OWING to the want of means of communication with England, we had not yet
(September) received answers to our letters sent home by the _Assurance_
in June, so that we were quite uncertain about the arrival of a ship. In
writing to Lord Russell and Mr. Panizzi, we had recommended that a much
larger vessel than the _Assurance_ should be sent, as it was of
importance to save time by having a working party on shore large enough
to take three waggons at a time. In the case of the _Assurance_ we had
found that thirty men, which was the largest number that could be
spared, were about the proper force for a single waggon. Three waggons
would therefore require ninety men, a number as large as we could safely
undertake to supply with the necessary water, camels, &c.
We had also recommended that the vessel sent should arrive at Marsa
Sousah before the middle of September, to insure our having time enough
for the transport and embarkation of whatever statues we might find,
before the fine summer weather should break up. As the very lightest
wind from the north caused a heavy surf all along the beach, it was
impossible to carry on boat operations except in perfectly calm weather.
Day after day, however, passed without any word of the arrival of the
vessel, and we began to contemplate our continued stay in the country
for another winter, and to consider how we might best occupy the time.
As we had already dug every promising spot at Cyrene not occupied by the
crops of the Arabs, we purposed going to Benghazi to dig in the ancient
cemetery there, previously burying all the marbles we could not carry
with us, to protect them from being destroyed by the Bedouins. If the
vessel came in the following year, they could be exhumed with little
difficulty.
Since the end of August I had been confined to the tomb, and most of the
time to bed, by a severe attack of fever, caused, most probably, by
fatigue and exposure at night during the journey to Benghazi in July.
With one of our party thus laid up on the “sick list,” and with a
prospect every day more certain of a further residence of eight months
in the country, we looked with some anxiety for the expected ship. As
usual on such occasions, the number of false alarms was so great that we
at last paid little attention to them. Our Maltese servants, quite
beside themselves with excitement at the chance of soon returning to
Malta—their “Fiore del mondo,”—stood gazing at the sea from morning to
night, and raised a shout of joy whenever they detected the slightest
speck on the distant horizon.
Their hopes were at last realized on the 26th of September, by the
appearance of a large frigate standing in towards Marsa Sousah, which
proved to be H.M.S. _Melpomene_, Captain Ewart, from whom we soon after
received a note announcing his arrival. As I was still unable to leave
the tomb, Porcher went down to the ship by himself early next morning,
to make the necessary arrangements with Captain Ewart, and to accompany
the working party, while I remained to look after the packing and other
affairs at Cyrene. Our friend Mohammed El Adouly had, unfortunately for
us, gone to Benghazi; so that we had not the benefit of his assistance,
as on the former occasion. The chances of difficulties and
misunderstandings were, moreover, much increased by the presence of a
large number of Arabs from the southward, who had lately come to water
their flocks till winter at the springs in the neighbourhood of Cyrene.
Having no occupation at this season of the year, they wandered about
perfectly idle, and therefore in readiness for any mischief. Even before
the arrival of the _Melpomene_, they had subjected us to considerable
annoyance, and were becoming daily more and more unfriendly in their
general demeanour; and there was little doubt that the large addition to
our numbers brought by the _Melpomene_ would proportionately add to
their hatred of the “dogs of Nazarenes,” as we were not too courteously
called. There were, consequently, more than the usual difficulties with
the numerous camel-drivers we required, who adopted a peculiarly
insolent tone in dealing with us. In the course of the subsequent
operations, they frequently refused to take any loads but such as they
themselves selected, and sometimes struck work altogether, thereby
causing us a vast amount of unnecessary trouble.
Owing to the excellent arrangements made by Captain Ewart while on the
passage from Malta, everything was ready for beginning the work
immediately after the arrival of the ship. The working party had already
been told off and thoroughly equipped and organized. The shafts of the
waggons had been taken off and long capstan bars substituted, by which
the guiding or steering was greatly facilitated—a point of some
importance, as it was only by means of such powerful levers that the
heavy waggons could be guided with ease and safety over the rough and
stony roads. The drag-ropes, too, were fitted with canvas straps to pass
over the men’s shoulders, by means of which the dragging was done much
more easily than by hand.
