CHAPTER V

FIRST VISIT TO EUROPE

Longfellow's college class (1825) numbered thirty-seven, and his rank in

it at graduation was nominally fourth--though actually third, through

the sudden death of a classmate just before Commencement. Soon after his

graduation, an opportunity occurred to establish a professorship of

modern languages in the college upon a fund given by Mrs. Bowdoin; and

he, being then scarcely nineteen, and nominally a law student in his

father's office, was sent to Europe to prepare himself for this chair,

apparently on an allowance of six hundred dollars a year. The college

tradition is that this appointment--which undoubtedly determined the

literary tendencies of his whole life--was given to him in consequence

of the impression made upon an examining committee by the manner in

which he had translated one of Horace's odes. He accordingly sailed from

New York for Europe on May 15, 1826, having stopped at Boston on the

way, where he dined with Professor George Ticknor, then holding the

professorship at Harvard College to which Longfellow was destined to

succeed at a later day. Professor Ticknor had himself recently returned

from a German university, and urged the young man to begin his studies

there, giving him letters of introduction to Professor Eichhorn, to

Robert Southey, and to Washington Irving, then in Europe.

He sailed on the ship Cadmus, Captain Allen, and wrote to his mother

from Havre that his passage of thirty days had been a dreary blank, and

that the voyage was very tiresome because of the continual talking of

French and broken English, adding, "For Frenchmen, you know, talk

incessantly, and we had at least a dozen of them with us." In spite of

this rather fatiguing opportunity, he was not at once at home in French,

but wrote ere long, "I am coming on famously, I assure you." He wrote

from Auteuil, where he soon went, "Attached to the house is an extensive

garden, full of fruit-trees, and bowers, and alcoves, where the boarders

ramble and talk from morning till night. This makes the situation an

excellent one for me; I can at any time hear French conversation,--for

the French are always talking. Besides, the conversation is the purest

of French, inasmuch as persons from the highest circles in Paris are

residing here,--amongst others, an old gentleman who was of the

household of Louis the Sixteenth, and a Madame de Sailly, daughter of a

celebrated advocate named Berryer, who was the defender of Marshal Ney

in his impeachment for treason. There is also a young student of law

here, who is my almost constant companion, and who corrects all my

mistakes in speaking or writing the French. As he is not much older than

I am, I do not feel so much embarrassed in speaking to him as I do in

speaking to others. These are some of the advantages which I enjoy here,

and you can easily imagine others which a country residence offers over

that of a city, during the vacation of the literary institutions at

Paris and the cessation of their lectures."

It is to be noticed from the outset that the French villages

disappointed him as they disappoint many others. In his letters he

recalls "how fresh and cheerful and breezy a New England village is; how

marked its features--so different from the town, so peculiar, so

delightful." He finds a French village, on the other hand, to be like a

deserted town, having "the same paved streets, the same dark, narrow

alleys without sidewalks, the same dingy stone houses, each peeping into

its neighbor's windows, the same eternal stone walls, shutting in from

the eye of the stranger all the beauty of the place and opposing an

inhospitable barrier to the lover of natural scenery." But when he finds

himself among rural scenes, he has the delight felt by many an American

boy since his days, as in the picture following:--

"From Orléans I started on foot for Tours on the fifth of October.

October is my favorite month of the twelve. When I reflected that if I

remained in Paris I should lose the only opportunity I might ever enjoy

of seeing the centre of France in all the glory of the vintage and the

autumn, I 'shut the book-lid' and took wing, with a little knapsack on

my back, and a blue cap,--not exactly like Quentin Durward, but perhaps

a little more. More anon of him. I had gone as far as Orléans in the

_diligence_ because the route is through an uninteresting country.

"I began the pedestrian part of my journey on one of those dull,

melancholy days which you will find uttering a mournful voice in

Sewall's Almanack: 'Expect--much--rain--about--this--time!' 'Very

miscellaneous weather, good for sundry purposes,'--but not for a journey

on foot, thought I. But I had a merry heart, and it went merrily along

all day. At sundown I found myself about seven leagues on my way and one

beyond Beaugency. I found the route one continued vineyard. On each side

of the road, as far as the eye could reach, there was nothing but vines,

save here and there a glimpse of the Loire, the turrets of an old

château, or spire of a village church. The clouds had passed away with

the morning, and I had made a fine day's journey, cutting across the

country, traversing vineyards, and living in all the luxury of thought

which the occasion inspired. I recollect that at sunset I had entered a

path which wound through a wide vineyard where the villagers were still

at their labors, and I was loitering along, talking with the peasantry

and searching for an _auberge_ to pass the night in. I was presently

overtaken by a band of villagers; I wished them a good evening, and

finding that the girls of the party were going to a village at a short

distance, I joined myself to the band. I wanted to get into one of the

cottages, if possible, in order to study character. I had a flute in my

knapsack, and I thought it would be very pretty to touch up at a cottage

door, Goldsmith-like,--though I would not have done it for the world

without an invitation. Well, before long, I determined to get an

invitation, if possible. So I addressed the girl who was walking beside

me, told her I had a flute in my sack, and asked her if she would like

to dance. Now laugh long and loud! What do you suppose her answer was?

