church, not without some attempt at architectural improvements,
unappreciated, however, at a later date. The choir appears to have been
re-roofed, the old timbers being partly re-used, but shortened by
cutting off the rotten ends, with the result that the pitch of the roof
was considerably lowered. To this or to their own decay may be due the
destruction of the two great traceried windows at the east end, which
were replaced by two wide semi-circular headed windows, which their
designers, perhaps, fondly imagined to accord better with the Norman
arcades below. Whether the reredos screen had already been destroyed or
defaced is uncertain, or whether, as at Southwark, they were content
with hacking off the projecting canopies cannot now be determined, but
in place of it was erected a vast wooden structure, picturesque from its
very ugliness, more suited to the classic taste of the Georgian era. At
this time, no doubt, the church was re-pewed, and the great pulpit, with
its sounding-board, set up on the north side of the choir.
Among the conventual buildings which had survived to this time, and
remained in occupation, was the chapter house, which, with nearly all
traces of its antiquity destroyed, and with a gallery erected across its
west end, had been converted into a meeting-house for dissenters, the
old slype having been made into a vestry. The access to it appears to
have been the ancient one through the east cloister, which was also
standing perfect at that time. It does not appear to have belonged to
any particular sect, but was always known as St. Bartholomew's Chapel,
and among those who preached in it was John Wesley, who also
occasionally preached and celebrated weddings in the church itself.
In 1830 occurred a great fire, which destroyed this chapel, together
with all the upper part of the east cloister, and the greater part of
the south transept. Whether the great dormitory, which extended
southwards from the transepts, or any part of it, had been left
standing seems uncertain, but if so, this fire must have destroyed it.
The fine undercroft of the dormitory, which consisted of two vaulted
aisles of the Transitional period, remained perfect, and was standing as
recently as 1870, when it was ruthlessly, and, apparently,
unnecessarily, destroyed to make room for some parochial offices.
Shortly before this fire happened, some small, and not very fortunate,
attempt at a restoration was made within the church, which resulted in
more loss than gain, as it entailed the complete destruction of any
remains of the ancient altar-screen which might have survived the
previous alterations. The Georgian reredos which had taken its place was
removed, and the east wall was plastered over and ornamented with a
blank arcade in cement, which its architect doubtless thought agreed
with the Norman features of the church. The Georgian pulpit was removed,
and a symmetrical arrangement of two was substituted, recalling the
Gospel and Epistle ambones of an ancient Italian church, but lacking
their beauty.
Thus, after the vicissitudes of over seven hundred years, the church was
reduced to the appearance shown in our illustration (fig. 8), when its
restoration was seriously taken in hand in 1863.
[Illustration: FIG. 8--INTERIOR OF CHURCH IN 1863.]
The task which the restorers then set themselves to accomplish, and in
which they have been eminently successful, seemed at the time well-nigh
hopeless. All the conventual buildings, and everything outside the
actual walls of the church had been alienated, and, to a great extent,
destroyed, and of the church itself but a battered torso remained. The
nave had been destroyed at the Dissolution, and its site had become the
parish churchyard; the south transept had perished in the fire of 1830,
and its unroofed area had also become a burying-ground; whilst the north
transept had been gradually encroached upon, no one knew how, and a
large part of it was then used as a forge. The desecration of the east
end was almost worse. The great Lady Chapel, which had been rebuilt in
the fourteenth century, and which had formed part of the assignment to
Sir Richard Rich, had been for long employed for trade purposes, being
at one time the printing shop in which Benjamin Franklin had worked, and
was, in 1863, a factory for fringe. This factory had gradually extended,
on the upper floor, over the eastern ambulatory, up to the back of the
reredos wall and over the south aisle, so that it was lighted, in part,
through Prior Bolton's window from the church itself. This encroachment
over the ambulatory shows well in the illustration (fig. 7). The north
triforium was the parish school, which, with its noises, interfered with
the services of the church, and, with the roughness of its occupants,
endangered the safety of the groining below, and of the north wall which
then leaned dangerously from the upright. The whole area of the church,
which had been raised in the fifteenth century, was filled with graves,
many of which were dug below the very foundations of the piers; moisture
oozed over the grave-stones and darkness overspread the walls, so that
it struck a chill into all who entered it. It was a by-word and a
desolation.
