This is what Borrow has to say about the matter in "The Zincali":

"There is a word in the Gipsy language to which those who speak it

attach ideas of peculiar reverence, far superior to that connected

with the name of the Supreme Being, the creator of themselves and

the universe. This word is _Lácha_, which with them is the corporeal

chastity of the females; we say corporeal chastity, for no other

do they hold in the slightest esteem; it is lawful amongst them,

nay praise-worthy, to be obscene in look, gesture, and discourse,

to be accessories to vice, and to stand by and laugh at the worst

abominations of the Busné (Busno is the term used by the Spanish

gipsies for the Spaniard or indeed any person not a gipsy), provided

their _Lácha ye trupos_, or corporeal chastity remains unblemished. The

Gipsy child, from her earliest years, is told by her strange mother,

that a good Calli need only dread one thing in this world, and that is

the loss of _Lácha_, in comparison with which that of life is of little

consequence, as in such an event she will be provided for, but what

provision is there for a gipsy who has lost her _Lácha_? 'Bear this in

mind, my child,' she will say, 'and now eat this bread, and go forth

and see what you can steal.'

"A Gipsy girl is generally betrothed at the age of fourteen to the

youth whom her parents deem a suitable match, and who is generally

a few years older than herself. Marriage is invariably preceded by

betrothment.... With the Busné or Gentiles, the betrothed female is

allowed the freest intercourse, going whither she will, and returning

at all times and seasons. With respect to the Busné, indeed, the

parents are invariably less cautious than with their own race, as they

conceive it next to an impossibility that their child should lose her

_Lácha_ by any intercourse with _the white blood_; and true it is that

experience has proved that their confidence in this respect is not

altogether idle. The Gitanas have in general a decided aversion to the

white men; some few instances, however, to the contrary are said to

have occurred."

The gitanas, Borrow goes on to explain, are never above exciting

passion in the Busné which, however, they refuse to satisfy. Their

dances for the most part are lascivious and obscene. They often act

as procuresses. But let no Busno presume from these facts that he may

count on a more intimate acquaintanceship. Richard Ford in "Gatherings

from Spain" in his description of the _romalis_ supports Borrow in his

theory: "However indecent these dances may be, yet the performers are

inviolably chaste, and as far at least as ungipsy guests are concerned,

may be compared to iced punch at a rout; young girls go through them

before the applauding eyes of their parents and brothers, who resent to

the death any attempt on their sisters' virtue."

Mérimée refers to the matter in a letter to the _Inconnue_: "What he

(Borrow) relates of the gipsies is perfectly true, and his personal

observations are entirely in accord with mine save on a single point.

In his capacity of clergyman (_sic_), he may very well have deceived

himself where I, in my capacity of Frenchman and layman, was able to

make conclusive experiments." In spite of the weight of Mérimée's

personal experience it may be noted that the majority of Spanish

writers are in accord with Borrow, who was _not_ a clergyman. And, as

Professor Northup slyly points out, the man who taught Isopel Berners

of Mumpers Dingle to conjugate the verb "to love" in Armenian may not

have been so naïve an observer after all.

Whether gipsies are corporeally chaste or not[1] is, however, a matter

of the slightest moment in relation to the masterpiece that Mérimée

based on the theory that they are not. As Havelock Ellis so precisely

puts it: "Art is in its sphere as supreme over fact as Science in its

sphere is supreme over fiction. The artist may play either fast or

loose with Science, and the finest artist will sometimes play loose."

It may be remarked that in general Borrow was more inclined to play

loose than Mérimée.

