They are given their commissions by the State, and we insist that they
are answerable to the State alone. We cannot direct the whipping of
convicts; it must be done by the bosses. If all the convicts were
disabled by whipping, we think the State would be liable to us for
loss of time, because the whipping bosses are the agents of the
State."
Lessee Lowe admitted he was a close corporation, being president,
secretary, treasurer, boss and everything else of the company, which
held no meetings, had no stock, and declared no dividends.
Attorney-General Terrell held that the convicts were under the care of
the lessees, whose duty it was to see that they were treated humanely,
citing the order of 1887 by Governor Gordon, to prove that while the
whipping bosses were appointed by the governor, they were under the
control of the lessees. Governor Atkinson said that he did not dream
for a moment that the lessees did not consider it their duty to see
that the convicts were properly treated.
Mr. Huff, addressing the legislature, said, that "any attempt at
reformation of the present system is an absurdity, a swindle and a
fraud. It is a damnable outrage. The lessee contract would not stand
fifteen minutes before a petit jury. I could hang any of the lessees
before a petit jury in two and a half hours," said he.
One convict testified that in his case the skin came off with every
blow inflicted by a soaked strap drawn through sand; that twenty
bastard children were in one camp. A female convict testified that
during her prison life of fourteen years she had borne seven children.
A lessee testified that such irregularities as bastard children would
occasionally occur as long as women were guarded by men.
Dr. Felton, addressing the Georgia Legislature, said:
"I stated ten years ago that the State was acting as a procuress for
convict camps; the legislature is keeping up the supply in accordance
with the demand. I repeat the accusation here and now."
In 1895 a number of convicts had their feet so frozen that the flesh
and toes rotted off. Governor Atkinson enlightened the legislature of
the deplorable condition existing in the convicts' camps through the
report thereon by Hon. R. F. Wright, showing nearly fifty misdemeanor
camps. In the chain-gangs were twenty-seven white and 768 colored
convicts; generally both races and sexes being together day and night.
Among these were eleven children under fourteen years of age. Some
slept in rude floorless houses; some in tents on the bare ground, and
a few in bunks. The bedding was scant and filthy, and full of vermin.
The camps were poorly ventilated, the sleeping quarters being
generally sweat-boxes, constructed to prevent escapes. There were no
hospitals and no preparations for comfort or medical treatment. Female
prisoners dressed in male attire, worked side by side with men.
A member of the legislature declared:
"Most lessees would rather see the devil in their camps than a
Methodist or Baptist preacher. I do not urge the bill for the Negro,
but for the safety of homes and property. Crime has increased in the
United States more than in any other country on the globe. I plead for
the orphan boys and girls of the State. Better send them to a
bottomless hell than to James' camp."
Said the lamented Colonel Alston:
"The public knows how hard it is to get testimony in a case like the
lease question. If a guard kills a man, he is not going to tell of it.
If a lessee chooses to whip one to death, who is to know it? If he
starves them, who is the wiser? I never expect to give up the
agitation of this question till I can point to my native State
redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled from this great sin, and the
finger of shame shall no longer be lifted at her, as a State that is
banking on the crimes and misfortunes of her defenseless and ignorant
population."
Three months after this Colonel Alston was shot dead in the State
Capitol of Georgia, by a sub-lessee during a controversy arising from
the leasing of some convicts; whereupon Governor Atkinson declared
that, under heaven and by God's help, he meant to lift up the
administration of the laws of the State to that high plane that will
put an end to these things.
Mr. Byrd of Rome, Ga., by authority of Governor Atkinson, inspected
the misdemeanor camps in 1897, and reported that private chain-gangs
were being operated against law, and in spite of the decisions of the
Supreme Court of Georgia, and that the average penal camp of the State
penitentiary is a heaven, compared to the agony and torture endured by
the misdemeanor convicts in many of these joints. He said that Mr.
Wright did valiant service for humanity by showing that a bondage
worse than slavery was being inflicted upon the convicts, who were
confined in these "hells upon earth."