In draining the area of the church, in rebuilding the decayed piers, and
in bringing up the north wall to the perpendicular, the restorers
effected great and substantial improvements, but in lowering the floor
to its original Norman level, and in rebuilding the apse as they
believed it was first planned, they embarked on extensive operations
which were by some regarded not only as unessential, but as going beyond
legitimate restoration; in fact, as was pointed out by more than one, it
was not unlike an attempt to restore the nave of Winchester Cathedral by
clearing out first all the work of William of Wykeham. There was much to
be said in favour of lowering the floor, but the building of the apse
was open to considerable question, and there is but little doubt that
had the restorers commenced the destruction of the east wall at the top,
instead of at the bottom, and so discovered the ruins of the great
traceried windows, they would have paused in their scheme; but the
position of the fringe factory prevented this, and it was only many
years after the ambulatory arcade of the apse had been completed that
this discovery was made. The question of whether there ought to have
been an apse according to Austin Canon rule was not properly considered,
but when it was found, after the walls of Purgatory had been removed,
that there were no traces of any foundations to the missing central
piers, some doubt as to the correctness of the course they were
following was necessarily suggested. It was then, however, thought to be
too late to alter the plans, the most important part of the east wall
having then been destroyed, and the result is that we now have a Norman
apse of uncertain authority, crowned with a lofty traceried clerestory,
which, though a clever architectural composition, is only a modern
makeshift. In place of this, had the fifteenth century east wall been
preserved, we should have had in the upper part the two great windows,
much of the tracery of which still remains, and beneath them the reredos
might have been renewed. In this case the eastern portion of Roger de
Walden's screen, with its doorway, would have been saved, and Sir Walter
Mildmay's picturesque monument been left intact, making altogether a
more beautiful sacrarium, and a much more truthful representation of
what had once been, than the doubtful restoration of the rude Norman
apse.
In succeeding years the work of restoration went on slowly, but much was
achieved. The great schemes of the earlier restorers were wisely
reviewed, and reasonable limitations acknowledged. All idea of
rebuilding the nave was abandoned, and the rude brick wall which had
been built to the west end of the choir was refaced in a seemly but
permanent manner. The south transept was rebuilt over a portion only of
its former area, and, with the north transept, finished in an
appropriate manner which does not pretend to be a literal restoration.
In the Lady Chapel, when it was rescued from the fringe factory, much
of the old work in the windows was found intact, and a complete
restoration had been possible. The continuous work of the last forty
years has been crowned with success, and, although portions are
evidently modern in design and execution, the choir of St. Bartholomew's
Priory Church has been preserved for future generations as an example of
the earliest and most important ecclesiastical buildings of London.
THE LONDON CHARTERHOUSE
BY THE REV. A. G. B. ATKINSON, M.A.
Of the religious houses of which remains may be found in London, none
perhaps is of greater interest than the Charterhouse. Here More and
Colet kept retreat, and as a peaceful haven for pensioned age the place
still retains something of its old monastic calm. Lying behind the
markets of Smithfield, its secluded courts and gardens are barely
penetrated by the roar of the great city. The history of Bruno, the
original founder of the Carthusian order, and his six companions has
often been told. It is related by Prior Guigo that the University of
Paris, professors as well as scholars, were assembled at the funeral
obsequies of one of the most learned and pious of their number. To the
amazement of all, the dead man raised his head, and as he sank back
again on the bier called out with a loud voice, "I have been accused at
the just tribunal of God." Three times on three successive days this
terrible occurrence took place. Amongst those present on this occasion
who were struck with horror at the unexpected sentence of damnation was
Bruno, a native of Cologne. He was a Canon of Rheims and professor of
divinity. Five others with him, seized with a holy fear, consulted a
hermit how they might escape the judgment of God. To them he gave the
answer of the Psalmist, "Lo, I have prolonged my flight and remained in
solitude." They, too, were fired with the love of solitude, and begged
of Hugh Bishop of Grenoble that he would assign them a place suitable
for a retreat. This the bishop did, and the order was established at La
Chartreuse in the mountains of Savoy in the year 1084.[60]
[Illustration: THE CHARTERHOUSE HOSPITAL.
