statesmen are so vehemently wrangling. Our government assumes the old
time function of all governments to make and regulate the currency or
money for the transaction of business--a mere convenience for the
measure of values in buying and selling--in another way a thing
performing functions similar to the yard-stick in measuring, and the
great statesmen are wrangling over the problem of what particular
material that convenience shall be made. And our nation, through
Congress and the President, is ever tinkering, changing, altering, and
reversing regulations concerning this "value measurer"--this
convenient representative of property, and the basis of all commerce,
gold, silver, copper, nickel, and paper to-day, and on this basis
contracts and multitudinous transactions are based; then apparently
that confusion and ruin may follow, an act of Congress may be passed
to-morrow changing the whole thing by demonetizing one or remonetizing
the other; and the government finally opens a junk-shop, and is
engaged actively in the "second-hand" trade, or is in sharp
competition with the rag-picker. And our great political educators
fall to wrangling about a proposition, that could be paralleled only
by some phenomenal crank beating up recruits for a new party upon a
platform that all yard-sticks must be made of hickory wood, and he
shall be deemed a counterfeiter who dares to use any other, and the
length of the yard-stick must be flexible so that "a yard shall
always contain a yard's worth of cloth." The children open a play
store, and there the legal tender for all goods is pins, where the
size of the pin or the exact composition it is made of are never
considered. There is, to my mind, no question but the children should
teach our great statesmen some of the fundamentals of common sense.
These are specimens of the economic problems evolved from our hundred
years of voting experiment--the ripened fruit of self-government.
Books and papers are filled with discussions of whether both gold and
silver should be legal tender for debts or only gold. And the rank
sophistries that mark the flood-tide of a campaign discussion either
of this or the problem of taxation are surely to be considered among
the curiosities of our civilization. Just why men should range
themselves on respective party lines on these questions and shut their
eyes to evils that are eating their way to the heart of government and
that unchecked must end in common ruin, passes comprehension.
The organization of a powerful party machinery with the authority to
discipline recalcitrant or discordant members is a natural outgrowth
of our universal voting. The active politicians and place hunters will
control the machine, and when office, and place are made glittering
prizes, then comes the inevitable scramble, the selfishness, trampling
the weak by the strong, corruption, chicanery, the unspeakable crimes,
and finally the Pandora's box is opened, and the swarming evils darken
the heavens. Inferior men with greatest cunning and least scruples
soon push their way to the front; all sight of good government is
eventually lost, the Washingtons and Jeffersons in time disappear with
a constantly increasing ratio from public life, and the end is the
great Leaderless Mob and bloody chaos. Even at best our politicians
and party publications sing in unison, all struggling to the same end,
victory at the polls and the elimination, as far as possible, of real
issues. Their quadrennial platforms are ever coming nearer and nearer
together--not omitting a plank expressing "profound sympathy" with the
poor, persecuted people of some part of the Old World. A large
majority of the Democracy are openly in favor of free trade and free
silver, while the average "favorite son" is only in favor of "reform"
in tariff, and hence you can find men in favor of a prohibitory
tariff calling themselves Democrats; while many of the lay members of
the Republican party are the earnest advocates of free trade and free
silver. If our statesmen do not use words to conceal ideas, then there
is no question but that the rank and file, those caring nothing about
the offices personally, are in advance of their leaders and party
publications. Unfortunately the average voter studies the science of
politics--good government,--only when thumb-screwed by bad
legislation. When happy and revelling in plenty, this cunning thrift
of politicians is good enough "statesmanship" for pretty much all of
us; then we can really admire the brightness of the great "Magnetic"
when he says, "Boys, I am a model high tarriffite, and in favor of
reciprocity;" even the vitriolic ravings of the iridescent--sparkling
phrases without ideas, torchlight jeremaids about the poor Southern
negro, are all brilliant statesmanship; so long as the waters are
smooth and prosperous, plenty is coming to everybody. But when the
pinch of misgovernment comes in the form of the gaunt wolf then the
people rise up, and without a "statesman" to lead, without a newspaper
to educate, but with a holy wrath, crush out these official puppets.
For at least sixteen years the unbiased intelligence of the Democratic
party (not politicians) has been urging party leaders to take the bold
stand for free trade. During the same time the Republican voters have
urged their leaders to declare for "protection for protection's sake."