In one camp, he said, an ante-bellum residence had been converted
into a prison by removing every window, and closing up every aperture,
leaving not even an auger hole for light or air. In the center of a
room only 18 feet by 20, was an open can, the reeking cesspool of this
dungeon in which sat a sick Negro convict confined in this dark
sweat-box, perishing.
In another camp, after the visit of Mr. Wright, the guards took turns
at beating a convict to death and buried him in his shackles. A
respectable citizen asserted that they caught the convict by the
shackles and ran through the woods dragging him feet foremost, and
that when these facts were sworn to before the Grand Jury of Pulaski
County, it was thought best to hush them up and keep the matter out of
the newspapers, and out of court, as the superintendent of the prison
camp had friends on the jury.
Another case sworn to before the coroner's jury was that of a guard
who had whipped nearly all the life out of an old Negro, who said:
"Boss, is ye gwine to kill me?" The guard replied with an oath in the
affirmative, whereupon the convict begged to be shot and thus freed
from his sufferings. He was chained up to a tree where he died in
thirty minutes.
In another camp a white convict was being boarded at a hotel ten miles
away, and doing a prosperous business at painting, while another white
convict who had been made night guard and given a gun and the keys to
the camp, had it so free and easy that he threw up his job and
decamped.
Mr. Boies of Pennsylvania, in his instructive work, discusses the
convict lease system, and shows that the sentences of Negroes in the
South are double those of white men for the same offenses; that for
petty larceny a Negro may be condemned to the criminal class for life,
albeit he had to steal or starve. He shows that the criminal machinery
of the South is frequently used to nullify the Negro's right of
suffrage; that no hand is extended to lift him up when he falls, and
no effort is put forth for his reformation, and for this reason the
South turns out one-third of the criminals of the whole country; that
Massachusetts expends $20 per capita upon the children of her public
schools, while Mississippi with a heavier tax, expends but $2 per
capita.
In the Evening Star of Washington, D. C., of November 16, 1901, an
exhaustive article on the prison camps of Florida appeared. Although
guardedly, it favored the effort to make the criminal self-supporting,
arguing that as he lives on the public when at large, he should not
be permitted to continue to live on the public when in confinement.
But it admits that the convict lease system is faulty. It says:
"At present, offenders of all grades and ages are thrown together, and
the younger ones learn more evil than they knew at the time of their
arrest, growing daily more depraved and vicious so long as they remain
in bad company. It may be possible, however, to employ most of the
convicts at tasks which will not require their close association,
either at work or in quarters, and if that desideratum can be reached,
the last argument against the leasing of prisoners will be met, and
the system will be continued indefinitely, such minor matters as the
corruption of inspectors, of which Alabama has complained, being
capable of rebuke through legislation.
"There are now thirteen camps in Florida, each one of which is
technically a State prison, and they are under the watch of a
supervisor, who must visit them at least once in sixty days, examine
the buildings, food, clothes, and bedding, question keepers and
convicts as to work, punishment and health, enforce compliance with
the laws and report to the governor every month. All leases are for
four years, and the only cost of its criminals to the State are the
salaries of supervisors and a sum of $300 a year for chaplain service.
"The country expends at least $200,000,000 per annum in maintaining
its convicts. In the city of New York alone, the annual assessment for
that purpose is $6 per citizen.
"Where the labor unions have not prevented it, society has made the
criminal pay his own bills. In the South where the people are
beginning to show a keenness for money that is not surpassed in the
North, but where, as yet, capital is not gathered into such immense
and usable sums as in the central and eastern States, a new policy has
been adopted with regard to the offender. He is generally a Negro,
hence he is sent back to slavery. He is sold to a farmer, a distiller,
a phosphate miner, or a manufacturer, for a term of years, and his
employer pays considerably less to the State than he would otherwise
lay out in wages.
"In Alabama, if a State prisoner or long-termer escapes from his
employer, he must pay into the public treasury $200, and $100 if a
county prisoner or short-termer escapes.