_From an old print by Toms._]
The first Carthusian house in England was founded by Henry II. at
Witham, in Somersetshire, about the year 1178, in fulfilment of his
penitential vow taken at the tomb of Thomas Becket. Another house was
founded at Hinton, also in Somersetshire, in 1227. An attempt to found a
house in Ireland did not succeed, the institution only lasting forty
years. A third house was founded at Beauvale, in Nottinghamshire, in
1343. The London Charterhouse, with which we are immediately concerned,
was the fourth house of the order established in England. Before
entering upon the details of its history it will be well to sketch the
main features of the Carthusian order, since Carthusian houses in all
their chief characteristics closely resemble one another. Its
distinguishing marks are extreme severity and entire seclusion from the
world. The fathers live alone, each in his cell built around the great
cloister. The cell is, however, in reality a small house, and contains
four rooms, two on each floor; adjoining these apartments is a small
garden. From the great cloister strangers are entirely excluded, and the
cell is never entered except by the father himself, the prior, or his
deputy.
A walk, the "spatiamentum," taken once a week together, is the only
occasion upon which the fathers leave the house; conversation is then
enjoined. Upon Sundays and Chapter feasts the monks dine together, when
some instructive book is read aloud by one of the fathers.
The Franciscans and Dominicans are preachers, the Benedictines maintain
educational institutions, Trappists and Cistercians cultivate the soil;
but the isolation of the Carthusian fathers is complete. They may not
even leave the monastery to administer the Sacrament to the dying,
unless assured that no other priest can be secured.
Their food is thrust into their cells through a small hatchway. They eat
no meat, but fish, eggs, milk, cheese, butter, bread, pastry, fruit, and
vegetables. The brethren or "conversi," who are laymen, occupy
themselves with the manual labour of the monastery, but all that is
necessary in the cell is done by the father himself. When death ends the
solitary's life he is buried uncoffined in the cloister garth, "O beata
solitudo! O sola beatitudo!"[61]
The history of the London Charterhouse may conveniently be divided into
three periods--I., the Monastery; II., the Palace; III., the Hospital.
I.--THE MONASTERY, 1371-1537
The exact circumstances under which the house was founded are involved
in some obscurity, for it would appear that at least three men were
concerned at different times in the work. The share of the first of
these, Ralph Stratford, Bishop of London, being but a slight one, may be
briefly dismissed. In 1348-49 a terrible visitation of the black death
devastated the country. The bishop, being concerned that many were being
interred in unconsecrated ground, purchased three acres of land in West
Smithfield outside the city boundaries, known as "no man's land," and
consecrated it for purposes of burial, and erected also a mortuary
chapel. The whole he called Pardon Churchyard and Chapel. It was
situated adjoining the north wall of the garden of the monastery, and
extended from St. John Street to Goswell Street. In 1349 additional
ground was required, and Sir Walter de Manny bought thirteen acres and a
rood from St. Bartholomew's Hospital, called the Spittle Croft,
adjoining the land purchased by the bishop. Here he also built a chapel,
from which building the Spittle Croft became known as New Church Haw.
Stow asserts that more than 50,000 bodies were interred here. De Manny's
original intention, as appears from a bull of Pope Urban VI. in 1378,
was to endow a chantry with a superior and twelve chaplains. This
project appears, however, subsequently to have been abandoned; for by
letters patent, dated 6th February, 1371, the King licensed De Manny to
found a house of Carthusian monks to be called the "Salutation of the
Mother of God." In this work De Manny had the co-operation and sanction
of Michael de Northburgh, successor to Ralph Stratford in the bishopric
of London. It seems probable that when De Manny was summoned abroad on
the King's wars Northburgh took up the work, and that to enable him to
do so effectually the land De Manny had bought was transferred to him by
a nominal sale.[62] The bishop died in 1361, and from his will it
appears that he had acquired the land above mentioned, as well as the
patronage of the chapel, from De Manny. Further, he left L2,000 and
various lands and tenements to found a convent of Carthusians. De Manny
and Bishop Northburgh thus share between them the credit of the
foundation, although the allusion in the Papal Bull of Urban VI.,
"Conventum duplicem ordinis Carthusiensis," refers unquestionably not to
the fact that there were two founders, but to the fact that the
monastery was intended for twenty-four monks--double the usual number.