She said she liked to dance, but she did not know what a flute was! What

havoc that made among my romantic ideas! My _quietus_ was made; I said

no more about a flute, the whole journey through; and I thought nothing

but starvation would drive me to strike up at the entrance of a village,

as Goldsmith did."{11}

Thus, wherever he goes, his natural good spirits prevail over

everything. Washington Irving, in his diary, speaks of Longfellow at

Madrid as having "arrived safely and cheerily, having met with no

robbers." Mrs. Alexander Everett, wife of the American minister at

Madrid, writes back to America, "His countenance is itself a letter of

recommendation." He went into good Spanish society and also danced in

the streets on village holidays. At the Alhambra, he saw the refinement

of beauty within the halls, and the clusters of gypsy caves in the

hillside opposite. After eight months of Spain he went on to Italy,

where he remained until December, and passed to Germany with the new

year. He sums up his knowledge of the languages at this point by saying,

"With the French and Spanish languages I am familiarly conversant so as

to speak them correctly and write them with as much ease and fluency as

I do the English. The Portuguese I read without difficulty. And with

regard to my proficiency in the Italian, I have only to say that all at

the hotel where I lodge took me for an Italian, until I told them I was

an American." He settled down to his studies in Germany, his father

having written, with foresight then unusual, "I consider the German

language and literature much more important than the Italian." He did

not, however, have any sense of actual transplantation, as is the case

with some young students, for although he writes to his sister (March

28, 1829), "My poetic career is finished. Since I left America I have

hardly put two lines together," yet he sends to Carey & Lea, the

Philadelphia publishers, to propose a series of sketches and tales of

New England life. These sketches, as given in his note-book, are as

follows:--

"1. New England Scenery: description of Sebago Pond; rafting logs;

tavern scene; a tale connected with the 'Images.'

"2. A New England Village: country squire; the parson; the little

deacon; the farm-house kitchen.

"3. Husking Frolic: song and tales; fellow who plays the fife for the

dance; tale of the Quoddy Indians; description of Sacobezon, their

chief.

"5. Thanksgiving Day: its merry-making, and tales (also of the Indians).

"7. Description of the White Mountains: tale of the Bloody Hand.

"10. Reception of Lafayette in a country village.

"13. Down East: the missionary of Acadie."{12}

A few days after, he wrote from Göttingen to his father, "I shall never

again be in Europe." We thus see his mind at work on American themes in

Germany, as later on German themes in America, unconsciously predicting

that mingling of the two influences which gave him his fame. His earlier

books gave to studious Americans, as I can well recall, their first

imaginative glimpses of Europe, while the poet's homeward-looking

thoughts from Europe had shown the instinct which was to identify his

later fame with purely American themes. It is to be noticed that

whatever was artificial and foreign in Longfellow's work appeared before

he went to Europe; and was the same sort of thing which appeared in all

boyish American work at that period. It was then that in describing the

Indian hunter he made the dance go round by the greenwood tree. He did

not lay this aside at once after his return from Europe, and Margaret

Fuller said of him, "He borrows incessantly and mixes what he borrows."

Criticising the very prelude to "Voices of the Night," she pointed out

the phrases "pentecost" and "bishop's-caps" as indications that he was

not merely "musing upon many things," but on many books which described

them. But the habit steadily diminished. His very gift at translation,

in which he probably exceeded on the whole any other modern poet, led

him, nevertheless, always to reproduce old forms rather than create new

ones, thus aiding immensely his popularity with the mass of simple

readers, while coming short of the full demands of the more critical. To

construct his most difficult poems was thus mainly a serene pleasure,

and something as far as possible from that conflict which kept Hawthorne

all winter, by his wife's testimony, with "a knot in his forehead" while

he was writing "The Scarlet Letter."

