL.

[83] The Arikara. See Bradbury’s _Travels_, our volume v, note

76.--ED.

[84] The Quapaw belong to the Siouan family; the Omaha, Ponca, Osage,

and Kansa being their nearest kindred. In prehistoric time, the

Siouan stock dwelt east of the Mississippi. The five tribes mentioned

constituted one nation, which dwelt near the Ohio River; the Illinois

called them Arkansa. When, in the course of their migration westward,

the Siouan tribes separated, at the mouth of the Ohio, those who

turned down the Mississippi became known as the Quapaw, meaning

“the down-stream people.” The rest, who went up the river, received

the name Omaha, “those going against the current.” See Dorsey,

“Migrations of Siouan Tribes,” in _The American Naturalist_, xx, p.

211.

Notwithstanding Nuttall’s account, the Quapaw are doubtless the

same Indians whom De Soto encountered in this region. It is surprising

that our author does not think of identifying them with the “Capaha” of

La Vega. He may have been misled by the name “Pacaha,” which he takes

(see Appendix) from the “Gentleman of Elvas” and Biedma (see _post_,

note 87). The seat of the Quapaw in De Soto’s time is variously placed,

by modern students, on the Red, White, St. Francis, and Mississippi

rivers; but it is agreed that, roughly speaking, their territory was

the lower Arkansas valley. In the early days of French exploration,

they were still partly east of the Mississippi.

The Quapaw lands were purchased by treaties in 1818 and 1824

(see _post_ note 102), and the tribe was removed during the winter

of 1825–26 to a reservation in the extreme northeast corner of

Indian Territory. At that time it numbered 158 men, 123 women, and

174 children; the present population is about 275, and the tribe is

practically civilized.--ED.

[85] Henri de Tonty (Italian form, Tonti) was the son of an Italian

refugee at Paris. The father was the originator of the form of life

insurance known from the inventor as tontine. In 1678 Henri sailed from

Rochelle with La Salle, and with him (1682) descended the Mississippi.

After this expedition, Tonty returned to the Illinois and was there

engaged in the fur-trade until 1702. In 1686, hearing of La Salle’s

ill-fated attempt to found a colony on the Texas coast, he sought in

vain to find him with a relief party. (See Cuming’s _Tour_, volume

iv of our series, note 195.) In 1702 he joined D’Iberville in lower

Louisiana, and his subsequent career is unknown. Tonty having lost a

hand by the explosion of a grenade in the Sicilian wars, wore in place

of the lost member a metal hand covered with a glove, which on several

occasions he used to good purpose on disorderly Indians, gaining their

regard as great “medicine.”

Nuttall is in error in assigning the first visit of Tonty to the

Quapaw to the year 1685. La Salle and his followers ascended the

Arkansas in March, 1682, and in the open space in the midst of the

Quapaw village raised a cross bearing the arms of France, taking formal

possession of the country in the name of their king. The official

report of this occurrence was dated March 13–14, 1682. See document in

Margry, _Découvertes et Établissements des Français_ (Paris, 1877),

ii, p. 181. For a secondary account, see Parkman, _La Salle_ (Boston,

1892), index. In 1686, as Tonty ascended the Mississippi after his vain

search for La Salle, he visited the Arkansas village and left six men

to hold a post. Nuttall seems to have confused the two visits.--ED.

[86] Samuel Purchas, born in Essex about 1575, attempted to continue

the work of Hakluyt, and collected numerous MSS. in addition to

those left to him by the latter. Several editions of _Hakluytus

Posthumus; or Purchas, his pilgrimes_, were published in London, the

best being that of 1626. The abstracts of the journals printed are

imperfect, for Purchas in his editorial work was neither accurate nor

judicious. Most of the material is now accessible in better editions;

but Purchas’s collection still has value for the student, because it

contains some accounts not recorded elsewhere. Volumes iii and iv

deal with America; the account of De Soto’s explorations is in volume

iv.--ED.

[87] Garcilaso Inca de la Vega, born at Cuzco about 1540, was the

son of a member of an illustrious Spanish family and on his mother’s

side was of the Peruvian blood royal. His history of Peru is the

chief original ancient authority, and includes a narrative of De

Soto’s explorations, based, it is said, on the account given him by

a soldier who took part in the expedition. It is one of the three

important sources of our information regarding De Soto’s wanderings.

The others are, the narrative by the “Gentleman of Elvas,” who was

a Portuguese adventurer in De Soto’s company, and that of Biedma,

a Spanish factor on the expedition. For a critical discussion of

the value of these sources, see Hakluyt Society _Publications_, ix,

introduction; this volume contains Hakluyt’s translation of the

account of the “Gentleman of Elvas” (London, 1851).--ED.

[88] On the Kaskaskia Indians, see André Michaux’s _Travels_, in our

volume iii, note 132.--ED.

[89] Le Page Du Pratz went to Louisiana in 1718 with a colony of

eight hundred men sent out by John Law’s West India Company. He was

a planter there for sixteen years, and travelled extensively through

the territory, being overseer of the public plantations under the

Company, also after the crown resumed control. The French original

of his _History of Louisiana_ appeared in 1758, being Englished and

published in London in 1763; second edition 1764.--ED.

[90] Du Pratz, History of Louisiana, p. 61.--NUTTALL.

_Comment by Ed._ Father Zénobe Membré, a Recollect friar in La

Salle’s Company, reported to his superior: “I cannot tell you the

civility and kindness we received from these barbarians.... They are so

well formed that we were in admiration at their beauty.” See Parkman,

_La Salle_, p. 279.

[91] Various interpretations of the meaning of _Lenno Lenapi_ have

been given. _Lenno_ means genuine or real, and _Lenapi_ signifies

male. The combination denoted a race of eminent antiquity, valor, and

wisdom, and may best, perhaps, be rendered in English as “manly men.”

The character thus boastfully ascribed to themselves by the Delawares

was apparently confirmed by the name “grandfather” applied to them by

kindred tribes. _Illini_ is the Illinese equivalent of _Lenno_. See

Schoolcraft, _History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes_

(Philadelphia, 1851–57), v, p. 1360; vi, p. 177.--ED.

[92] Charlevoix, Hist. p. 306, 307. Lond. Ed.--NUTTALL.

[93] Michigamies was the name given by the French to several tribes

of Algonquian stock who lived on Lake Michigan. The designation

sometimes included the Mascoutin, or Fire-Indians, and the Illinese.

See Croghan’s _Journals_, volume i of our series, note 111.--ED.