Sir Walter de Manny, who may perhaps be regarded as the chief founder,
was a native of Valenciennes, and was descended from the Counts of
Hainault. Froissart, his fellow-countryman, is our chief authority for
the events of his life, and has recorded at length his deeds of bravery
and daring on many fields of battle. With these we are not concerned at
length. It is sufficient to note that he first came to England in the
train of Queen Philippa, distinguished himself in the Scottish wars, and
was the recipient of many grants of land and other favours from Edward
III. He was present at the battle of Sluys in 1359, and had conferred
upon him the Order of the Garter. After an eventful career De Manny died
in January, 1372. His will, dated November 30th, 1371, was proved at
Lambeth, 13th April, 1372. He left directions that he should be buried
in as unostentatious a manner as possible; but this being coupled with
the provision that a penny should be paid to all poor persons coming to
his funeral, it is not surprising to learn that the funeral procession
was a large one. He was buried in the middle of the choir, and a
fragment of the tomb was found in a wall which was being repaired in
1896, and may be seen to-day in the chapel of the Charterhouse. Various
other benefactions were made to the house, and in particular a further
grant of four acres of land from the hospital of S. John of Jerusalem in
1378. The relations existing between these two neighbouring institutions
were always of a friendly character. John Luscote was appointed the
first prior, and held office till shortly before his death, which took
place in 1398. During many succeeding years the history of the
foundation was uneventful, the peaceful life of the monks in their
secluded home affording little of interest to the historian.[63]
Happy were the monks when they had no history. Troubles gathered thick
around their successors of a later age, after the accession of Henry
VIII. to the throne.
John Houghton was elected prior in 1531, and it is around his
personality that the interest of the history now centres. "He was
small," we are told, "in stature, in figure graceful, in countenance
dignified. In manner he was most modest, in eloquence most sweet, in
chastity without a stain." Such was the man who worthily upheld the
traditions of his order during the Reformation troubles. For these and
the succeeding events we have the authority of Maurice Chauncey, one of
the fathers.[64]
In 1533 Henry obtained the sanction of Cranmer in the Archbishop's Court
to his divorce from Catherine, and the King's marriage with Anne Boleyn
was confirmed by Parliament. In 1534 the Royal Commissioners called upon
the prior and monks of the Charterhouse to make formal approval of the
marriage. Prior Houghton and the procurator Humphrey Middlemore were
committed to the Tower, the Commissioners being dissatisfied with the
nature of their answers. After a month's imprisonment they were induced
to swear to the King's laws "as far as the law of God permitted," and
were released and returned to the Charterhouse. The Commissioners
extracted from the rest of the community a similar oath, by which the
succession to the Crown was fixed upon the issue of Anne Boleyn to the
exclusion of the Princess Mary. This, however, was but the beginning of
troubles. The oath by which Henry was declared Head of the Church of
England was a more serious matter. To deny him this title became high
treason. Prior Houghton addressed the assembled fathers in a touching
manner, and bid them prepare for death. The days were solemnly devoted
to spiritual exercises. Their fears were only too well founded, and
after interrogation Prior Houghton and Robert Lawrence were committed
to the Tower by Cromwell. With them was arrested a third father,
Augustine Webster, prior of the Charterhouse in Axholme. In the Tower
they were visited by Cromwell and the Royal Commissioners, and memoranda
of the interview remain.[65] John Houghton says that "he cannot take the
King, our Sovereign, to be supreme head of the Church of England afore
the Apostles of Christ's Church."
