CHAPTER VI.

NAVAL EXPEDITIONS--TRIAL AND EXECUTION.

The desirability of further crippling or arresting the reviving

power of Spain, engaged the continued attention of the queen and her

advisers, but there was much vacillation, on the part of the queen,

with regard to actual operations. In 1596 a commission was appointed to

act as a council of war, consisting of the Earl of Essex, Lord Charles

Howard, High Admiral; Sir Walter Raleigh, and Lord Thomas Howard.

Raleigh was treated with the highest consideration as an experienced

and skilful naval authority. As Admiral of the Counties, he sent to the

Council a valuable report on the defence of Cornwall and Devon. He was

appointed collector of levies for a projected hostile expedition to

Cadiz. In the prosecution of this work he displayed robust activity,

recruiting all round the southern and south-eastern coasts, flitting

about from place to place between Plymouth, Dover, Gravesend, and

Blackwall as occasion required. On 1st June 1596, the forces collected

put to sea, and on the 20th cast anchor in the Bay of San Sebastian.

The English fleet, in four divisions, comprised 93 ships; an auxiliary

Dutch squadron numbered 24 additional. The combined fleet had on board

about 13,000 English soldiers and sailors, and 2600 Dutchmen.

[Illustration: RALEIGH AS SAILOR, SCHOLAR, POET.]

This English Armada of 1596 was the “return match” for the “most happy

and invincible Armada” of Philip of Spain, that visited, and was for

the most part scattered, upon our shores in 1588. The English force,

although very imposing, was much smaller than the array which Spain had

made. As has been stated, the combined fleet consisted of 117 ships,

carrying 15,600 men. The Spanish Armada embraced 130 ships, some of

them of enormous size, carrying about 30,000 men all told, including

“124 volunteers of quality, and 180 monks.” The Spanish expedition

attracted the flower of the nobility of the nation, and the English

Armada, in like manner, enlisted the sympathy, fired the patriotism,

and inflamed the martial ardour of the flower of English chivalry.

The most distinguished men in both arms of the service accompanied

the expedition. Even amongst such associates in council and comrades

in arms, Sir Walter Raleigh came to the front simply by his native

force and merits; even in such a galaxy he shone the bright particular

star--he was pre-eminently the hero of the expedition.

At the beginning of the battle of Cadiz, Raleigh, in compliance with

the orders of the lord admiral, detached the ships under his charge

and the Dutch squadron from the main body, and took up a favourable

position for preventing the escape of Spanish ships from Cadiz

harbour. He was directed to watch, but not to fight unless attacked.