All the plank and other stores required for packing the statues were
landed immediately after the arrival of the ship, and sent up to Cyrene
as rapidly as we could get camels to carry them. Ten carpenters and a
guard of ten marines under the command of Lieutenant Saunders, R.M.,
came up to Cyrene the same day, and the work of making cases and packing
was begun at once under the superintendence of Mr. Dennison. A working
party of ninety men, fully equipped with tents, water-breakers,
provisions, &c., was then disembarked under the command of Lieutenant
Carter, R.N., ten camels with their drivers being told off to attend to
their wants. The waggons, three in number, were the artillery platform
waggons of the service, the same as those used by us on the former
occasion. Each waggon had its own “crew” of thirty men, under the
immediate command of one of the three midshipmen attached to the
party,—Messrs. Jackson, Cane, and Wade.
The ship was anchored about two miles to the westward of Marsa Sousah,
directly opposite our new road over the Augubah, in nearly the same
position as the _Assurance_ had taken up for the embarkation of the
statues in June. As communication with the shore was very liable to be
interrupted by the heavy surf on the beach, Captain Ewart caused a depôt
of provisions and fresh water to be established on land under the
protection of a guard. From this depôt, which was replenished from time
to time as the state of the weather permitted, the working party could
at all times draw its supplies, and the cases of sculpture brought down
from Cyrene could be safely left in charge of the guard, until a
favourable opportunity occurred for taking them on board. This
arrangement was the more necessary as we knew that the transport of the
objects too heavy to be carried by camels would require three if not
four trips of the waggons. Moreover, at so late a season of the year, a
continuance of fine weather could not be reckoned upon, and the ship
herself might not improbably be obliged by an equinoctial gale to put
out to sea.
Every precaution being thus taken to insure the success of the
operations, the working party started from the depôt with the waggons on
the morning of the 28th. Our new road proved quite practicable, and the
party reached the summit of the Augubah and encamped there the same
night. They arrived at Cyrene the following day, by which time the
carpenters had a sufficient number of statues packed to load all the
waggons. The 30th was occupied in securing the cases on the waggons, and
on the 1st of October the party started for the shore. The descent of
the Augubah was accomplished without accident, and the cases were safely
deposited at the depôt on the evening of the 2nd. Two other trips were
afterwards made with equal success, although not without serious
apprehension on our part of a violent interruption by a tribe of hostile
Bedouins.
Ever since the arrival of the marines and carpenters at Cyrene, scores
of “ugly-looking” Arabs kept prowling about our tomb with the evident
design of picking a quarrel with us. Occasion for doing so was likely to
occur at any moment, and especially when we absolutely refused to comply
with some extravagant demands on the part of the camel-drivers. An open
quarrel, however, was fortunately avoided until the first arrival of the
large waggon party.
The sailors, who were then encamped on the hill opposite our tomb, were
in the habit of washing and bathing at the Fountain of Apollo, a
practice at which the Arabs became greatly enraged. One evening, a
little before sunset, as we were sitting down to dinner, we suddenly
heard a few shots fired, and immediately afterwards, the loud screeching
by which the Arabs were wont to call each other to an armed gathering.
Numbers soon answered to the cry, and came pouring into the Wady from
all directions. On inquiring into the cause of the disturbance, we
learned that some sailors and marines had been bathing as usual at the
fountain, when a number of Arabs, annoyed at what they thought their
indecency, began pelting them with stones. A marine had thereupon loaded
his rifle with blank cartridge, and fired in the direction of the Arabs,
thinking thereby to frighten them away. His foolish act had, as might
have been expected, a totally different result. In less than an hour,
the Wady in front of our tomb was swarming with armed men. As we had in
this instance been the aggressors, we at once sent Amor for the sheikhs
of the collected force, and explained to them that we quite disclaimed
the act of the marine, whose rashness, however, was somewhat excused by
the previous conduct of the Arabs. The sheikhs, who seemed peaceably
disposed, replied that the whole disturbance had been caused by our men
occupying the fountain all day, and preventing the Arab women from
coming to fill their waterskins. As there was some truth in this, we
promised that in future the men should be allowed to use the fountain
only at particular times; and we requested the sheikhs to come to us, if
at any time they had cause of complaint, and not to speak to our men,
who knew nothing of their language. The Arabs, only partly pacified by
our assurances, remained where they were all night, and spent great part
of the following morning in firing at marks close to our tomb, for the
purpose of making an imposing show of their power to treat us as they
pleased.