It is interesting enough to realize that "The Bible in Spain," in

itself a masterpiece, was the inspiration for another masterpiece,

one of the great short stories of all literature. Curiously enough

still a third masterpiece emerged from the activities of the British

Bible Society, _Carmen_, the opera. In transferring the story to the

stage Messrs. Meilhac and Halévy, in searching for dramatic emphasis,

have thrown overboard a good deal of the wild and wanton atmosphere,

the calid passion, the brutal austerity of the original tale. Carmen,

in their version, becomes a mixture of Spanish gipsy and Parisian

cocotte. In certain scenes, such as that of the Seguidilla and the duet

in the last act a good deal of Mérimée's feeling has been preserved

but the scene of the quintet in which the other gipsies taunt Carmen

with being _amoureuse_ is probably essentially Parisian. So, too,

perhaps, is the scene of the Habanera. Spaniards have long protested

against the work because, as nearly as I can discover, they consider

it an _idealization_. Spanish women as a rule make the worst Carmens,

although they have often achieved notable successes in another Spanish

character, Rosina in _The Barber of Seville_.[2] An understanding of

the French opéra-comique form is essential to a fine interpretation of

this gipsy heroine; even a good deal of the music is not essentially

Spanish. If it were it would probably not be great because Bizet was

a Frenchman and must perforce in writing French opera hear Spain with

French ears.... Nevertheless I see no reason why a singer should not

go to Mérimée for many hints; indeed I think she might even go farther

and study Borrow's conception of the Spanish gipsy character. One line

alone in Mérimée would suggest a new interpretation to an actress

capable of realizing it. José is speaking: "Monsieur, quand cette

fille-là riait, il n'y avait pas moyen de parler raison. Tout le monde

riait avec elle." But an actress must conceive any part in terms of her

own personality and this effect could be made only by a very complete

_charmeuse_.

In the original story the bull-fighter, Lucas, scarcely appears and

he is a picador not an _espada_ as he becomes in the opera under the

new name of Escamillo. Why was this name changed? I have a theory,

unsupported by any evidence, that Bizet asked his librettists to

furnish him with a name which would fit the music of the marvellous

duet in the last act. He probably had achieved the phrase which now

accompanies _Ah! je t'aime, Escamillo_, only to discover that it

could not be married to the name Lucas. Jealousy remains the motive

for the murder of Carmen although the scenes are quite differently

arranged in the tale and in the lyric drama.... Micaela is new. The

only suggestion of her in Mérimée's story is the following line of

José's: "J'étais jeune alors; je pensais toujours au pays, et je

croyais pas qu'il y eût de jolies filles sans jupes bleues et sans

nattes tombant sur les épaules." Carmen's second meeting with José does

not take place at Lillas Pastia's but the third does, and ever so many

details such as the "chaine avec du fil de laiton," the cassia which

the hussy removes from her lips to toss at José's feet, the rejected

ring, etc., are incidents from Mérimée. Why, one wonders, does not

some interpreter remember that the original Carmen broke a plate and

from the pieces fashioned castanets to play while she danced the

_romalis_ for José?... The brutal García le Borgne, Carmen's _rom_,

disappears completely. He is not essential to the intrigue devised by

the librettists. They have also blotted out Carmen's very diverting

adventures with the Englishman at Gibraltar.

_Carmen_ was produced at the Paris Opéra-Comique March 3, 1875.

The first performance was coldly received. Charles Pigot (Bizet's

biographer) informs us that the prelude to the second act was repeated;

the air of the Toreador and the quintet were applauded: that was

all. The curtain fell on each act to complete indifference. The

discouragement of the composer seems to have been deep. We do not

wonder at it. Vincent d'Indy told Edmond Galabert that after the first

act he and a group of young musicians met Bizet on the sidewalk near

the stage entrance of the theatre and felicitated him on the life

and colour in the music. Bizet responded: "Vous êtes les premiers

qui me disiez ça, et je crains bien que vous ne soyez les derniers."

_Carmen_ was a failure. The reviews were bad. There were, curiously

enough, many charges of immorality. Pigot assures us that Camille du

Locle, the director of the theatre, who never believed in _Carmen_,

was more or less responsible for these. To a minister who wrote in

asking for a loge for the first night he replied that it would perhaps

be better if he came to the general rehearsal to see if he found the

piece sufficiently respectable for his wife and daughters!... Possibly

these charges of immorality awakened curiosity. At any rate it is

certain that after the fifth performance the receipts rose and the

apathy of the audiences became less marked. The piece was given for the

thirty-seventh time on June 13, just before the theatre closed for the

summer. Bizet had died June 3. In the fall _Carmen_ was revived and

given thirteen representations; then not again in Paris until 1883.

At various times attempts have been made to prove that _Carmen_ did

not fail when it was first produced. The most notable of these is

an article contributed to the "Ménestrel" (1903; p. 53) by Arthur

Pougin entitled "La Légende de la Chute de _Carmen_ et la Mort de

Bizet" in which he quotes Mme. Galli-Marié: "L'insuccès de _Carmen_

à la création, mais c'est une légende! _Carmen_ n'est pas tombée au

bout de quelques représentations, comme beaucoup le croient.... Nous

l'avons jouée plus de quarante fois dans la saison, et quand ce pauvre

Bizet est mort, le succes de son chef d'œuvre semblait definitivement

assis."... Pigot scoffs at this, pointing out that the exigencies of

the répertoire often make it necessary for a director to perform a work

oftener than it will pay to do so. His evidence is cumulative and for

the most part convincing.