Lord Howard and the impetuous Essex, Raleigh being absent from their

council, determined to open the action by military, in preference to

naval operations--to land the soldiers and assault the town, leaving

the Spanish fleet alone for the time. Raleigh detected in this a false

and dangerous move, and despite his being a subordinate in command,

interposed with promptitude and courage. He came up with Essex in

the _Repulse_, when the embarkation of the soldiers was actually

in progress. There was a heavy sea running, making the landing an

enterprise to be attended with extreme difficulty and danger. He warmly

remonstrated with Essex, and declared that this course imperilled

their own lives, and risked the utter overthrow and ruin of the whole

expedition. Essex deferred to Raleigh’s superior experience, judgment,

and ability, and shifted the responsibility for the movement to the

lord admiral, to whom, on board the _Ark Royal_, Raleigh immediately

repaired,--now that he had boldly declared himself,--warmly supported

by the highest military officers of the expedition. Lord Howard was

converted to Raleigh’s views, which were in favour of immediate and

vigorous action, but on a different plan. From his own ship, the _War

Sprite_, Raleigh wrote a hurried letter to Lord Howard, advising the

order of battle, which included the attack by well-manned boats upon

the Spanish galleons, before they could be set on fire. Raleigh was at

his best in this crisis. He bore himself with graceful courtesy towards

his colleagues of the Council, and commanded, by his manifest grasp

of the situation, his skill, intrepidity, and genius for rapid and

vigorous action, their respect and admiration. Each of the four heads

of the force was eager to lead the van, but they generously conceded

the post of honour to Raleigh. Their final council before the action

was held late on the evening of June 20th. Cadiz was illuminated, and

its inhabitants carousing, and in the full enjoyment, as they supposed,

of perfect security. At daybreak on the 21st June, the splendid English

fleet swept into the harbour of Cadiz. Raleigh led in the _War Sprite_,

followed by Sir George Carew in the _Mary Rose_, Sir Francis Vere in

the _Rainbow_, Sir Robert Southwell in the _Lion_, Sir Conyers Clifford

in the _Dreadnought_, and another ship, the six being a considerable

distance in advance of the main body of the fleet. In front of them,

under the walls of Cadiz, were seventeen galleons that were the special

objects of attack. The forts and galleys opened fire upon the invading

squadron, making a target of the leading _War Sprite_. Raleigh answered

them not by shot from his guns, but, in contempt, by blasts from his

trumpets. In his account of the action, he says that “the _St. Philip_,

the great and famous ship of Spain, was the mark I shot at, esteeming

those galleys but as wasps.” The _St. Philip_ had a special claim upon

his attention. It was the _St. Philip_ and the _St. Andrew_ that had

been the principal actors in what Raleigh considered the murder of

his gallant friend and companion-in-arms, Sir Richard Grenville, who

in the fight at the Azores in 1591, in his ship the _Revenge_, with

a hundred men, faced in battle, and was crushed by, a Spanish fleet,

manned by fifteen thousand soldiers and sailors. Raleigh was determined

to avenge the death of his gallant friend and kinsman, or to perish in

the attempt. He came to anchor close to the galleons, and for three

hours the battle raged with great fury. Raleigh’s ship was suffering

severely, and he became impatient from the delay in the arrival of the

boats. He put on his skiff, and urged first Essex and afterwards the

admiral to make every possible effort to bring up the boats. During

this short parley, and Raleigh’s absence from his ship, some of the

other commanders, especially Sir Francis Vere in the _Rainbow_, had

attempted to supplant the _War Sprite_. Vere, the marshal, had a rope

attached from his own to Raleigh’s ship, to haul the _Rainbow_ abreast

of the leader. On Raleigh’s discovering this, he ordered the rope to be

thrown off, and for the remainder of the fight the _Rainbow_, excepting

a small part of the bows, was covered by the _War Sprite_. In Sir

Walter’s spirited description of the action, he says:--

“Having no hope of my fly-boats to board, and the earl and my Lord

Thomas having both promised to second me, I laid out a warp by the side

of the _Philip_ to shake hands with her, for with the wind we could not

get aboard; which, when she and the rest perceived, finding also that

the _Repulse_, seeing mine, began to do the like, and the rear-admiral

my Lord Thomas, they all let slip, and ran aground, tumbling into the

sea heaps of soldiers, as thick as if coals had been poured out of a

sack in many ports at once, some drowned, and some sticking in the mud.

The _Philip_ and the _St. Thomas_ burned themselves; the _St. Matthew_

and the _St. Andrew_ were recovered by our boats ere they could get

out to fire them. The spectacle was very lamentable on their side; for

many drowned themselves; many, half burned, leaped into the water; very

many hanging by the ropes’ end, by the ships’ side, under the water

even to the lips; many swimming with grievous wounds, stricken, under

water, and put out of their pain; and withal so huge a fire, and such

tearing of the ordnance in the great _Philip_ and the rest when the

fire came to them, as if a man had a desire to see hell itself, it was

there most lively figured. Ourselves spared the lives of all after the

victory, but the Flemings, who did little or nothing in the fight, used

merciless slaughter, till they were by myself, and afterwards by my

lord admiral, beaten off.”

In the action Raleigh received a serious wound in the leg, his flesh

was torn by splinters, which disabled him from taking part in the land

attack. Although his wound was excessively painful, he was unwilling

to be left behind, and had himself carried into Cadiz on a litter. But

a town in process of being sacked by soldiers freed from discipline

and restraint, grievously hurt as he was, and suffering the agony he

did, was no place for him, and he was speedily carried back to the

_War Sprite_. Early next morning, however, eager in spirit although

physically unfit for arduous duty, he went ashore again, and entreated

for leave to follow a fleet of richly-laden Spanish carracks, Indian

bound, that had escaped. The disturbance and excitement attending

the operations on land, prevented attention being given to Raleigh’s

request. In the interim of his waiting for authority, the Spanish

commander, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, settled the matter by burning

the whole fleet of rich argosies. Raleigh had the mortification of

witnessing the conflagration from the deck of the _War Sprite_. Of the

large fleet of Spain that had been completely defeated, only two ships,

the _St. Matthew_ and the _St. Andrew_, remained for the victors to

take home as prizes to England.

[Illustration: ENGLISH FLEET BEFORE CADIZ.]

Neither the lord admiral nor his colleagues on the Council concerned

themselves about sending home information about their proceedings. A

letter written by Raleigh to Cecil, dated 7th July, and taken home

by Sir Anthony Ashley, was the first news received in England of the

victory. An epidemic broke out in Raleigh’s ship, which could not be

effectively dealt with, and it was determined, 1st August, that he

should return with his ship to England, in company with two other ships

of the fleet. He arrived at Plymouth in six days. On the 12th he landed

at Weymouth, and proceeded to Sherborne for the rest and nursing of

which he stood so sorely in need. The remainder of the fleet returned

a few weeks later. Essex on the way home landed and pounced upon the

magnificent library of the Bishop of Algarve. He presented it to Sir

Thomas Bodley, to form the nucleus of the famous Bodleian Library,

which remaineth at Oxford until this day.

Of such glory as attached to the destruction of the Spanish fleet,

Sir Walter Raleigh was entitled to the chief share. There was much

plunder, great destruction and loss of property, but little or no prize

money resulted from the great victory. The “Council of Four” agreed

that if the property available for prize money realised as much, the

lord admiral and Essex should have £5000 each, and Raleigh £3000;

subordinate officers and men according to the amount that the treasure

would “pan out.” The Earl of Essex gallantly assigned his share to his

venerable and royal lady, but he might have saved himself the trouble,

for “the good Queen Bess,” without consultation, or “by’r leave,”

scooped up the whole. She further blamed the victorious chiefs of the

expedition for having failed to bring home the Indian carracks, and

adding to her coffers the treasure with which they were laden! Raleigh

did all he could to procure restoration to favour, but the queen

continued relentless towards him.