This disturbance was hardly settled when a certain Sheikh Said ’M Rubbut
made his appearance at the head of his tribe, and demanded a large sum
of money, under the pretence of harbour dues, or something of the sort.
On our refusing to pay it, he went off in great wrath, vowing vengeance
on our whole party. The following day, he returned with a similar
demand, but this time for the much smaller sum of 200 piastres (18_s._).
On our again refusing to acknowledge his right to any sum, however
small, he lowered his tone considerably, and said that, having no wish
to quarrel with us, he would forego his claim, but begged two or three
bullock-skins which were of little or no value to us. To a request in
this form we willingly acceded, as we were anxious at all hazards to
keep the peace until the marbles were safely taken to the beach. By this
time the waggons were on their way to the depôt on the shore, after
their second trip to Cyrene.
The day after the departure of the waggon party, Sheikh Said again paid
a visit to our tomb, and told me that he was not satisfied with the
skins, and that he would not allow the waggons to pass, unless I paid
him a large _bakshish_ besides. Seeing that his object was simply to
levy “black mail,” and that yielding in any way to his demands would
only encourage him to make further exactions, I refused to give him
anything, and ordered him to leave the tomb. With the threat that none
of us should leave the country alive, he went away, and encamped in the
lower plateau, near a steep ravine which the waggons had to cross. He
there barricaded the road with trunks and branches of trees, and for two
days prevented any communication between Cyrene and the working party or
the ship.[5] Some of our camels on their way from the depôt, laden with
planks, were seized and detained. Our retreat from Cyrene was
effectually cut off, and we were altogether in rather a helpless state.
In this dilemma, I thought of the sheikhs of the Haasa, whom we had
befriended after the attack of the Castle of Ghegheb, and who had then
expressed their desire to repay us in any way in their power. I
accordingly sent for Husseim and Hadji Hassan, the two head sheikhs of
the tribe, and after reminding them of our interference with the Pacha
on their behalf, told them that they could never have a better
opportunity of proving the sincerity of their gratitude than now, by
ridding us of the presence of Sheikh Said and his followers. I also
assured them, that as we were living in the territory of the Haasa, of
which Sheikh Said’s tribe was a subdivision, they themselves would be
held responsible by the Consul for our safety. They at once promised to
request Sheikh Said to depart peaceably, and if he refused to do so, to
drive him away by force. With some of their subordinate sheikhs, they
immediately went to carry their promise into effect, and returned after
two or three hours with the intelligence that Sheikh Said had gone when
they ordered him, and that the road was therefore quite clear.
[Illustration: PLATE 58.—ENCAMPMENT OF THE PARTY FROM H.M.S. “MELPOMENE”
NEAR THE HEAD OF THE AUGUBAH.]
Although he had thus apparently obeyed the order of the sheikhs, he had
by no means given up the game. Foiled at Cyrene, he merely shifted his
ground, and lay in wait for the waggon party in a wood at the top of the
Augubah, hoping, no doubt, to extract something from them by his
threats. The waggons soon afterwards came up from the shore, and halted
for the night. The tents were no sooner pitched than Sheikh Said and
some of his followers entered the camp, and threatened Porcher and the
whole party with utter destruction if he did not agree to give him a
bakshish. Porcher had not yet heard of our two days’ siege at Cyrene,
but gave him the same answer I had done; viz., a point blank refusal.
The sheikh thereupon left the camp, and collecting all the men of his
tribe, placed them in a large open space at the foot of the Cyrene
range, while he himself came up to our tomb to offer me, as he said, a
last chance. I told him I had already given him an answer, and that if
he wanted to attack us we were quite ready to receive him. On his
departure, I again called upon the head sheikhs for assistance, and they
again obliged him to move off; so that the waggon party reached Cyrene
for the third time without an actual encounter.
The friendly interference of the principal sheikhs of the Haasa had thus
been of great service to us hitherto, by preventing a collision which
must have led to very serious consequences. Had it come to blows or
bloodshed, even the Arabs who were most friendly to us would have been
compelled to take side with their brethren against the Christians. With
thirteen miles of bad road and close cover between Cyrene and the coast,
we must have suffered great loss in fighting our way to the shore
against overwhelming numbers. Such a result had fortunately been
avoided; but we now began to have doubts of the good faith of the
friendly sheikhs, and to suspect that, after all, they might be in
secret league with our enemies. We were led to fear that this was the
case by the pertinacity and confidence shown by Sheikh Said, and by the
fact that Hussein and Hadji Hassan acted in concert with our old foe
Sidi Mustapha, who was loud in his denunciation of Sheikh Said’s acts.