"When an inspector is present at a whipping, the turbulent convict may
be given twenty-one lashes on his bare back; in the absence of the
inspector, the whipping boss is limited to fifteen lashes.
"The guards are of the poor white class, dull and illiterate, and
receive from $20 to $30 per month and their 'keep.'
"In Florida shackling is seldom practiced except as a punishment for
running away, as it interferes with the work of the convict. Guns and
bloodhounds are much in evidence in the convict camps. Nothing is done
for the betterment of the convicts intellectually or otherwise.
Missionaries are graciously permitted to distribute tracts among them.
"White convicts are generally assigned to offices and cook shops, or
become gang foremen. For the white prisoner, whatever his offense,
there is always a hope of pardon, but the Negro prisoner, unless he be
a crap-shooter or chicken thief, congratulates himself on being
consigned to open air work in the convict's camps, for he remembers
how dreadfully easy in Florida it is for a Negro to be lynched."
Judge M. W. Gibbs of Arkansas said he had known white employers in the
South to be in collusion with magistrates to have colored men
committed on the flimsiest pretext, simply that they might obtain more
free labor on their plantations by means of the convict lease system.
The eleventh census shows that in the United States there were 2,468
county jails and only 44 reformatories. There were no reformatories in
Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas.
Great Britain supports over 400 reformatories and inebriate schools,
and they have closed 56 out of 113 prisons and jails in ten years, and
thereby reduced to that extent the amount of material for the
manufacture of criminals.
Said Judge Calhoun, of a recorder's court in Georgia:
"I tremble when I contemplate the future of little boys who come
before me for the first time, and are sentenced to the chain-gang.
Some of them are bright-faced and intelligent; some are orphans; many
thoroughly penitent; and, I believe, nearly all could be reclaimed,
could they be sent to a reform school and surrounded with an
atmosphere that would benefit instead of contaminate."
Mrs. Helen Cook, wife of Hon. John F. Cook, of Washington, D. C., has
established an organization in the District of Columbia, known as "The
Woman's League," which is doing a wonderful work in reducing the
number of those who are brought into the courts to be justly or
unjustly dealt with. Let the good women of the race throughout the
country follow her example and do something to rescue the perishing.
In conclusion, let us hope and believe with the widow of the Sage of
Anacostia, that "Meanwhile Hampton and Wilberforce, Howard and Shaw
and Fiske and Atlanta and Tuskegee and other like institutions are
silently setting the seal of manhood and womanhood upon a race whose
face, with ours, is set toward a higher and better civilization."
SECOND PAPER.
IS THE CRIMINAL NEGRO JUSTLY DEALT WITH IN THE COURTS OF THE SOUTH?
BY ATTORNEY I. L. PURCELL.
[Illustration: I. L. Purcell]
ISAAC LAWRENCE PURCELL.
Isaac Lawrence Purcell, the subject of this sketch, was born
July 17, 1857, in Winnsboro, S. C. His father, John W.
Purcell, by occupation a carpenter, was born in 1832 in
Charleston, S. C., being one of the old free families.
Isaac Lawrence first attended a school provided by the
Episcopal Church for Colored youths. He afterwards attended
the public schools of his city and, in 1871, entered
Brainard Institute, Chester, S. C., where he remained one
term. In 1872 he entered Biddle University at Charlotte, N. C.,
where he remained until in the Fall of 1873, when the
color line was removed at the South Carolina University. He
entered the competitive examination for the scholarship in
the South Carolina University from his county, being the
only Colored applicant. In the Fall of 1873 he entered the
South Carolina University, where he remained until the
Spring of 1877, when the act of the Legislature of the State
went into effect again drawing the color line, so he with
the other Colored boys had to leave.
Mr. Purcell returned home, and under his father's
instructions learned the carpenter's trade. He went to
Palatka, Fla., in 1885, where he studied law, and was
admitted to practice law in the Circuit and inferior courts
October 8, 1889, and at once commenced the active work of
his chosen profession at Palatka, Fla.
