I dare say no place would have looked very attractive to me when I
came out from that hospital; but London and my lodging in it did seem
past all bearing unattractive. The Dorking lodging had been definitely
relinquished, and in any case I had no wish now to see Dorking, Leith
Hill, or the common.
Knowing practically nothing of my native land outside its capital, I
packed a small bag at my lodging, and walked to the nearest large
railway station, which happened to be Paddington. Arrived there, I
spent some dull moments in staring at way-bills, and finally took a
ticket at a venture for Salisbury. There I found a quiet lodging, and
spent the evening in idly wandering about the cathedral close.
The next day found me tramping over short turf--turf more ancient than
the cathedral--in the neighbourhood of Stonehenge. And so I spent the
better part of a fortnight, greatly to the benefit I dare say of my
bodily health. I shall always love the tiny hamlets of that sun and
wind-washed countryside, between Warminster, Andover, Stockbridge, and
Salisbury. Yet always they will be associated in my mind with a bowing
down sense of loneliness, of empty, unredeemed sadness, and of
irretrievable loss. I cannot pretend that I experienced any sense of
remorse or penitence, where my abortive attempt to win another man's
bride was concerned. I had no such feeling. But, discreditable as that
fact may be, it did not make the aching sorrow that possessed me any
the less real.
I was conscious of no remorse, and yet, God knows my state of mind was
humble enough, though too sombre and despairing to be called resigned.
I believe that in the retrospect my loss seemed more, a great deal
more to me, than just a lover's loss; though upon that score alone I
was smitten to the very dust. It was rather as though, at the one
blow, I had lost my heart's desire and a fortune and a position in the
world; or, at least, that these had been snatched from my grasp in the
moment of becoming mine.
I do not think I could ever explain this to any one else; since I
suppose that in the monetary sense the rupture of my plans left me the
better off. But I, who had always been something of an outlier in the
social sense, an unplaced wanderer bearing the badge of no particular
caste, I had grown in some way to feel that marriage with Cynthia
would in this sense bring me to an anchorage, and admit me to a
definite place of my own in the complex world of London. The idea was
not wholly unreasonable. I had lived very rapidly in those few
critical weeks. Years of hope, endeavour, determination, and emotional
experience, I had crowded into my last days in Dorking. And through it
all I had been upheld and exalted by a pervasive conviction (which I
apprehend is not part of the ordinary lover's capital) that now, at
length, I was to know peace, rest, content; the calm, glad realisation
of all the vague yearnings and strivings which had spurred me to
strenuousness, to unceasing effort, all my life long.
Cynthia had been the object of my love, of my passionate adoration,
indeed. But she had also been a great deal more. When she had bowed
her beautiful head to my wooing, when she had promised that upon my
call she would come, she had (all unconsciously, of course) become
more than my beloved. She became for me the actual embodiment, the
incarnate end, aim, and reward of all the strivings of my lonely life,
from the night of my flight from St. Peter's Orphanage down to that
very day. In my rapt contemplation of her, of the personality which
enthralled me far, far more than her beautiful person could, I smiled
over recollection of my bitter struggles in London slums, of the
heart-racking anxiety and grinding humiliation of life with poor
Fanny. I smiled happily at that squalid vista as at some trifling
inconvenience by the way, too small to be remembered as an obstacle in
my path toward the all-sufficing and radiant peace of union with
Cynthia.
'Now I see why all my life has been worth while,' I told myself on the
eve of the clumsy, brutal blow of Fate's hand that had for ever robbed
me of Cynthia.
In the living, the end had sometimes seemed too hopelessly far off to
justify the wearing strain of the means. There had been so little
refreshment by the way. But with Cynthia's promise there had come to
me an all-embracing certainty that my whole life had been justified;
that the end and reward of all my struggles was actually in my hands;
that I now had arrived, and was about to step definitely out from the
ranks of the striving, unsatisfied, hungry outliers, into the serene
company of those whose faces shine with the light of assured
happiness; of those who fight and struggle no longer; for the reason
that they have found their allotted place in life, and are at anchor
within the haven of their ambitions.