We naturally thought that if the heads of the Haasa and the chief of the
Zauyah were sincere in their professions of friendship, Sheikh Said
would not presume to threaten and annoy us.
Affairs being in this state, we thought it advisable to apply to the
Mudir of Ghegheb for protection, although we had little hope of his
rendering us any really efficient assistance. Our object was rather to
put ourselves in the right, by being able to say that we had appealed to
the only representative of the Government in the country. I was still
too weak to ride as far as Ghegheb, or I should have gone to see the
Mudir before now; but Porcher went immediately after his arrival at
Cyrene with the waggons. The Mudir himself, he found, was absent, and
the Kolaghassi or Major who was acting in his place said that all he
could do was to send two Koralié with letters to Sidi Mustapha and the
sheikhs Hussein and Hadji Hassan.
Finding that no assistance was to be expected from the Mudir, and that
we must rely solely on our own resources for protection, we were anxious
to get everything on board as soon as possible, especially as every
day’s delay seemed only to add to the difficulties of our position. We
therefore determined to make the third trip of the waggons the final
one, although, by doing so, we were obliged to leave behind us the large
statue of Archippe and some of the inscriptions. Future visitors to the
ruins of Cyrene will probably find the statue where we left it, at the
western end of our upper range of tombs, and the inscriptions in a
subterranean chamber almost immediately beneath the same spot.[6]
The 10th and 11th were spent in loading the waggons, packing up our
personal effects, and collecting the necessary number of camels. We made
our preparations as quietly and secretly as possible, in the hope of
giving the slip to Sheikh Said and his friends, by reaching the shore
before he should hear of our departure from Cyrene. Meantime, the road
to the coast was clear, and everything promised a peaceful termination
to our long sojourn among the Bedouins. On the night of the 11th,
however, one of our Arab servants brought us word that Sheikh Said,
having heard of our intended movement, was again in position on the road
with a larger force than ever, determined to fight us if we did not
satisfy his demands.
Early next morning, the marines were paraded under arms, and told off in
two parties to act as advanced and rear guards to the main body with the
waggons and camels. It was some time, however, before everything was
ready for a start. Crowds of Arabs collected round our tomb, clamouring
and struggling with each other for the empty bottles and other articles
which we were to leave behind. At last the camels were loaded, and we
were on the point of beginning our march, when, somewhat to our
astonishment, we saw a number of Arabs coming up the Wady, among whom we
recognized Sheikh Said and our former friends Sheikhs Hussein and Hadji
Hassan. It seemed as if our suspicions of these Haasa sheikhs were,
after all, but too well founded, and that they were now openly
associated with our enemy, in order to share with him the expected
booty.
[Illustration: Pl. 59.
CENTRAL WADY AND SLOPE OF THE EASTERN HILL OF CYRENE
E. A. Porcher, delt., T. Picken, lith.
London. Published July 1st. 1864 by Day & Son, Lithographers to the
Queen &c., Gate Street Lincoln’s Inn Fields.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen]
Such, however, was not the case. Leaving the other Arabs who were with
them, the two sheikhs came up to our tomb and told us that, having
accidentally heard that Sheikh Said was again in arms against us, they
had hurried off during the night to the position taken up by him in the
lower plateau, and, by threatening himself and all his followers with
instant death, had compelled him to come to make his submission to us.
As no blood had actually been shed, they had given him their word that
we should not injure him. On being assured that we would respect the
safe-conduct they had given, they brought up their prisoner, who
forthwith, in the most abject terms, expressed sorrow for his past
offences, and begged to be forgiven. Thus, fortunately, ended an affair
which, but for the gratitude of the powerful tribe we had formerly
befriended, would, in all probability, have resulted in a great loss of
life.
To insure us from further molestation, Sheikhs Hussein and Hadji Hassan
accompanied us to the beach, where we induced them with some difficulty
to intrust themselves to leave _terra firma_, and pay a visit to the
ship. When they came on board, Captain Ewart made them a liberal and
most welcome present of powder, and at their own earnest request I gave
each of them a certificate of good conduct addressed to the English
vice-consuls at Benghazi and Derna.