According to H. Sutherland Edwards, who seems to have acquired this

information from Marie Roze, in its original form the opera included

two complete airs for Carmen which, in the end, the composer and his

librettists decided to suppress. The gipsy was to have been represented

as capable of remorse (!) and after the scene in which she foretells

her death by the cards was to be left alone to give vent to her

feelings in a pathetic air! The other omitted air occurred in the last

act.

Mr. Edwards gives us more details: The bull-fight, according to the

original design of the authors, was to be shown in the form of a

tableau, occupying all the back of the stage with live chorus figures

and "supers" in the front of the picture and painted figures behind

them. Escamillo was to have been seen triumphing over the figure of

the fallen bull, while the crowd of spectators overlooking the arena

shouted vociferously the air of the Toreador. In a dark background (the

back of the stage alone being illuminated) the figures of Carmen and

Don José were to be seen.

Charles Pigot tells us that Micaela's song was composed originally for

_Griselidis_ (an opera for which Sardou supplied the book and which

Bizet never completed). The score of _Carmen_ would be perfect without

it. The story of the Habanera is related elsewhere in this volume (p.

27), and need not be repeated here.

_Carmen_ originally contained a good deal of spoken dialogue, which is

still to be heard at the Paris Opéra-Comique. Guiraud (not Godard, as

Clara Louise Kellogg has it) wrote the music for the recitatives and it

is with these that the work is usually performed in foreign theatres,

including the Metropolitan Opera House. In some theatres, however, a

bastard version, a combination of these two forms, is given.

It is probable that Spaniards base their main objection to _Carmen_

on the idealization of a national type offered by the libretto. It is

not likely that they object to the music. At any rate they have always

found Italian, French, and German music pleasant to their ears and

many Spanish composers have been less Spanish than Bizet, who after

all, was a Jew, and something of an oriental himself! The dances and

some of the entr'acte music, then, of this opera may be considered

thoroughly Spanish. But Spanish or not there is no denying that Bizet

succeeded in writing one of the most delightful of operas. When I first

read Nietzsche's "The Case of Wagner" I was inclined to feel that the

German in his rage against Wagner had put up the silliest of opponents

against him in order to make his ex-hero more ridiculous. I do not feel

that way today. I humbly subscribe to all of Nietzsche's outpourings:

"This music seems to me to be perfect. It approaches lightly, nimbly,

and with courtesy. It is amiable, it does not produce _sweat_. 'What

is good is easy; everything divine runs with light feet'--the first

proposition of my Æsthetics. This music is wicked, subtle, and

fatalistic; it remains popular at the same time,--it has the subtlety

of a race, not of an individual. It is rich. It is precise.... It

has borrowed from Mérimée the logic in passion, the shortest route,

_stern_ necessity. It possesses, above all, what belongs to the warm

climate, the dryness of the air, its _limpidezza_.... This music is

gay; but it has not a French or a German gaiety. Its gaiety is African;

destiny hangs over it, its happiness is short, sudden, and without

forgiveness." Has any one ever described _Carmen_ so well? And there

is much more. I pray you, turn to "The Case of Wagner" and read it all

... and perhaps begin to believe, as I do, that aside from _Tristan_

Wagner himself never penned so complete a masterpiece.

Before we begin to glance at some of the ladies who have attempted to

do justice to the Spanish gipsy it might be well to pause for a few

seconds on two descriptions of the _cigarrera_ type. Gautier visited

the celebrated Fábrica de Tobacos in Seville, where Carmen was employed

until she began to stick knives into her co-workers. Here is what he

says of it:

"L'on nous conduisit aux ateliers où se roulent les cigares en

feuilles. Cinq où six cents femmes sont employées à cette préparation.