Raleigh’s hope and expectation of achieving credit and renown to

himself, and adding to the glory of his country, in connection with

“the large, rich, and beautiful empire of Guiana,” had slumbered while

other active enterprises engaged his energies, but they were now

revived. Towards the close of 1596 he sent out another expedition to

Guiana, under Captain Berrie, who brought back in the summer of 1597 a

glowing confirmation of Raleigh’s favourable report. About this time

he was received again at court, and appears to have been on the most

friendly terms with Sir Robert Cecil and the Earl of Essex.

Essex, high in authority, with the assent of the queen, it may be

supposed, and of the Privy Council and chiefs of the services, designed

another expedition against Spain, and needed Raleigh’s assistance,

which was heartily given. He fully approved the object, as may be

inferred from his _Spanish Alarum_, which he wrote expressly to

stimulate and warn the Government against its old enemy. He felt

assured that as soon as Philip should think his power sufficient,

he would attempt reprisals for the crushing losses and humiliating

indignities that had been inflicted upon him in the face of the

world. Raleigh was decidedly of opinion that it would be best not to

wait Philip’s coming, but to go to him at home, or on the high seas.

Restored to power, Raleigh proceeded energetically to victual and

equip a powerful fleet. The Dutch contributed a contingent of twelve

ships. On the night of Sunday, 10th July 1597, the fleet sailed from

the rendezvous in Plymouth Sound, but soon got separated by a violent

storm. Some of the ships were lost; the others got back as they could

to Falmouth, Plymouth, and Tor Bay. On 18th August the fleet again

put to sea. The _St. Andrew_ and the _St. Matthew_, Spanish prizes,

revisiting their native shores as enemies, were disabled in the Bay

of Biscay, and had to be left at La Rochelle. Raleigh’s ship also

sustained an accident, which required his detention for repairs off

Lisbon. Essex left directions for Raleigh to hasten after him to the

Azores. Raleigh rejoined the main fleet under Essex at Flores, on the

15th September. A pinnace from India, fallen in with, gave the news

that the homeward-bound Spanish fleet was changing its course this

year. The English fleet was, in consequence of this information, and

as the decision of a council of war, divided, and the ships of the

fleet assigned their several posts. Fayal was to be taken by Essex

and Raleigh, the other islands by different appointed commanders.

Essex sailed first, leaving Raleigh taking in provisions at Flores.

Essex, after he had left, sent a letter to Raleigh to come on at

once to Fayal, and do his victualling there. Raleigh had completed

his work, and sailed at midnight; he had perhaps a better ship than

Essex, or could handle it better, and thus headed his superior. When

Raleigh arrived at Fayal with the _War Sprite_ and the _Dreadnought_,

Essex had not come up. The inhabitants immediately began to construct

defensive works, and to remove their most valuable effects inland.

Raleigh waited, chafing insufferably with impatience, for three days.

On the fourth day his patience was exhausted; he leaped into a boat

at the head of a storming party, and scaled the cliffs. The Spaniards

contested every foot of the road, but were completely defeated, and

Raleigh at the head of his four hundred and fifty men, entered Fayal,

a “town full of fine gardens, orchards, and wells of delicate waters,

with fair streets, and one very fair church.”

Next morning Essex came creeping into the harbour. Raleigh went out

to meet and greet him. The impetuous earl felt mortified, doubtless,

at having been forestalled and eclipsed, and as he had those about

him envious of Raleigh, they would do what they could to inflame his

anger. Essex reproved Raleigh for breach of orders and articles, and

intimated that by taking Fayal without authority he had rendered

himself liable to the punishment of death. Raleigh defended himself,

and claimed that authority for what he had done had been given to him

by the queen’s letters patent. A reconciliation for the present was

patched up, and the fleet proceeded to St. Miguel, Raleigh being left

to watch the roadstead, in which he had not been posted long, ere an

Indian carrack of 1600 tons, laden with spices, unsuspectingly sailed

into what it took for a friendly Spanish fleet. Raleigh, at the head of

a party, made a prompt attempt to seize the vessel, but its commander

ran her ashore, enabled his crew to land, and set the ship on fire. It

was totally destroyed; he took, however, another carrack laden with

cochineal. Nothing else notable distinguished the voyage, in which

Raleigh, although not the highest in authority, was incontestably

the most prominent, active, and successful in action. He came home

in October, with his health greatly disordered and his strength much

impaired.

In 1598, Raleigh resumed his duties at court as Captain of the Guard.

Although his office brought him into personal contact with the queen,

and he had well proved his loyalty and valour, these claims failed

to benefit him. Essex had never been as patient and painstaking in

serving and endeavouring to please the queen as Raleigh had been,

yet nothing he might have asked from her in reason would have been

denied him; but to the faithful Raleigh she would give nothing. He

desired the office of Vice-Chamberlain, which had become vacant; he

thought it not unreasonable that he should be raised to the peerage;

he would have been a very fit man to have been made Lord Deputy of

Ireland; but from all these offices he was excluded, and Cecil, his

professed friend, prevented him from being sworn on the Privy Council.