Robert Lawrence says that "there is one Catholic Church and one Divine,
of which the Bishop of Rome is the head; therefore, he cannot believe
that the King is supreme head of the Church." On 29th April, 1535, after
a trial lasting two[66] days, the three Carthusians and Father Richard
Reynolds were condemned to be drawn, hanged, and quartered. On their way
to the scaffold they passed their fellow-prisoner, Sir Thomas More, who
saw them from his prison cell. "Lo, dost thou not see, Meg," he said to
his daughter Margaret, "that these blessed fathers be now as cheerfully
going to their death as bridegrooms to their marriage." When the
scaffold was reached Father Houghton preached a brief but touching
sermon:
"I call to witness Almighty God and all good people, and I
beseech you all here present to bear witness for me in the day
of judgment, that being here to die, I declare it is from no
obstinate rebellious spirit that I do not obey the King, but
because I fear to offend the majesty of God. Our holy Mother
the Church has decreed otherwise than the King and parliament
have decreed, and therefore rather than disobey the Church I am
ready to suffer."
The cruel sentence was carried out on May 4th, 1535. Part of the mangled
remains of Prior Houghton was fixed on the gateway of the Charterhouse.
Three weeks after the prior's execution, three fathers, Exmew,
Middlemore, and Newdigate, were thrown into the Marshalsea, where they
were cruelly tortured, being bound upright to posts. They were brought
to trial at Westminster, and executed on the 19th June with the same
horrible mutilations as attended the execution of Houghton. For a period
of two years after this no further executions are recorded; but
Cromwell, exasperated by the firmness of the monks, adopted a new form
of persecution. The King's Commissioners took charge of the monastery,
which was placed in the charge of seculars. Pressure of every kind was
brought to bear upon the religious, who were often deprived of food,
robbed of their books, and made to listen to sermons in proof of the
royal supremacy. Under the prolonged persecution of Cromwell's
instruments, Whalley, Bedyll, and Fylott, some few of the monks gave
way, but the major part remained firm.
In the early part of the year 1536 Cromwell took a new step. He
appointed another prior, William Trafford, doubtless with the ulterior
object of inducing the monks to transfer the property of the house to
the King. At length he succeeded, and a large number--some twenty, both
fathers and lay brothers--were persuaded to take the oath of supremacy.
At least ten, however, refused to do so. These ten were cast into
Newgate on 18th May, 1537, and here nine died of the cruel treatment
they received. William Horn, the sole survivor, a lay brother, was
transferred to the Tower and executed on 4th August, 1540. On the 10th
June, 1537, a deed was executed, rendering up the monastery to the King.
The monks remained till 15th November, 1538, when they were all expelled
with a small pension of L5 per annum, with the exception of Trafford,
who received L20. The yearly revenue of the house at its dissolution was
valued at L642 4s. 6d. Thus the monastery was destroyed, though no
accusation of immorality or wrong doing was ever brought against the
unhappy men who perished with it. The monks were faithful to their vows,
the house was well ordered. No record is to be found of any fault
proved against the London Charterhouse: "Nunquam reformata quia nunquam
deformata."
Though the old buildings have been largely swept away, or altered and
added to, yet enough remains to enable us, with the help of a
fifteenth-century plan, to constitute with some degree of exactness the
arrangement of the old monastery. This plan, which is still preserved
amongst the archives of the Charterhouse, is a vellum roll ten feet
long, of four skins, showing the construction of a conduit by which the
monastery was supplied with water from Islington. The waterpipe
discharged into a conduit in the centre of the great cloister; from the
conduit it was conveyed through the gardens into the cells of the monks.
The playground of the Merchant Taylors' School occupies nearly the site
of the great cloister, and on the east and the west side of it may be
found traces of two of the cells. The lower part of the gatehouse served
as entrance to the monastery, though the doors were probably renewed
after the Carthusians had gone. The south and part of the east walls of
the present chapel are those of the monks' church, and the lower part of
the Tower was built by them probably in 1510-20. The charming little
quadrangle, known as Wash House Court, was the habitation of the
"conversi" or lay brothers, the servants of the convent. On the west
external wall of this court are the letters J. H., which may possibly be
the initials of the last Prior, John Houghton, and the wall itself of
his building. Besides these remains there may also be seen a bit of the
monastic refectory, now used as the brothers' library, though it has
been thought by some that this is the site of the prior's cell.
II.--THE PALACE, 1545-1611