The waggon party reached the head of the Augubah the same night, and on
the following morning descended to the plain, where they were met by the
ship’s band, who escorted them to the beach. Before evening everything
was safely embarked.
The narrative of the excavations would be incomplete without mentioning
a small dressed statue of a girl found near the central theatre of
Cyrene, by some of the sailors, who spent the two days before our
departure in digging for “images” on their own account. For want of a
more appropriate name, her discoverers gave her that of the ship:
“Melpomene.”
While getting the last of the cases on board, on the afternoon of the
13th, we observed a steamer coming along the shore from the westward,
which was soon made out to be H.M.S. _Medina_, commanded by Captain
Spratt, C.B., who was then engaged in testing and correcting the charts
of the coast between Tripoli and Alexandria. He had previously written
to inform us of his intended visit to Cyrene; but his letter did not
reach us until after the arrival of the _Medina_ herself. Unfortunately
it was now too late to think of going, as Sheikh Said and his followers
were doubtless eager to have revenge for their late humiliation.
Immediately before coming to Marsa Sousah, the _Medina_ had anchored for
a few hours at Sousah Hamema, for the purpose of taking some
observations on shore with the artificial horizon. The party that landed
for this purpose, having crossed by chance the limits of the Zauyah,
were indignantly ordered off by the saintly Achwani, who would not have
hesitated to enforce obedience by firing on the intruders.
The last duty we had to perform before our departure was the
distribution of bakshish among our friends and attendants. Of these,
Amor Bon Abdi Seyat, who had stood by us well during the whole of our
residence in the country, had the greatest claim on our gratitude.
Honesty, in our sense of the word, was a quality of which, in common
with his countrymen, he could form no conception, and to which he,
consequently, had no pretension. But he refrained from actual theft, and
had discernment enough to see that in honesty, that is, in _limited_
peculation, lay his best policy; inasmuch as the periodical bakshish
which he received varied inversely as the amount he gained by illicit
means. In every respect he was probably the best man we could have got
in the country. Naturally quick-witted, active, and courageous, he had
acquired considerable influence over the men of his tribe, which, on
more than one occasion, he exerted with success in our behalf. As a
farewell gift, we gave him our two horses and a large supply of powder.
It was not without regret that we finally left our temporary home at
Cyrene. The beauty of the scenery and the interesting nature of our
occupations had combined to render our residence in the country a most
agreeable one. We had occasionally suffered considerable annoyance and
anxiety; but, on the whole, our relations with the Arabs had been much
more satisfactory than might have been anticipated. Several
considerations, however, now induced us to return to Malta in the
_Melpomene_. As a ship could not approach the coast with safety during
winter, we should have had to remain at Cyrene at least six or seven
months, before another vessel could be sent to visit us; and this period
we were afraid we should not be able to employ to much advantage in the
way of excavation. Immediately after the first rains, the Arabs begin to
sow their crops, which, at Cyrene, cover nearly the whole site of the
ancient city. During the previous winter, we had examined nearly every
promising spot that was left unoccupied. Very little digging, therefore,
could be done until the ground was again clear after the harvest in May,
as the Arabs would on no account allow their crops to be interfered
with. We should, consequently, have been obliged to remain in the
country a whole year, for the chance of finding more sculptures during
the five or six months of the following summer. There was no doubt that
many statues were still to be found; but as we had already excavated all
the prominent sites in the city, in many of which we discovered nothing,
further operations must have been carried on almost at random. For these
and other reasons, we made up our minds to leave Cyrene, and return to
Malta in the _Melpomene_.
At daylight on the morning of the 14th we weighed anchor, and sailed for
Malta. It was well that we had got all the cases of sculpture on board
the day before; for we had hardly left the coast when a breeze sprang up
and rapidly freshened to a gale, which would have made it quite
impossible to communicate with the shore, and would have obliged the
ship herself to put to sea for safety. After a stormy passage of three
days, we reached Malta on the 17th, just in time to correct a report
sent from Benghazi by the new submarine telegraph, to the effect that,
in an attack made upon us by the Arabs of Cyrene, one of us had been
killed and the other wounded.
At Malta the sculptures were transferred to H.M.S. _Supply_, Master
Commander Balliston, in which vessel they were soon afterwards safely
conveyed to England.