Life at court became unpleasant from the jarring and bad blood that

prevailed. Essex had been so far left to himself as to personally

insult the queen, whose conditions he declared were “as crooked as her

carcass.” True friendship had never existed between Essex and Raleigh,

and their relations did not improve by closer contact,--very much the

reverse; their dislike grew into hate. About this time Raleigh formed

another friendship that was to have much to do in effecting his ruin.

This dangerous friend was Henry Brooke, afterwards Lord Cobham,

Lady Cecil’s brother, who, with his brother, George Brooke, were the

champions of Arabella Stuart, cousin of James I., daughter of Charles

Stuart, a younger brother of Darnley, whom they conspired to support

by secret intrigues as heir to the throne. Raleigh got unwittingly

entangled with them, to his ultimate, although long-deferred, ruin.

The closeness of his intimacy with Cobham may be inferred from the

following letter, of date--

“BATH, _April 29, 1600_.

“Here we attend you and have done this se’enight, and we still

mourn your absence, the rather that we fear your mind is changed.

I pray let us hear from you at least, for if you come not we will

go hereby home, and make but short tarrying here. My wife will

despair ever to see you in these parts, if your Lordship come

not now. We can but long for you and wish you as our own lives

whatsoever.--Your Lordship’s everest faithful, to honour you most.

W. RALEIGH.”

At intervals Raleigh did much good work in connection with his offices

as Lord Lieutenant of Cornwall, Warden of the Stannaries; affairs in

Ireland also engaged much of his attention.

Sir Anthony Paulet, Governor of Jersey, died in August 1600, and

Raleigh was appointed his successor. He “entered into residence” in

October, Lady Raleigh and their little son Walter, now six years old,

witnessing his departure from Weymouth. As Governor he discharged his

duties with a breadth of view and a spirit of enterprise not often

manifested by such officials. From considerations of policy his first

intention was to destroy the castle of Mont Orgueil, but he was not an

iconoclast; its stately architecture and commanding position so charmed

him as to induce him to appoint a military guard for its preservation.

He established a trade communication for interchange of products

between Jersey and Newfoundland. In many ways he lightened the burdens

and improved the condition of the people, whom he ruled with wisdom,

justice, and beneficence.

Essex was tried and executed in 1601. The friends of Essex stigmatised

Raleigh. A trap was laid for him by Sir Christopher Blount and others,

who attempted, but unsuccessfully, to assassinate Raleigh when he kept

an appointment on the river, off Durham House, to which they lured him.

Four shots were fired at him from a boat manned by Blount and some of

Essex’s servants. Raleigh escaped unhurt. Blount confessed having taken

part in this treachery, and on the scaffold asked pardon from Raleigh,

which was freely granted. Touching his enmity with Essex, Raleigh

states that he “shed tears for him when he died. I confess I was of a

contrary faction, but I knew he was a noble gentleman. Those that

set me up against him, did afterwards set themselves against me.”

[Illustration: ST. HELIER, JERSEY.]

In 1601, Raleigh had much trouble in connection with Meeres, bailiff

of the Sherborne estates, who was first aggressive and overbearing,

and when brought to account, insolent, malicious, and audacious;

clever enough to make much mischief, and cause his abused employer

much vexation and annoyance. He made himself amenable to the law, and

confessed that he had wrongously maligned Sir Walter. He was pardoned,

but pardon was not followed by repentance, and he continued as vicious

and troublesome as before.

In September 1601, Henry IV. of France being at Calais, sent a

complimentary embassy, consisting of the Duke de Biron and a large and

brilliant retinue, to pay respect to Queen Elizabeth. The queen was

not in London at the time, and the remnant of her court left behind

were unequal to the duty of fitly entertaining the French chevaliers.

Raleigh happened, most opportunely, to pay a visit to London, and

exercised his accomplishments to good purpose in the entertainment of

the distinguished visitors, whom he escorted to Westminster, and to the

Bear Garden by way of variety. After “doing London,” he accompanied the

party, “by royal command,” to Hampshire, where the queen was the guest

of the Marquis of Worcester. In anticipation of the visit, and by the

queen’s desire, Raleigh wrote to Lord Cobham to join him, and assist

in entertaining the visitors. Raleigh’s letters to Cobham show that

they were on terms of intimate friendship.

In November the Duke of Lennox visited London, with a delicate

diplomatic commission from James of Scotland touching the succession

to the English throne. Amongst others he saw Raleigh and Cobham, both

of whom he found unfavourable to the claims of the Scottish king. In

the complications which resulted from this important question of State

policy, Cecil, never a warm friend of Raleigh, became more unfriendly

and even hostile, and accused him of ingratitude.