I may have been very greatly to blame in my passionate wooing of
another man's affianced wife; but, at least, I believe that my loss of
Cynthia was a far greater and more crushing loss for me than the loss
of any woman could possibly have been for Charles Barthrop. For me,
she had stood for all life held that was desirable--the sum and plexus
of my aims. For Barthrop there were his keenly relished sports and
pastimes, his host of friends, his family, his luxurious and well-defined
place in the world--not to mention the city of London.
V
When I left the spacious purlieus of Salisbury, it was to engage
chambers--bedroom, sitting-room, and bathroom--in a remodelled adjunct
to one of the Inns of Court. Here my arrangement was that a simple
breakfast should be served to me each day in my sitting-room, and that
I was free to obtain my other meals wherever I might choose. Thus
provided for in the matter of a place of residence, I resumed the
discarded journalistic life, as a member of the _Advocate's_ editorial
staff, in accordance with the engagement entered into with Arncliffe,
when I believed I had been arranging to secure an income for Cynthia
and myself.
Before renting these rooms I had called upon Sidney Heron, and invited
him to share a set of chambers with me.
'No,' he said, in his blunt way, 'I'd rather keep you as a friend.'
I dare say he was right; and, in any case, he had a fancy for living
at a good distance from the centre of the town; whereas my own
inclination was to avoid the town altogether, if that might be, and
failing this to have one's sanctuary right in the centre of it. My
chambers were within five minutes' walk of the _Advocate_ office, and
not much more than half that distance from the Thames Embankment--a
spot which interested me as much as its lively neighbour, the Strand,
irritated and worried me. An uneasy, shoddy street I thought the
Strand, full of insistent tawdriness and of broken-spirited folk whose
wretchedness had something in it more despicable than pitiable. Save
for its occasional gaping rustics (whom I thought sadly misguided to
be there at all) I cordially hated the Strand. But the Embankment I
regarded as one of the most romantic thoroughfares in London; and many
a score of articles (which brought me money) do I owe to the
inspiration of that broad, darkling, river-skirted road, and the queer
human flotsam and jetsam one may meet with there.
Among the direct results of Cynthia Lane's influence, I must place my
interest in politics. I had hardly realised that women had any concern
with politics until I met Cynthia. She was in no sense a politician,
but she followed the political news of the day with the same bright
and illuminating intelligence which she brought to bear upon all the
affairs of her life; and her attitude toward them was informed by a
fine patriotism, at once reasoning and ardent. Chance phrases from her
lips had opened my eyes to the existence of a love for England, for
our flag, and race, such as I had not dreamed of till that time.
We spoke once or twice of my Australian experiences. And here again
Cynthia's patriotism suggested whole avenues of unsuspected thought
and feeling to me. It was Cynthia who introduced to my mind the
conception of the British Empire, and our race, as a single family,
having many branching offshoots. I do not mean that Cynthia supplied
facts or theories hitherto unknown to me. But I do mean that her
woman's mind first made me feel these things, intimately and
personally, as people feel the joys and sorrows of members of their
own households.
As a result I looked now with changed eyes upon many things. Before, I
had loathed and detested the slums of London, and the vicious, ugly
squalor of the lives of many of their inhabitants; hated them with the
bitterness of one who has been made to feel their poison in his own
veins. There had been far more of loathing than of pity or sorrow in
my attitude toward the canker at London's heart. Gradually, now,
because of the insight I had had into Cynthia's love of England, my
view became more kindly. I looked upon the canker less with hatred,
and more with the feeling one might have regarding some horrible and
malignant disease in a son or a daughter, a brother or a sister. And,
too, with more of a sense of responsibility and of shame.
So, from a lofty and quite ignorant scorn of things so essentially
mundane, I grew to take an understanding interest in current politics,
and more particularly in their wider aspects, as touching not England
alone but all British lands and people. I obtained a press pass from
Arncliffe, and attended an important debate in the House of Commons,
subsequently recording my impressions, in the form of an article by an
Outsider, from Australia. Journalistically, that article was a rather
striking success; and I began to attend the House frequently, and to
write more or less regular political impressions for the _Advocate_.
For several years my interest in these matters continued to be
progressive. (Three volumes of a political or quasi-political and
sociological character have appeared under my name.) I am grateful for
that interest, because it gave me some additional hold upon life, at a
time when such anchorage as I had had seemed to have been wrested from
me.
There was a quite considerable period--five or six years, at least, I
think--during which political work tended to broaden my mind, widen my
sympathies, and enhance my esteem for a number of my contemporaries.