Quand nous mîmes le pied dans leur salle, nous fûmes assailis par un

ouragan de bruits: elles parlaient, chantaient et se disputaient toutes

à la fois. Je n'ai jamais entendu un vacarme pareil. Elles étaient

jeunes pour la plupart, et il y en avait de fort jolies. Le négligé

extrême de leur toilette permettait d'apprécier leurs charmes en toute

liberté. Quelques-unes portaient résolûment à l'angle de leur bouche

un bout de cigare avec l'aplomb d'un officier de hussards; d'autres,

ô muse, viens à mon aide! d'autres ... chiquaient comme de vieux

matelots, car on leur laisse prendre autant de tabac qu'elles en

peuvent consommer sur place.... La _cigarrera_ de Séville est un type,

comme la _manola_ de Madrid."

I also append Edmondo de Amicis's description: "The women are almost

all in three immense rooms, divided into three parts, by three rows of

pilasters. The first effect is stupendous. Eight hundred girls present

themselves at once to your view. They are divided into groups of five

or six, and are seated around work-tables, crowded together, those

in the distance indistinct, and the last scarcely visible. They are

all young, but few are children; in all, eight hundred dark heads of

hair, and eight hundred dusky faces from every province of Andalusia,

from Jaen to Cadiz, and from Granada to Seville. You hear the buzzing

that you would in a square full of people. The walls, from one end

of the three rooms to the other, are covered with skirts, shawls,

handkerchiefs, and scarfs, and, curiously enough, the whole mass of

rags, which would be sufficient to fill a hundred second-hand shops,

presents two predominating colours, both continuous, one above the

other, like the stripes of a flag. The black of the shawls is above,

the red of the dresses below, and mixed with the latter, are white,

purple, and yellow, so that you seem to see an immense fancy costume

shop, or a large dancing-room, in which the ballet girls, in order

to obtain more freedom of movement, have hung everything on the wall

which is not absolutely necessary to cover them decently. The girls

put on these dresses when they leave, but wear old things while at

work, which, however, are white and red like the others. The heat being

insupportable, they lighten their clothing as much as possible, so

that among those five thousand there may be hardly fifty whose arms

or shoulders the visitor will not have the opportunity of admiring

at his leisure, without counting the exceptional cases which present

themselves quite unexpectedly in passing from one room to the other,

behind the doors, columns, or in distant corners. There are some very

beautiful faces, and even those that are not absolutely beautiful, have

something about them which attracts the eye and remains impressed upon

the memory--the colouring, eyes, brows, and smile, for instance. Many,

and especially the so-called _gitane_, are dark brown, like mulattoes,

and have protruding lips; others have such large eyes that a faithful

likeness of them would seem an exaggeration. The majority are small,

well made, and all wear a rose, pink, or a bunch of field flowers

among their braids."[3]

Mlle. Célestine Galli-Marié was the first Carmen. She is said to have

been delightful, but the first interpreter of a part always has an

advantage over those who follow her; she need not fear comparison.

She was charged with immorality but it is not likely that she allowed

herself as many gipsy liberties as some of her successors. Charles

Pigot tells us that she took advantage of Mérimée's vigorous etching:

"elle avait pris modèle sur ce portrait d'une ressemblance qui donne

le frisson de la vie au personnage évoqué. Oeillades assassines,

regards chargés de volupté qui livrent la victime pieds et poings liés,

déhanchements lascifs, poings sur la hanche, rien ne manquait à la

ressemblance; et ce déploiement de perversités physiques, refletant

à merveille l'âme de cette bohémienne ehontée, cette crudité de tons

dans le rendu du geste et de l'allure qui choquèrent bien des personnes

et firent crier a l'immoralité, étaient indiqués par l'effronterie

du personnage, et, j'ajouterai, nécessaires à la verité du drame, à

l'explication de l'ensorcellement subit du navarrais."

Arthur Pougin says of her: "Mme. Galli-Marié should take rank with

those numerous artists who, although endowed with no great voice, have

for a century past rendered to this theatre services made remarkable by

their talent for acting and their incontestable worth from a dramatic

point of view.... Equally capable of exciting laughter or of provoking

tears, endowed with an artistic temperament of great originality ...

which has permitted her making out of parts confided to her distinct

types ... in which she has represented personages whose nature and

characteristics are essentially opposed."... She died at Vence, near

Nice, September 22, 1905.

Fräulein Ehnn seems to have been the second Carmen; as Vienna was

the second city to produce Bizet's opera; the date was October 23,

1875. Brussels had the honour of being the third city; the date was

February 8, 1876; Mlle. Maria Dérivis enacted the rôle of the gipsy

here. Thereafter the opera made the grand tour of the world, and firmly

established itself in the répertoire of the meanest singing theatres.