It is always to be borne in mind that, as Mr. Scudder has pointed out in

his admirable paper on "Longfellow and his Art," the young poet was

really preparing himself in Europe for his literary work as well as for

his professional work, and half consciously. This is singularly

confirmed by his lifelong friend, Professor George W. Greene, who, in

dedicating his "The Life of Nathanael Greene" to his friend, thus

recalls an evening spent together at Naples in 1828:--

"We wanted," he says, "to be alone, and yet to feel that there was life

all around us. We went up to the flat roof of the house where, as we

walked, we could look down into the crowded street, and out upon the

wonderful bay, and across the bay to Ischia and Capri and Sorrento, and

over the house-tops and villas and vineyards to Vesuvius. The ominous

pillar of smoke hung suspended above the fatal mountain, reminding us of

Pliny, its first and noblest victim. A golden vapor crowned the bold

promontory of Sorrento, and we thought of Tasso. Capri was calmly

sleeping, like a sea-bird upon the waters; and we seemed to hear the

voice of Tacitus from across the gulf of eighteen centuries, telling us

that the historian's pen is still powerful to absolve or to condemn long

after the imperial sceptre has fallen from the withered hand. There,

too, lay the native island of him whose daring mind conceived the

fearful vengeance of the Sicilian Vespers. We did not yet know

Niccolini; but his grand verses had already begun their work of

regeneration in the Italian heart. Virgil's tomb was not far off. The

spot consecrated by Sannazaro's ashes was near us. And over all, with a

thrill like that of solemn music, fell the splendor of the Italian

sunset."{13}

As an illustration of this obvious fact that Longfellow, during this

first European visit, while nominally training himself for purely

educational work, was fitting himself also for a literary career, we

find from his letter to his father, May 15, 1829, that while hearing

lectures in German and studying faithfully that language, he was, as he

says, "writing a book, a kind of Sketch-Book of scenes in France, Spain,

and Italy." We shall presently encounter this book under the name of

"Outre-Mer." He connects his two aims by saying in the same letter, "One

must write and write correctly, in order to teach." Again he adds, "The

further I advance, the more I see to be done. The more, too, I am

persuaded of the charlatanism of literary men. For the rest, my fervent

wish is to return home." His brother tells us that among his note-books

of that period, we find a favorite passage from Locke which reappears

many years after in one of his letters and in his impromptu address to

the children of Cambridge, in 1880: "Thus the ideas as well as the

children of our youth often die before us, and our minds represent to us

those tombs to which we are approaching; where, though the brass and

marble remain, yet the inscriptions are effaced by time, and the imagery

moulders away."{14} He also included a quotation from John Lyly's

"Endymion," which ten years later furnished the opening of his own

"Hyperion." "Dost thou know what a poet is? Why, fool, a poet is as much

as one should say--a poet." When we consider what he had just before

written to his sister, it only furnishes another illustration of the

fact, which needs no demonstration, that young authors do not always

know themselves.

He reached home from Europe, after three years of absence, on August 11,

1829, looking toward Bowdoin College as his abode, and a professorship

of modern languages as his future position. Up to this time, to be sure,

the economical college had offered him only an instructorship. But he

had shown at this point that quiet decision and firmness which marked

him in all practical affairs, and which was not always quite approved by

his more anxious father. In this case he carried his point, and he

received on the 6th of September this simple record of proceedings from

the college:--

"In the Board of Trustees of Bowdoin College, Sept. 1st, 1829: Mr. Henry

W. Longfellow having declined to accept the office of instructor in

modern languages.

"Voted, that we now proceed to the choice of a professor of modern

languages.

"And Mr. H. W. Longfellow was chosen."

Thus briefly was the matter settled, and he was launched upon his life's

career at the age of twenty-two. Of those who made up his circle of

friends in later years, Holmes had just graduated from Harvard, Sumner

was a Senior there, and Lowell was a schoolboy in Cambridge. Few

American colleges had at that time special professors of modern

languages, though George Ticknor had set a standard for them all.

Longfellow had to prepare his own text-books--to translate "L'Homond's

Grammar," to edit an excellent little volume of French "Proverbes

Dramatiques," and a small Spanish Reader, "Novelas Españolas." He was

also enlisted in a few matters outside, and drew up the outline of a

prospectus for a girls' high school in Portland, such high schools being

then almost as rare as professorships of modern languages. He was also

librarian. He gave a course of lectures on French, Spanish, and Italian

literature, but there seems to have been no reference to German, which

had not then come forward into the place in American education which it

now occupies. As to literature, he wrote to his friend, George W.

Greene, "Since my return I have written one piece of poetry, but have

not published a line. You need not be alarmed on that score. I am all

prudence now, since I can form a more accurate judgment of the merit of

poetry. If I ever publish a volume, it will be many years first." It was

actually nine years. For the "North American Review" he wrote in April,

1831, an essay on "The Origin and Progress of the French Language." He

afterwards sent similar papers to the same periodical upon the Italian

and Spanish languages and literatures, each of these containing also

original translations. Thus he entered on his career as a teacher, but

another change in life also awaited him.

{11 _Life_, i. 90, 91.}

{12 _Life_, i. 165.}

{13 Scudder's _Men and Letters_, 28, 29.}

{14 Locke, _Essay on the Human Understanding_, bk. ii. ch. 10, "Of

Retention."}

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow · 第 5 / 24 章