In 1888 the Republican Convention boldly challenged Democrats to the
open issue of protection absolute versus free trade. The best voters
on the other side were eager to pick up this gauge of battle, but
their leaders, covert protectionists, and makeshift office seekers,
bade them nay, and a Democratic "stump speech" in that campaign was a
curiosity. Part first would demonstrate the infamy of all "protection"
taxes; part second would demonstrate that the orator was in favor of
"protection" to a certain degree. Thus handicapped, the Democratic
office seekers fought out the long campaign and lost as they deserved.
Happily for the country, because that victory convinced every
Republican in the land, except the man of Maine, that the people
wanted prohibitory tariffs, all foreign commerce destroyed, and that
they honestly believed there was such a thing as "home markets" to be
regulated by statute. And the "three Bow Street tailors in Congress"
proceeded in all sincerity to carry out what they, in their
simplicity, judged to be the instruction given by the people at the
polls. The "great secretary" alone of the "smart" men of the land,
understood the people in the '88 election better; he, it seems, well
understood that "protection" carried to prohibition was the yawning
grave of any party responsible for it without providing some loop-hole
of escape in the burial ceremony, and this unequalled politician
in the nick of time startled the country with the cry of
"Reciprocity"--spotted free trade. His messmates turned upon him with
objurgations deep, yet he had saved them from themselves, by the bold
dash of a "plumed knight." Had he been in the Kansas senator's place,
Kansas would have been again cajoled and humbugged into silence, and
possibly have given an increase on its 82,000 Republican majority.
Mr. Blaine was constantly defeated in his ambition to be President.
General Harrison was successful and fills the place that _ex-officio_
makes him leader. He is nominally the party captain, while in truth
there is more real power in one hand of his armor bearer than there is
in the loins of the Executive. Now the author of the bill increasing
taxes thinks he is on the road to the White House by campaigning Ohio
on the beauties of protection--with reciprocity or "free trade in
spots" left out entirely,--Blaine's happiest invention and the only
thing that will save "the Napoleon" if saved at all, from crushing
defeat this Fall in his own State. The Democrats have put up against
him Governor Campbell with the plankless platform of the "McKinley
bill," and an internal discussion on the silver question. Thus the two
parties of that great State are marshalling in battle array their
lines under banners that might be labelled "Tweedle-dum" and
"Tweedle-dee." The last Democratic President was a product of the long
successes of the Republican party and its mistakes, chief among which
was the covert act demonetizing silver in 1873. It brought its train
of wrong and disaster to our nation; while the people were unconscious
of the cause, yet they could feel the pangs, and results ripened in
1884 in the election of the Buffalo mayor. As President and as
ex-President he is the natural party leader, but he has endorsed the
monstrous act of 1873 in regard to silver, the very mistake that
chiefly made him President, and now should that bar forever the door
of the White House to his re-entry therein, the result would not be
one of the seven wonders of the world.
These happenings, so fresh and patent, remind one of the sworn
testimony of an eminent general of the late war before the Senatorial
Committee in describing the battle of Gettysburg: "After the lines are
formed and fighting commences all is confusion and hap-hazard."
Apparently there is no science in statesmanship, and our politics are
but a ruthless trampling on the simple maxims of political economy.
These were the forces that secretly working through the patient years
of misrule and folly caused to bloom and fruit in a night, this
stalwart tribe of rural statesmen who so remorselessly struck down the
Republican party in its State of largest majority, and so disfigured
the fortunes of the master polytechnic orator. A hayseed sprouted and
grown in a night like unto Jack's beanstalk, and without leaders--all
concert action mere incidents, the people marched to the polls in
Kansas and amazed the world and themselves. The leaderless mobs met
other leaderless mobs--that proved to be mere skeletons of
organizations led and composed chiefly of wrangling, quarrelling,
purposeless, and nearly idealess politicians. The leaderless mob was
in profound earnest while the "statesmen" as usual were merely
masquerading, with no other weapons of defence against attacks save
that of Samson's when he fought the Philistines--all jaw.
Politicians discuss with amazing brilliancy their beautiful issue of a
little higher tariffs or a little lower tariffs, while the people
bluntly talk of protection to the full, or absolute free trade.
Politicians really enjoy having made gold the only money, and then
talk learnedly about the government buying so much metal monthly and
coining it, so that silver will be both money and not money, while the
people talk about free silver or gold only.