At the first term of the Circuit Court after his admittance
he represented plaintiffs in several large damage suits, two
against the city of Palatka; in both he got verdict for his
clients; one was appealed to the Supreme Court. He was
admitted to the State Supreme Court January 19, 1891, where
he has successfully represented many cases. January 19,
1897, he was admitted to the United States Circuit and
District Courts, and November 8, 1901, was duly admitted to
the Supreme Court of the United States. He has represented
some of the most important cases coming before the courts of
his State. He came to Pensacola, his present home, in
February, 1899, and has by his energy and ability built up a
fine and growing business.
In politics he is a Republican, and has attended as a
delegate every State, congressional and county convention
since coming to the State, several times presided over State
and congressional conventions, was for twelve years chairman
of the Republican Executive Committee of his county, Putnam.
For many years an alderman of the city of Palatka, Fla. In
1895 he was elected as a delegate to the Republican National
Convention which convened in St. Louis, 1896. He has never
held any office of profit, always honest and fearless in his
opinions and his advocacy of right.
His private life has always been consistent; while not a
member of any religious denomination, always attends the
services of the Episcopal Church; is a temperate man; is
generous and kind in disposition; was married October 24,
1895, to Miss E. L. Andrews, of Orangeburg, S. C.
First: What constitutes a court? In the South as in the North and
other parts of the country, to constitute a court, there must be a
judge, whose duty it is to preside over the court, a sheriff and
deputies, and a State's solicitor, who looks after the interests of
the State, and last, but by no means least, comes the jury, whose duty
it is to discharge or pass on the innocence or guilt of the prisoner
according to the law and evidence as offered; it requires all these to
constitute an organized court of law.
First: The judge should be a man selected on account of his nobility
of character, of heart, of soul and of mind; a man of experience and
training, a man of affairs, learned in the affairs appertaining
strictly to his branch, as also in literature and science; a man
merciful, kind and generous, of a sterling character, temperate,
though positive and unbiased by private opinion, in a word, he should
be a man, the representative of justice, though not usurping that
power as abiding in himself, but as the instrument of that power;
whose moral character ought to be without blemish, a man whose habit,
integrity, shrewd judgment and wise counsel place him above the
average man, making him of the people and for the people.
Sheriffs and deputies ought to be honest and fearless, having the
highest regard for the life and liberties of the people; they should
be kind and generous, yet positive and fearless, ever ready to defend
the life and liberties of the people, using their office only in
consonance with the prescribed law in aiding the conviction of crime,
but not as a means of revenging personal wrongs or injuries of the
people whose color is their only sin.
THE JURY: The jury ought to be composed, if possible, of men of
learning, whose moral character, love of truth, unbiased by racial
prejudice or private opinions, being only representatives of the
people, who in the name of the people adjudge, condemn or acquit
according to the evidence, not from any private opinion, but governed
by such law as is made in the statement of the judge bearing upon the
case given previously to their retiring; if these men of learning can
not be found, as in most cases, let others who, for the above
qualifications minus learning, be substituted in their stead. In the
selection of the jury in the most cases they come as the most refined
element of the scum and refuse of the party class, whose labor in the
election of some democratic officer, can only be rewarded under these
terms; being unqualified to fill even the most inferior office of
their party, in a majority of cases, not even one of these is
acquainted with even the lowest element of learning, and if,
perchance, one can be found, he is made foreman. The Negro is never
thought of, but if, perchance, one should be selected, and in such a
manner is he prominent, even his color makes him conspicuous, he also
is on a par with his companions; men of influence are never selected.
Before I conclude with the jury may I say a word of those who select
them? In most States they are selected by the county commissioners, in
some by a jury commissioner. These commissioners, in most cases, are
none other than tools, instruments who have no minds of their own, but
like a reed before a gust of the mighty wind that blows nobody good,
as serfs and pampered menials bend irrespective of that higher
principle, that innate quality of man that places him above the brute
creation, serving in abject slavery for the carrying out of party
crime and cunning as well as subtle devices.