Beyond that point I am afraid no good came to me from the study of
politics; from which fact it is probably safe to assume that any
influence I exercised ceased to be beneficial. For a time it had, I
think, been helpful in its small way. That was while faith remained in
me.
I remember conceiving a warm respect for a number of men engaged in
political work as writers, organisers, and speakers. I admired these
men for the fervour with which they appeared to devote their lives to
the service of political ends. I even derived from my conception of
their enthusiasm, strong, almost emotional interest in certain
political issues, tendencies, and developments. Later, as I learned to
know the men and their work better, came rather painful
disillusionment. We differed fundamentally, it seemed, these eloquent
fellows and myself. One actually told me in so many words, and with a
cynical smile at his other companion of the moment, as who should say:
'Really, this innocent needs awakening'; that I was playing the gull's
part on the surface of things. 'We are not concerned with principles,'
he said, in effect. 'That may be all right for the groundlings--our
audience. Our concern is parties, office--the historic game of ins and
outs, in which we have our careers to make.'
Until I put the whole business for ever behind me, I never lost my
interest in issues and principles; neither did I ever acquire one jot
or tittle of the professional's interest in the political game, as
such; or endeavour to utilise its complex machinery for the
furtherance of my own career. But in the course of time the study, not
so much of politics as of political life, came to fill me with a kind
of sick weariness and disgust; a sort of dull nausea and shame, such
as I imagine forms one of the penalties for the unfortunate
sisterhood, of what is sardonically called the life of pleasure. Upon
the whole, I am afraid there is a good deal in common between the
political life and the life of the streets. Certainly, the camp
followers in political warfare are a motley crew of mercenaries, and
they take their tone from quite a number of their leaders.
It would be quite beside the mark to add that there are some fine men
in British politics. There are, of course, in all professions,
including (I dare say) that of burglary. There still are in the
political arena gentlemen whose single aim, pursued with undeviating
loftiness of purpose, is the service of their country. I will not
pretend to think their number large, for I know it is not. (But I dare
say it is larger than it will be a few years hence, when we have
pursued a little farther the enlightened ideal of governance by the
least fit for the least fit, by the most poorly equipped for the most
poorly equipped, by the most ignorant and irresponsible for the most
ignorant and irresponsible.) But the class of well-meaning, decent,
clean-lived politicians is a fairly large one. As these worthy if
unremarkable men have not a tithe of the brains of the most prominent
among the quite unscrupulous sort--the undoubted birds of prey--their
good intentions are of small value to their generation or their
country, and represent little or nothing in the shape of hindrance to
the skilled pirates of political waters.
But my personal concern was not so much with the rank and file of
actual politicians as with the great army of camp followers; the band
of fine, whole-souled, well-dressed, fluent fellows, for whom
'something must be done, you know,' because of this or that interest,
because of the alleged wishes of this great person or the other; and
because, above all, of their own quite wonderful pertinacity, untiring
pushfulness, and, of course, their valuable services and great
abilities as talkers, writers, 'organisers,' and what not.
I have known men who, for years, had found it worth not less than L800
or L1000 a year to them to have been spoken of by Mr. ----, Lord ----,
or Sir ----, as 'an exceedingly capable organiser, and--er--devoted to
the Cause.' No one ever knew precisely what they had organised (apart
from their own comfortable subsistence in West End clubs and houses)
or were to organise; but there they were, fine fellows all, tastefully
dressed, in the best of health and spirits, and indefatigably fluent
in--in--er--the service of the Cause, you know!
There was a period in which I fancied these parasites were the
monopoly of one political party. But I soon learned that this was far
from being the case. All the four parties which the twentieth century
saw established in parliament are equally surrounded by their camp
followers, who each differ from each other only superficially, and,
not unseldom, transfer their allegiance in pursuit of fatter game. The
differences do impress one at first, but, as I say, they are mainly
superficial. All are equally self-centred and true to type as
parasites; though one brood is better dressed than another, and has a
more formidable appetite. What makes rich pickings for the follower of
one camp would leave the follower of another camp lean and hungry
indeed. But the necessary scale of expenditure being higher in one
division than another, things equalise themselves pretty much. I
believe it is much the same in the case of the other ancient
profession I have mentioned.