These are the conditions existing on the only two national questions
now under consideration. To a layman's mind neither of them should
have ever been made a national question at all. And men called "great
statesmen" who have pushed aside all real economic questions worthy of
consideration among civilized men, and forced these figments forward,
are neither statesmen nor safe politicians. Look at them! Their
discussion of tariffs is whether we must have higher or lower taxes
_per se_. Their contentions on the money question are simply the
vicious acts of Congress that are the same as if we should pass laws
every two years changing the length of our yard-sticks. These are the
great issues breeding our wonderful race of "great statesmen"--the
mountain labored and the little mouse came forth.
There are vital questions that should, especially in our experimental
voting government, be ever present to all our people for investigation
and permanent settlement, to wit:--
How to turn back this stream of paternalism in government--the monster
criminal, the murderer of the dead nations and civilizations, the
river of woe flowing forever round the world.
How to make the best of governments by ever-lowering taxes?
How to perfect a "civil service" by burdening officials, lessening
fees and salaries, abolishing patronage, and sealing salaries below
the pay of similar private employ?
How to better education and thereby check this stream of "learned
ignorance"?
How to reach the consummation of the best government because the least
governed?
How to reform our judiciary until justice between men shall be nearly
instantaneous and the next cheapest thing to air and water?
How to save the weak (the majority) from the strong and selfish?
How to be the freest and therefore the best people that have ever
lived?
How to prevent crime and suffering by removing causes?
How to destroy this struggle for government employ, this passion to be
a public parasite and live off of others' toil?
How to make and regulate nearly all government institutions upon the
principle of our postal system--self-supporting by the voluntary tax
from those who use its powers or its offices?
How to eradicate all this flunkeyism that makes idols of
office-holders--mere fetiches producing a species of the lowest order
of hero-worship--a nation of snobs who can meanly admire mean things?
How to call out statesmen and abolish demagogues?
How to understand that real statesmen repeal and never enact?
How to prevent governments from inflicting upon the innocents
unspeakable wrongs, under the monstrous plea that the few must suffer
for the good of the many?
These and similar questions that are as deep as life itself, and that
should come even to our little children in their romps and plays, the
same as they learn to avoid the pit, or to fear a vicious dog, are the
vital problems of mankind. These are questions essential to the
preservation of life, and touching the progress of civilization; the
natural economic problems that real statesmen should set before the
people. Intelligent study and voting upon these and similar questions
would give us real statesmen for present demagogues.
The average American is always more than satisfied with his perfect
surroundings so long as he can point out his advantages over the
wretched victims of paternalism in Europe. This is both a low and
ignorant self-laudation. Of course, wretched though you may be, you
are incomparably better off than the miserables of cruel Russia,
because our national government could not possibly be as outrageous as
is of necessity that of the Czar. It has taken many centuries to
evolve such a monster cuttle-fish as the Russian government that has
fastened its tentacles upon its millions of people, and is slowly
crushing out their lives. _This is but government paternalism full and
ripe._ Who shall say that if paternalism in this country goes on as it
is to-day, growing and strengthening, the time is not coming when we
no longer can boast over the people of the God-forsaken land? Mankind
is much the same to-day and forever; _so is government paternalism;
once a foothold gained, it can only be washed out in blood_. The
Russians have been giving over their souls and their lives to their
national fetich which has accepted their patriotic and contrite
offerings, and is now leisurely devouring them. The ancient migrating
barbarian when he camped at night, got his supper by cutting it out of
the hams of the ox that had all day borne him and his load on the
weary journey--he had to have his supper, and just so it is with
Russian government. Just so it will be in any government when it is
impossible longer for the Leaderless Mob to spring into existence and
into power.
Therefore, rural statesmen, all hail! Grant it that one of your
political measures is rank imbecility, your acts in exposing the
essential knavery of our phenomenal humbugs are beautiful and full of
goodness and wisdom. And your worst, in the face of all jibes, is so
incomparably superior to those of the "great statesmen" that they may
be esteemed actually respectable. When the two parties had become
Leaderless Mobs, because even their fictions or absurd issues had
reached a common point, then arose the people in the might of their
Leaderless Mob, and turned the river into the Augean stables. Who is
it anyhow of the "magnetic" tribe that may cast the first stone at the
"haystack"? They simply broke party shackles and struck boldly for
justice,--blindly it may be--as well it should be, because they could
not well hit amiss. In this scramble and hurly-burly where is the
"statesman" who can point to any similar act of his own in behalf of
his fellow-man? Their most arrant follies at least are not mean
compared to the "issues" as made up by our "great statesmen" of a
little higher tax, or a little lower tax, or a frequent change in the
money standard of the country.