A court constituted of such elements as described, is an "Ideal One."
One to be desired, and the only one at whose hands justice, and only
that as gold refined, shall be tried, counterpoised and mete out to
every man justice, in the name of Heaven and at the hands of man.
But may I ask how are our courts of the South constituted? are any two
of the above qualities to be found in the most prominent of our
Southern courts of criminal jurisdiction? If Diogenes of old would
seek in our Southern courts for such a man, hereto, as in Greece, such
an one could not be found, for truth is no longer enthroned on its
sacred altar.
Having defined the true elements of which the courts of our Southland
are constituted, I shall pass to consider, THE MANNER IN WHICH THE
Negro is dealt with in these courts. Is the criminal Negro justly
dealt with in the courts of the South? is a question that I think is
more frequently asked than words can answer, language describe, or
man's wisdom unravel. Our woes have gone out to the ends of the earth
and, the stagnant waters can no longer contain its contaminating
germs, and now, even on the other side of the globe, we hear the
re-echo of our cries from this damnable cruelty wafted back to us by
the zephyrs that sustain expectations impregnated with hope telling of
some bright future.
What of the Negro in the sunny South? what of his rights as a citizen?
what of his treatment at the bar of justice? are questions also
propounded on the other side and since the trial cause of the alleged
rape has been made clear, we expect and are looking forth to the dawn
of a brighter future.
In our civil courts, in other words, our courts where property rights
are tried, I must say, that where tenement rights are concerned,
justice is meted out to the Negro even against the white man when
elevated to our higher courts, this is the only sphere in which a
lenient form of justice is prescribed and given the Negro. The same
cannot be alleged of him when his life, his liberty, or reputation or
citizenship is at stake.
Against a fellow Negro, he is in some instances protected, as against
a white man, seldom, if ever. In this latter it is not justice that is
the object of our courts, but the impeachment and condemnation of a
fellow man, giving vent to a vindictive racial prejudice. Be the crime
of the Negro ever so trivial, when against the white man, the sheriff,
having to carry out the oath; the jury, their party plans; the judge,
his selfish means; and, therefore, no evidence, however palpable,
however substantial and convincing can shield the Negro under such
instances. The skin of a white man being held sacred, cannot be
violated or polluted by the touch of the Negro's hands, be it in
self-defense, or in defense of his manhood, or in the defense of wife,
daughter or some other female relative. On the other hand, seldom, if
ever, can a white man be convicted when charged with striking a Negro,
or for any insult he may offer to his wife, sister, daughter or
mother; the juries being all white, they consider this no crime for a
white man.
May we notice the following facts of the records of our courts; may I
here testify and, without a fear of successful contradiction, that by
these, as matter for the criminal statistics of the race serves no
purpose.
First: Because our best citizens, the better class of our thinking
men and the most virtuous of our people are not tried at the hands of
an impartial jury, and innocence made to bear the stamp of guilt, can
in no way be accounted justice; for instance, in a case of assault and
battery, although the party charged is able and does prove, by legal
evidence, that his actions were prompted only by resistance in
self-defense, however convincing, if a white man can be found, if even
he does not know anything, but can allege a negative, this unjust
evidence counterpoises the balance of justice and the Negro is found
guilty. If, on the other hand, larceny be charged, it is almost an
impossibility even to attempt to defend, if there be a white witness
against you, it being taken for granted that every Negro is a thief.
Now in courts of justice according to my judgment, and according to
the law, every man is presumed to be innocent until his guilt is
proven beyond a reasonable doubt, by legal evidence, and such evidence
must be furnished or obtained by the prosecution. But men are daily
convicted in our courts, simply because they are Negroes.
In concluding, let me say, that a majority of my people labor under
appalling disadvantages, but I hope that the time is not far distant
when our courts will be constituted as the "Altars of Justice," the
judges and their associates, as its priests, and the American citizen,
be his color what it may, can come and there receive at the hands of
unblemished and unspotted servants redresses for wrongs, compensation
for impeached innocence and justice for his wrongs.