In 1602, Raleigh sent out commissioners to look after, and, if

possible, more firmly settle the colony of Virginia, which had now

occupied his attention for above a dozen years. His representatives

were his nephew, Bartholomew Gilbert, Captain Gosnoll, and Samuel

Mace. No definite results followed their expeditions, beyond their

supplying a link establishing Raleigh’s claim to be the founder of the

still inchoate colony. At home Raleigh devoted his time and attention

to the discharge of his numerous and onerous official duties. He was

at this time in poor health, very depressed in spirits, and pestered

by legal proceedings taken by his dismissed steward Meeres, with whom

Lord Thomas Howard, now Lord Howard of Bindon, Raleigh’s brother

commander in the Cadiz expedition, meanly and maliciously conspired.

Towards the close of 1602, Raleigh had what has been supposed his last

interview with Queen Elizabeth, who asked for his counsel with respect

to Irish affairs. He advised that the leaders of the malcontents

should be treated with rigorous severity. In the same year he sold

his great estates in Ireland to Boyle, Earl of Cork. Queen Elizabeth

died 30th March 1603. The loss of his protector and patroness was to

Raleigh ruinous and irreparable. His career up to this point--he was

now fifty-one years of age--had not been distinguished by unclouded

sunshine,--henceforth it was to be marked by unrelieved gloom. Of his

well-earned title to honour and fame he could not be wholly stripped,

but it was in the power of his enemies to deprive him of offices,

property, peace, and other conditions that made life worth living. He

entered now upon his decline and fall.

King James received Raleigh roughly, and at once superseded him as

Captain of the Guard; Cecil was raised to the peerage as a mark of

favour. In May 1603, Raleigh, in terms of a royal warrant, was required

to surrender Durham House to the Bishop of Durham. He had expended

large sums upon the “rotten house” to which, as was now stated, he

had “no right.” The order to quit was most arbitrary and unjust. He

had received no notice, and was required in the space of a few days

to clear out his retinue of forty persons and twenty horses, with the

provision laid in for them.

James was favourable to Spain and the Catholics; Raleigh never

repressed or concealed his hostility to both. Raleigh became involved

with Lord Cobham and George Brooke, brothers-in-law of Cecil, in an

alleged treasonable plot, the lines and objects of which it would be

difficult to define. Raleigh was arrested on 17th July, and immured in

the Tower on the information of his dastardly and dangerous friend,

Lord Cobham, the Judas who should have been consigned to the dungeon,

in place of his too confiding and credulous friend. In his depression

and desperation he attempted suicide. Anticipating death, he wrote an

extremely touching letter to his wife:--

“Receive from thy unfortunate husband,” he writes, “these last

lines.... That I can live never to see thee and my child more! I

cannot! I have desired God and disputed with my reason, but nature and

compassion have the victory. That I can live to think how you are both

left a spoil to my enemies, and that my name shall be a dishonour to

my child! I cannot!... Unfortunate woman, unfortunate child, comfort

yourselves, trust God, and be contented with your poor estate. I would

have bettered it, if I had enjoyed a few years.

“What will my poor servants think, at their return, when they hear I

am accused to be Spanish, who sent them, at my great charge, to plant

and discover upon his territory! O God! O intolerable infamy!... For

the rest I commend me to thee, and thee to God, and the Lord knows my

sorrow to part from thee and my poor child, and let him know his father

was no traitor. Be bold of my innocence, for God--to whom I offer life

and soul--knows it.... And the Lord for ever keep thee and give thee

comfort in both worlds.”

On 21st September, Raleigh, Cobham, and George Brooke were indicted at

Staines. The charge was “of exciting rebellion against the king, and

raising one Arabella Stuart to the crown of England.” This Arabella

Stuart was first cousin to James, being the daughter of Charles Stuart,

fifth Earl of Lennox, Darnley’s elder brother. Raleigh’s bitter enemy,

Lord Thomas Howard, afterwards Lord Howard of Bindon, and yet again

created Earl of Suffolk, had powerful influence amongst the higher

powers, and exercised his influence virulently against Raleigh to the

full extent of his power. Raleigh was repeatedly examined, and on

Thursday, 17th November 1603, put upon his trial before a Court of

King’s Bench, the court-room having been fitted up in the old episcopal

palace at Winchester. Lord Chief Justice Popham presided, and had with

him on the bench as commissioners, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir W. Wood, the

Earl of Devonshire, and Howard of Bindon, Earl of Suffolk, with judges

Anderson, Gawdy, and Warburton. Sir Edward Coke, Attorney-General,

prosecuted, with Serjeant Hale as his “junior.”

The indictment against Raleigh was in effect--

That he did conspire, and go about to deprive the king of his

government, to raise up sedition within the realm, to alter religion,

to bring in the Roman superstition, and to procure foreign enemies to

invade the kingdom. That the Lord Cobham, the 9th of June last, did

meet with the said Sir Walter Raleigh in Durham House, in the parish

of St. Martins in the Fields, and then and there had conference with

him, how to advance Arabella Stuart to the crown and royal throne of

this kingdom, and that then and there it was agreed that Cobham should

treat with Aremberg, ambassador from the Archduke of Austria, and

obtain of him 600,000 crowns to bring to pass the intended treasons. It

was agreed that Cobham should go to Albert the Archduke to procure him

to advance the pretended title of Arabella, from thence, knowing that

Albert had not sufficient means to maintain his own army in the Low

Countries, Cobham should go to Spain to procure the king to assist and

further her pretended title.