Scarcely a singer but has at one time or other sung one of the rôles in

this work. Sometimes it has been Micaela (Mme. Melba, among others,

has sung this rôle); sometimes Frasquita, in which Emma Trentini made

an instantaneous impression in New York, more often than not Carmen

herself, for contraltos and sopranos have both appeared in the part.

Adèle Isaac, a soprano, sang the part when _Carmen_ was revived at the

Opéra-Comique in 1883. She did not make a very good impression but

the opera was received much more favourably than it had been in 1875.

When Mme. Galli-Marié reappeared she was again deemed matchless. Then

came Mme. Nardi. About 1888 Mme. Deschamps-Jehin sang the rôle. Mme.

Tarquini d'Or succeeded her. In December, 1892, Mme. Calvé disclosed

her characterization. It has been the custom in America to signalize a

vast distinction between her early and late performances of the rôle;

it has been said that she became self-conscious and wayward. Paris

always found her so, but it must be remembered that tradition must

be followed in the French theatre. Charles Darcourt's criticism in

"Le Figaro" the next morning is enough to give a Parisian impression:

He reproached her "d'être allée trop loin dans ses gestes et ses

attitudes, d'avoir été trop peu comme il faut, d'être sorti des limites

du bon goût et surtout du bon ton."... Mlle. Charlotte Wyns sang

Carmen in 1894. Mme. Nina Pack, Mme. de Nuovina and Mme. Marie Brema

followed her. In 1898 came Georgette Leblanc, who subsequently became

the wife of Maurice Maeterlinck. Mlle. Leblanc's interpretation was a

new one and she inspired one critic (Fierens-Gevaert) to put on paper

the following ecstatic lines about her appearance in the second act:

"Mlle. Leblanc is clothed in a long robe of plaited tulle, ornamented

with spangles. Her body, finely proportioned, is revealed by this

indiscreet drapery. Her nobly modelled shoulders and arms are bare. Her

hair is confined by three circles of gold, arranged in Grecian fashion.

Alma, gipsy, daughter of the East, princess of the harem, Byzantine

empress or Moorish dancer? All this is suggested by this fantastic and

seductive costume. But a more ideal image pursues us. The singer is

constantly urged by feminine visions of our ultra-modern poets. She

finds absolute beauty in the exquisite body of a woman animated by

a Florentine robe. And it is through this imaginary figure that she

composes her other incarnations; and in a tavern where gipsy women

meet soldiers, she evokes the apparition of a woman of Mantegna or

Botticelli, degraded, vile, who gives the idea of a shameless creature

that has not lost entirely the gracefulness of her original rank.

She is never weary of cheapening her original model. She is sensual,

impudent, voluptuous, gross, but in her white diction, in her blithe

walk, you divine her desire of evoking something else.... Carmen is,

according to Mlle. Leblanc, a hybrid, monstrous creature. You look

upon her with eager curiosity and infinite sadness.... Mlle. Leblanc

makes light of her voice. She maltreats it, threshes it, subjects it to

inhuman inflections.... Her singing is not musical, her interpretation

lacks the naïveté necessary to true dramatic power. Nevertheless, she

is one of the most emotional interpreters of our period. Her limited

abilities, hidden by a thousand details in accentuation, remind one of

the weak and ornate poetry of artistic degeneration.... Thanks to her,

Antioch and Alexandria, corrupt and adorable cities, live again, for an

hour."

Perhaps Philip Hale's description of Carmen owes something to this

picture of Mlle. Leblanc. At any rate it is striking enough to

reproduce:

"Carmen lived years before she was known to Mérimée. She dies many

deaths and many are her resurrections. When the world was young, they

say her name was Lilith, and the serpent for her sake hated Adam. She

perished that wild night when the heavens rained fire upon the cities

of the plain. Samson knew her when she dwelt in the valley of Sorek.

The mound builders saw her and fell at her feet. She disquieted the

blameless men of Ethiopia. Years after she was the friend of Theodora.

In the fifteenth century she was noticed in Sabbatic revels led by the

four-horned goat. She was in Paris at the end of the last century and

she wore powder and patches at the dinner given by the Marquis de Sade.

In Spain she smoked cigarettes and wrecked the life of Don José."

The Music of Spain · 第 5 / 10 段