I have seen quite a large number of promising young men, fresh from
the Universities, and beginning life in London with high aspirations
and genuine patriotism in their hearts, only to become gradually
absorbed into the gigantic parasitical incubus of the body politic.
The process of absorption was none the less saddening and embittering
to watch, because its subjects usually waxed fatter and more
apparently jovial with each stage in their gradual exchange of ideals
for cash, patriotism for nepotism, enthusiasm for cynicism, and
disinterestedness for toadyism. Some had in them the makings of very
good and useful citizens. Their wives, so far as I was able to see,
almost invariably (whether deliberately or unknowingly) egged them on
in the downward path to complete surrender. As a rule, complete
surrender meant less striving and contriving, a better establishment,
and a freer use of hansom cabs in place of omnibuses. (I am thinking
for the moment of the days which knew not taxi-cabs.)
When they were writers, a frequent sign of the beginning of their end
(from my standpoint; of their success, from other standpoints,
including, no doubt, those of their wives) was that they began to
write of persons rather than principles; to eulogise rather than to
exhort, criticise, and suggest. So surely as they began their written
panegyrics of individuals, I found them laying aside the last remnants
of their private hero-worship. Very soon after this stage they
generally changed their clubs, becoming members of the most expensive
of these establishments; and from that point on, their progress
towards finished cynicism, fatty degeneration of the intellect, and
smiling abandonment of all scruples, all ideals, and all modesty, was
rapid and certain.
The inquiring student of such processes would perhaps have found
banquets, luncheons, and public dinners of a more or less political
colour his most prolific fields. Upon such occasions I always found
the genus very strongly represented. In one camp the dress clothes of
the followers would be of a better cut and more gracefully worn than
in the other camp; and those of the better-dressed camp had more of
assurance, more of brazen impudence, and more of hopelessly shallow
cynicism, I think, than those of other divisions. In many cases, too,
they had more of education; but, I fear, less of brains.
It was, I think, the contemplation of these gentlemen, even more
perhaps than my saddening knowledge of their shifty, time-serving,
shilly-shallying, or glaringly unscrupulous leaders and masters, that
finally disgusted me with those branches of political work which were
open to me. I have no wish to sit in judgment. Other and stronger men
may find that they may keep the most evil sort of company without ever
soiling their own hands. I know and very sincerely respect a few
political journalists and workers of different parties, whose
uprightness is beyond suspicion; whose fine enthusiasm remains
untarnished, even to-day. I yield to none in my admiration for such
men. But however much I admired, or even envied, it was not for me to
emulate these gentlemen. I probably lacked the necessary strength of
fibre.
Arncliffe was, as ever, very kindly when I showed him my feeling in
the matter; and, so far as might be, he released me from all
journalistic obligations of a political sort. But more, I was given a
complimentary dinner. Speeches were made, and I was genuinely
astonished by the length of the list of my avowed services to
politics. It was affirmed that, under Providence, and Arncliffe, and
one or two people with titles, I had been instrumental in starting
movements, launching an organ of opinion, and bringing about all kinds
of signs and portents. The occasion embarrassed me greatly.
It was true enough that, for a season, I had thrown myself heart and
soul into the furtherance of certain political aims; and, in all
honesty, I had worked very hard. And--heavens! how I was sick of the
fluent humbugs, and the complacent parasites! If only they could have
been dumb, and, in their writings, forbidden by law the use of all
such words as 'patriotism,' I could have borne much longer with them.
London is our British centre, and your true parasite makes ever for
the kernel. I have seen them treated with the gravest and most modest
deference by working bees from outlying hives--the Oversea Dominions
and the Services--as men who were supposed to be fighting the good
fight, there in the hub, the heart, and centre of our House. And,
listening to their complacent oozings, under the titillations of
innocent flattery, I have turned aside for very shame, in my
impatience, feeling that in truth the heart and centre were devoid of
virtue, and that true patriotism was a thing only to be found (where
it was never named) in unknown officers of either service, and obscure
civilians engaged in working out their own and the Empire's destinies
in its remote outposts, and upon the high seas.
And, impatient as that thought may have been, how infinitely better
founded and less extravagant it was than the presumptuous arrogance of
these gentlemen, who, by their way of it, were 'Bearing the heat and
burden of the day, here in the busy heart of things--the historic
metropolis of our race!'