It was agreed, the better to effect all this conspiracy, that Arabella

should write three letters, one to the Archduke, another to the King

of Spain, and a third to the Duke of Savoy, and promise three things:

first, to establish a firm peace between England and Spain; secondly,

to tolerate the popish and Roman superstition; thirdly, to be ruled by

them in contracting of her marriage.

[Illustration: SIR WALTER RALEIGH CONFINED IN THE TOWER.]

And for the effecting these traitorous purposes, Cobham should return

by the Isle of Jersey, and should there find Sir Walter Raleigh,

Captain of the said isle, and take counsel of him for the distributing

the aforesaid crowns, as the occasion or discontentment of the subjects

should give cause and way.

That Raleigh must be found guilty was a foregone conclusion. The

trial was a cruel mockery of the accused; a flagrant outrage upon

the spirit, even the mere name, of justice. One of the judges at

least--Gawdy--confessed on his death-bed that the procedure had

violated and “degraded the justice of England.” Coke attacked the

apparently deserted and friendless defendant with uncontrollable

ferocity, with a shameless abuse of his office. Instead of attempting

to prove his case by admissible evidence and legitimate arguments, he

discharged upon the defendant a torrent of coarse invective, that was

utterly disgraceful in the public prosecutor in a State trial. His

case was doubtless aggravated by the feeling that the man whom he was

privileged with permission to abuse was his superior, and bore himself

with a self-command and dignity of demeanour that Coke could appreciate

in another, but to which it was not given to himself to attain.

The sole evidence(?) against Raleigh consisted of the alleged

declarations of persons with whom he was not confronted, as he

demanded to be. Coke, in successive speeches, denounced the defendant

with insensate rage, and in disgustingly clumsy phrases, as the

“notoriousest traitor,” the “vilest viper,” the “absolutest traitor

that ever came to the bar.” Raleigh had great difficulty in obtaining

a hearing, in checking the rushing stream of violent abuse. “You try

me,” said he, “as by the Spanish Inquisition, if you proceed only

by the circumstances, without two witnesses.” He pleaded that “by

the statute law and by God’s word it was required that there be two

witnesses. Bear me if I ask for only one; the common law is my support

in this. Call my accuser before my face, and I have done. All I hear

against me is but this accusation of Cobham. Which of his accusations

has he subscribed to or avouched?” Cobham, it appears, had made eight

different confessions, each conflicting in some points, or varying from

all the others. Coke’s answer to Raleigh’s reasonable plea was to heap

more violent, utterly irrelevant abuse upon him,--“Thou art the most

vile and execrable traitor that ever lived. I will make it appear that

there never lived a viler viper on the face of the earth than thou. I

want words to express sufficiently thy viperous treasons.” “You want

words, indeed,” interposed Raleigh, “for you have spoken one thing half

a dozen times; you speak indiscreetly, barbarously, and uncivilly.”

Raleigh defended himself with signal ability, but in vain. Popham

summed up strongly against him, and the packed jury found him guilty.

The rumours in circulation against Raleigh had been accepted, and

before the trial popular fury raged against him. The effect of the

trial, the cruel, crushing injustice with which he was treated, caused

a reaction in his favour. So gross and palpable was the injustice done

to him, that even in the High Court, Popham was hissed and Coke was

hooted, by the portion of the public present during the proceedings.

The revolting terms of the sentence are too hideous to be recited. Many

weary years elapsed between Raleigh’s sentence and his execution.

A number of persons really concerned in the conspiracy were tried

and condemned about the same time as Raleigh, and were executed.

The execution of others, including Raleigh, was stayed by the king,

although Raleigh had no knowledge of this. The Bishop of Winchester,

who was appointed to prepare him for execution, gave him no hope.

Believing himself at death’s door, he wrote a touching farewell letter

to his wife, in which he says:--

“Know it, dear wife, that your son is the child of a true man, and

who, in his own respect, despiseth death and all his misshapen and

ugly forms. I cannot write much. God knows how hardly I stole this

time, when all sleep; and it is time to separate my thoughts from the

world. Beg my dead body, which living was denied you; and either lay

it at Sherborne, if the land continue yours, or in Exeter Church, by my

father and mother. I can write no more. Time and death call me away.”

From Wolvesley Castle, in which Raleigh was confined after his trial,

he was, after having received the announcement that his life was not

to be taken, removed to the Tower of London on the 16th December 1603,

and remained there a State prisoner for twelve years. He, of course,

lost his various offices and sources of income, excepting Sherborne,

which was coveted and greedily desired by court favourites and others.

Ultimately the estate was taken by the king, and £8000 paid as

purchase-money for the benefit of Lady Raleigh and her children. Many

of Raleigh’s voluminous writings were composed during the period of his

confinement in the Tower.