It is time for intelligent men to tire of all this burlesque of
politics and this solemn joke of calling it "great statesmanship,"
that is breeding these ungainly toadies--squat and warty. A country is
great only as her political institutions are good and wise--not merely
when it is strong in numbers, large in acres, and swarming with
politicians and parasites that are worshipped as great and good
statesmen. That is not the kind of greatness of country that I hanker
for very seriously. I would wish a better education for our children
than we have had--one that would cure them of this disease of
ignorance in politics, worship of demagogy and admiration of that
cheap and nasty politics that is our national disease, and that is
making on our body politic abhorrent warts and angry sores. The
mistaken fanatics who are striving to put "God in the Constitution"
are not to blame; they are the offspring of this growing paternalism,
this fetich worship, this public education by these relays of "great
statesmen."
MADAME BLAVATSKY AT ADYAR.
BY MONCURE D. CONWAY.
When Madame Blavatsky was on her way to found the Theosophical Society
in India, I met her in London, at the house of an American
family,--devout spiritualists. She had a reputation for picking up
teapots from under her chair, and our hostess seemed somewhat
disappointed that she did not accord me some miracle. Although nothing
unusual occurred, Madame Blavatsky was herself sufficiently phenomenal
to make the evening interesting. She was not then, 1878, so huge as
she afterwards became, and was rather attractive. She was humorous,
entertaining, affable; she had the air of a woman who had tried every
experience,--the last person I should have suspected of interest in
spiritual or other philosophy. We next heard of her as the high
priestess of a new cult in India. Rumors reached London, where I was
residing, that this new religion was spreading among the Hindus,
giving much trouble to the missionaries, and that Madame Blavatsky was
suspected of being in the pay of the Russian government. That way of
meeting the new movement was silenced by threats of prosecuting any
who should make personal charges against the leaders of Theosophy. It
was presently reported that Madame Blavatsky had made converts of A.
P. Sinnett, editor of the _Pioneer of India_, and Mr. Allan Hume,
formerly connected with the Indian government. Presently Mr. Sinnett
came to London, and gave us lectures in drawing-rooms on Theosophy. He
expatiated on the wonders performed by Madame Blavatsky with the aid
of certain "Mahatmas," who by secret knowledge, had gained powers of
prolonged existence, and of appearing in their "astral" forms at vast
distances from their retreat in the Himalayas.
As I was contemplating a journey round the world, which would bring me
to India, I asked Mr. Sinnett, in private conversation, whether I
could make a pilgrimage to the abode of these mighty Mahatmas, and
converse with them. "Do you mean?" he asked, "as you now converse
with me?"--"Yes."--"No."--"Why not?"--"Oh, it would take too long to
explain." Thereafter I tried to find out something that would aid a
practical investigation from Mr. Sinnett's books, but found them
uninstructive and sensational. In the autumn of the same year, I was
in Australia, and found there a good deal of excitement about
Theosophy. At Sydney, where spiritualists and secularists had formed a
curious alliance, Madame Blavatsky and Colonel Olcott were mentioned
as grand personages,--she a countess, he a famous warrior of the
United States army. The marvels they wrought were of only English size
in Australia, but on the approach to India they loomed up in oriental
magnitude. Madame had only to walk in any garden to pick brooches from
flowers, and find rupees at will, like the fabled tree that yielded
whatever was asked of it.
At length I reached the headquarters of Theosophy, at Adyar, some
fifteen miles out of Madras, and not far from St. Thome, where the
doubting disciple left his footprints blood-stained on the spot of his
martyrdom. Entering Madame's park I passed the pasteboard carcasses of
two blue elephants which had stood at the gateway on the occasion of a
recent Theosophist anniversary. Through the large and leafy park,
luxuriant with palm and mango, I drove up to the handsome mansion,
with a growing suspicion that too much had been said of the sacrifices
made by the New York journalist and the medium in founding their new
religion. While awaiting Madame's appearance, I sat in the veranda, on
a cushioned sofa of fine Indian work, beside a table holding the
newest books and magazines, receiving an impression of the charms with
which self-sacrifice has been invested since the days of poor St.