The queen, who made the acquaintance of Raleigh about the year 1606,

was very favourably disposed towards him, as was also Prince Henry, a

most promising prince, who became warmly attached to the illustrious

prisoner, and would probably have been successful in obtaining his

release, had he been spared. He obtained from the king, indeed, a

promise of Raleigh’s release, but died before the stipulated date

had arrived. Influence on Raleigh’s behalf continued to be used with

the king, who at last gave way to the importunities of the captive’s

friends, and a warrant for his release from the Tower was signed by

James on the 30th January 1616.

An express condition involved in Raleigh’s liberation was that he

should proceed at once to undertake preparations for, and to personally

conduct, another expedition to Guiana. This he set about with

promptitude and energy, investing in it the whole of what remained of

his fortune. Raleigh and his friends contributed to the enterprise an

aggregate of about £15,000. Raleigh was by royal commission appointed

commander of the expedition, which consisted of the _Destiny_, of 440

tons, which was built under Raleigh’s personal direction, and six

smaller vessels.

The fleet sailed in March 1617. It could not be regarded with hopeful

confidence. Raleigh’s description of the _personnel_ of the expedition

is decidedly unsatisfactory. “A company of volunteers who for the most

part had neither seen the sea nor the wars; who, some forty gentlemen

excepted, were the very scum of the world, drunkards, blasphemers,

and such others as their fathers, brothers, and friends thought it

an exceeding good gain to be discharged of, with the hazard of some

thirty, forty, or fifty pound.” Raleigh was commander of the fleet,

and his son Walter captain of the _Destiny_. Various delays occurred.

On the 12th June the fleet left Plymouth, but soon got separated by

stormy weather, and some of the ships turned back to Falmouth. The

fleet reassembled in Cork harbour, and remained there waiting for a

favourable wind for nearly six weeks. While thus detained, Raleigh

disposed as completely as possible, and on the best terms he could

command, of his remaining Irish leases and other interests in Ireland.

The fleet called at the Canaries and the Cape Verde Islands. After

encountering much rough weather, they sighted, on the 11th November,

Cape Orange, the most northerly point of the coast of Brazil; on the

14th they anchored at the mouth of the Cayenne River; and Raleigh, who

had been struck down by fever, was conveyed from the choky cabin to his

barge. From this place he writes to Lady Raleigh: “To tell you I might

be here King of the Indians were a vanity; but my name hath still lived

among them. Here they feed me with fresh meat and all that the country

yields; all offer to obey me. Commend me to poor Carew, my son.” Here,

also, Goodwin, the English lad left as exchange hostage on the occasion

of his first visit, twenty-two years before, came to do homage to his

old master. He was voluble in the Indian tongue, but had almost lost

ability to express himself in English.

The state of his health incapacitated Raleigh from conducting the

expedition on the Orinoco and searching for the expected mines of the

precious metals--gold more especially. He despatched a party under the

command of Captain Keymis; his son Walter, and George Raleigh, his

nephew, accompanied the expedition. Its result was disastrous. Keymis

attacked a Spanish settlement--San Thomé; and young Walter Raleigh lost

his life in the fight. Keymis, with a remnant of the men left with

him, fled in the belief that a powerful Spanish force was in pursuit.

When Raleigh and Keymis met, the admiral was severe in his reproof,

and required from him such explanation of his conduct as he could give

for the satisfaction of His Majesty and the State. Keymis, in great

dejection, committed suicide. The crews mutinied, and became quite

unmanageable; and the ships returned, each as the crews could find

their way, to English ports. On the 21st May, Raleigh in the _Destiny_

reached Kinsale harbour, and on the 21st June arrived at Plymouth,

infirm in body, broken in spirit, penniless, dejected, and destitute.

Intrigues against Raleigh were originated and stimulated by Gondomar,

the Spanish ambassador. He was beset with spies, who ensnared him into

acts and confessions--to be employed against him. Sir Lewis Stukely, a

cousin of Raleigh, an infamous wretch, was the traitor of the miserable

drama. Again the grand old man had to stand his trial; the charge now

was, of having abused the king’s confidence by setting out to find gold

in a mine which never existed, with instituting a piratical attack upon

a peaceful Spanish settlement, with attempting to capture the Mexican

Plate fleet, although he had been specially warned that he would take

his life in his hands, if he committed any one of these three faults.

Raleigh was tried before the Commissioners on 22nd October. He denied

having had any intention of stirring up war between England and Spain,

and declared that he had confidently believed in the existence of the

gold mine. He confessed that in case of his failing to find the mine,

he would if he could have taken the Mexican fleet. At the close of the

examination, Lord Francis Bacon, in the name of the commissioners, said

that he was guilty of abusing the confidence of King James, and of

injuring the subjects of Spain, and that he must prepare to die,--being

already civilly dead. Execution was ordered upon the Winchester

sentence of 1603. On the 28th October 1618 he was roused from his bed

in the Tower, where he lay suffering from a severe attack of ague. The

order of movement was so hurried that the barber remarked that his

master had not had time to comb his head. “Let them comb it that are to

have it,” said Raleigh. He had been brought first to Westminster Hall

from the Tower, and from the Hall was taken to the Gate House. On the

way he told his old friend, Sir Hugh Beeston, “to secure a good place

at the show next morning, adding that he (Raleigh) was sure of one.”

His cousin, Francis Thynne, suggested that he should be more serious,

lest his enemies should report his levity. Raleigh rejoined, “It

is my last mirth in this world, do not grudge it to me.” The good Dr.

Tounson, Dean of Westminster, a stranger to Raleigh, was puzzled by his

conduct, but confessed his admiration. After the execution, he reported

“he was the most fearless of death he had ever known, and the most

resolute and confident, yet with reverence and conscience.”

[Illustration: LORD FRANCIS BACON.]

It was late, on the evening before the date fixed for execution, when

Lady Raleigh knew that the end was so near. She hastened to the Gate

House, and remained till midnight with her husband, from whom she had

been so much parted involuntarily, and from whom she was to be so soon

finally separated in this life.

In the morning the dean visited Raleigh in the Gate House, and

administered the Eucharist. He ate a hearty breakfast, and smoked a

pipe of tobacco. The servant brought him a cup of sack, and, after he

had drunk, asked if the wine was to his liking. “I may answer you,”

said Raleigh, “as the fellow did on his way to Tyburn. ‘It is good

drink, if a man might stay by it.’” As they passed through the dense

crowd that had assembled, Raleigh noticed a very old man bareheaded. He

pulled off the rich laced cap that he was wearing, and, throwing it to

the old man with the remark, “Friend, you need this more than I do,”

passed on himself bareheaded.

On the scaffold he delivered an ingenious and eloquent speech that

occupied nearly half an hour. At the windows of an adjacent house

he noticed a number of noblemen and gentlemen with whom he had been

connected in his foreign adventures, or associated in public affairs.

Amongst others were the Earls of Arundel, Oxford, and Northampton. He

seemed anxious that they should hear his vindication of his conduct,

and apologised for the weakness of his voice, whereupon they came

down, solemnly embraced him, and took their places around him on the

scaffold. He prayed that the company might bear with him, because

this was the third day of his fever, which might cause him to show

weakness. “I thank God,” he said, “that He has sent me to die in the

light and not in darkness. I also thank God that He has suffered me to

die before such an assembly of honourable witnesses, and not obscurely

in the Tower, where for the space of thirteen years together I have

been oppressed with many miseries. And I return Him thanks that my

fever hath not taken me at this time, as I prayed to Him that it might

not, that I might clear myself of such accusations unjustly laid to my

charge, and leave behind me the testimony of a true heart both to my

king and country.”

His speech was ingenious and eloquent, and well fitted to move the

sympathy of his hearers. He closed his address--

“And now I entreat that you will all join me in prayer to the great

God of heaven, whom I have grievously offended, being a man full of

all vanity, who has lived a sinful life in such callings as have

been most inducing to it; for I have been a soldier, a sailor, and

a courtier, which are courses of wickedness and vice; that His

almighty goodness will forgive me, that He will cast away my sins,

and that He will receive me into everlasting life.--So I take my

leave of you all, making my peace with God.”

His friends lingered on the stage after visitors had been asked to

quit, and Raleigh himself requested them to leave, saying smilingly, “I

have a long journey to go, and must take my leave of you.” Turning to

the headsman, he asked to see his axe. “Let me see it, I prithee,” he

said, as the executioner hesitated. “Dost thou think that I am afraid

of it?” Feeling its keen edge, he turned to the sheriff, to whom he

said with a smile, “’Tis a sharp medicine, but one that will cure me

of all my diseases.” The executioner, greatly moved, begged Raleigh to

pardon him for this cruel duty his office imposed. Raleigh answered him

by a kindly touch on the shoulders and assuring words. Turning to the

people, to whom he bowed right and left, Raleigh cried aloud, “Give me

heartily your prayers.” He then lay down, and gave the directions to

the headsman, “When I stretch forth my hands, despatch me.” After a

brief space, in which he was supposed to be engaged in silent prayer,

he put out his hands, but the man was completely overcome, and could

not perform his office. Again he repeated the signal, and yet a third

time, saying, “What dost thou fear? Strike, man, strike!” At last he

did strike, and with two rapidly delivered blows completely severed

Raleigh’s head from his body. According to custom, the head was held

up in view of the people, but it is not recorded that they were called

upon to behold the head of a traitor!

“All Europe,” says a biographer of last century, “was astonished

at the injustice and cruelty of this proceeding; but Gondamor, the

Spanish ambassador, thirsted for his blood, on account of his having

been the scourge of Spain during the reign of Queen Elizabeth; and

King James durst not refuse him the life of a man who, as a soldier,

a scholar, and a statesman, was the greatest ornament to his country.

This mean-spirited prince, to his eternal infamy, soon after ordered

Cortington, one of the residents of Spain, to inform the Spanish Court

how able a man Sir Walter Raleigh was, and yet to give them content,

he had not spared him, though, by preserving him, he would have given

great satisfaction to his subjects, and had at his command, upon all

occasions, as useful a man as served any prince in Christendom.”

THE PLANTING OF THE GREAT AMERICAN COLONIES.

Half hours on the quarter-deck: The Spanish Armada to Sir Cloudesley Shovel 1670 · 第 6 / 17 章