Thomas. Presently I was approached by a young Hindu, dreamy and
picturesque, who said Madame Blavatsky would soon be with me. Next
there advanced a youth who almost seemed an apparition; he proved to
be a "lay chela," and his snowy garment gave a saintly look to his
delicate beauty. He sweetly apologized for not taking my offered hand,
saying he was forbidden by his "Guru" (Mahatma) to shake hands, this
being one of the conditions of his farther development.
Madame Blavatsky gave me a cordial welcome. She sent off my carriage,
and urged me to pass the night. She had already been informed by our
friend, Professor Smith, of Sydney University, that I was coming, and
regretted Colonel Olcott's absence. Her dress was the white gown,
without belt, which makes a noon costume of Russian ladies in summer.
Her manner was easy, her talk witty, and she disarmed prejudice by her
impulsive candor. In addition to the two Hindus already mentioned,
others joined us, among these Norendranath Sen, editor of the _Indian
Mirror_, and relative of the Brahmo apostle Keshub Chunder Sen. All of
them spoke good English. Another person present was W. T. Brown, an
educated young Scotchman, and Dr. Hartmann, of Colorado. These young
men, the Hindus especially, were eager to relate their marvellous
experiences in receiving from the distant Mahatmas immediate answers
to their letters. The letters, it was explained, were placed "in the
shrine," and I at once proposed to write a note, referring to some
matter known to myself alone, in order to carry home evidence of the
existence and knowledge of the Mahatmas.
"What a pity!" broke in Madame Blavatsky, who had not participated in
the conversation, "only three days ago I was told by my Guru that the
shrine must not be used for letters any more!"
"It has generally been my luck," I said, perhaps betraying vexation.
"For thirty years I have been unwearied in trying to test alleged
phenomena, but have always happened to be a little too late or a
little too early. I was assured that it would be otherwise here!"
The young Hindus had eagerly approved my proposal to test the Mahatma,
and had evidently heard nothing of the prohibition. Madame Blavatsky,
who betrayed no embarrassment whatever, presently arose, invited me to
accompany her, and led me to a secluded room. Here she shut the door,
lit a cigarette, offered me one, and sat serenely awaiting my next
move. I told her that I had a sincere purpose in coming. Some of my
valued friends were deeply interested in Theosophy. If extraordinary
events were really occurring, none could be more ready to acknowledge
them than myself. I had a congregation in London, and we were not
afraid to recognize new facts if verified. "Now," I said, "what do
these rumors mean? I hear of your lifting teapots from beneath your
chair, summoning lost jewels, conversing with Mahatmas a thousand
miles away."
"Your questions shall be answered," said Madame Blavatsky. "You are a
public teacher and ought to know the truth. It is glamour; people
think they see what they do not see. That is the whole of it."
I could not repress some homage to the sagacity of this unwitnessed
confession. Forewarned that I was coming, Madame had received from her
Guru a convenient prohibition against further use of the shrine as a
post-office; and now, by one clever stroke, she altogether forestalled
an inconvenient investigation. Obstruction to experiments, or evasion,
would have been such confession as I could use. Failure to obtain
phenomena that could be verified might subtly awaken skepticism in the
simple-hearted Hindus around her. But this secret confession, which
might be repudiated if necessary, raised my whole siege at once.[3]
And the confession itself, while it admitted the unreality of the
miracles, left a marvel,--namely, her power to cause the
hallucinations. I remembered the legend of Glam, from whom came our
word "glamour," and had a droll feeling of being defeated, like
Grettir, in the moment of his victory over that moonshine-giant. As
says the Saga, "even as Glam fell a cloud was driven from the moon,
and Glam said, Exceedingly eager hast thou sought to meet me, Grettir,
but no wonder will it be deemed, though thou gettest no good hap of
me." Even so it proved lately, when I told my friend, Anne Besant,
that Madame Blavatsky had admitted it was glamour. She reminded me of
the power still left unexplained, to cast the glamour.
[3] Although this interview is here printed for the first time,
I mentioned it to some of Madame Blavatsky's friends so that
she might have an opportunity of giving her version. I am
told that she said she gave me an answer as directed by her
Guru. I must conclude therefore that unless the Gurus are all
glamour, they must be raised by their superhuman merits above
the obligations of truth.