CONCLUSION.
BEFORE taking leave of the subject of the Cyrenaica, it will not be out
of place to offer a few remarks upon the future prospects of this
beautiful country.
It may, I think, be safely premised that, so long as it remains in the
hands of its present rulers and occupants, no great change in its
condition is likely to take place, either for the better or the worse.
From what has been already stated in a former chapter, it will be seen
that the present state of the country, and the character and peculiar
habits of its inhabitants are, to a great extent, mutually dependent on
each other. That is to say, the physical condition of the country, owing
to the absence of rivers or any large artificial reservoirs for water,
is not adapted to the requirements of a settled sedentary population,
and therefore tends to confirm the Bedouins in their wandering, and
consequently wild and lawless, habits; while, on the other hand, it is
hardly to be expected that a race of people like the Arabs would exert
themselves in achieving public works for the purpose of making the
country suited for a manner of life which they have been taught from
infancy to hate and despise. As an illustration of this, I may mention
that the road which we made from Cyrene to Marsa Sousah, instead of
being regarded as a benefit to that part of the country, was looked upon
with considerable suspicion as a means of facilitating the movements of
troops sent by the Government.
Nor is this indisposition on the part of the inhabitants likely to be
compensated for by the energy of a government which exists in little
more than the name. Justice is not administered, crime is not punished,
and life and property are wholly unprotected. The collection of tribute
is, in fact, the only function of government performed by the
representatives of the Sultan.
The expediency of forming a colony of Maltese in the Cyrenaica has, we
believe, been sometimes contemplated; but it is evident that, in such a
state of affairs, successful colonization by Europeans would be
impossible. In the first place, a general system of irrigation by means
of reservoirs and cisterns for the collection of the rains in winter,
would have to be created; roads and harbours would also be required to
make the resources of the country available for the purposes of
commerce; works which could only be carried out under the protection of
a powerful government. There is little hope of Turkey ever acquiring the
enlightened energy necessary for such a task, and the example of Algeria
as a French _colony_ is probably not such as to induce any other
European nation to attempt it. It is a remarkable fact that a region
once so prosperous, and even now blessed with a salubrious climate, a
fertile soil, and an excellent geographical position, should have
remained for centuries on the very borders of Europe, not only
undeveloped, but almost unknown. And from the combination of causes
which we have indicated, it seems not improbable that it may remain in
the same condition for many years to come.
APPENDICES.
* * * * *
I.—ON THE SILPHIUM.
IN the foregoing chapters reference has occasionally been made to the
Silphium of Cyrene, the identification of which has given rise to
considerable discussion among modern travellers and botanists.
Della Cella, Beechey, and Pacho agree in the opinion that the Silphium
of the Greeks is identical with a plant growing in abundance at the
present day in the neighbourhood of Cyrene, partly from the description
of it given by Pliny, and the general resemblance of the drawing on the
coins of Cyrene.
[Illustration: PLATE 60.—THAPSIA GARGANICA.]
Dr. Schroff has lately published an article on the subject, which seems
to be the most important hitherto written, and having gone minutely into
the accounts given by Hippocrates and Dioscorides of the properties of
the ancient Silphium, and the experiments made from the plant now
growing there, it is quite evident that they are not the same.
From the following account it will be seen that the present plant, of
which a drawing is shown in Plate 60, is proved to be the _Thapsia
Garganica_, and agrees with the plant well known to the ancients under
the name of _Thapsia_, but has none of the properties of the true
Silphium.
It is called _Drias_ by the Arabs, and abounds at Cyrene and the
immediate vicinity, disappearing altogether about thirty miles to the
westward of it; and we observed it occasionally as far as Derna in the
opposite direction. This plant appears above the ground in the month of
October, when the autumnal rains commence, and is in flower in May, when
it attains the height of 4 feet on the average, occasionally measuring
4¾ feet, and dying down to the ground again in July and August.
The following description of the plant has been kindly translated by
Professor Oliver from the German article of Dr. Schroff.
The question as to the identity or otherwise of _Thapsia Garganica_, now
so abundant about the site of the ancient Cyrene, as well as elsewhere
on Mediterranean shores, with the _Silphium_ of the Greeks, has been
recently very carefully investigated by Dr. C. Schroff.
The results of his inquiry appeared in the “Zeitschrift der K. K.
Gesellschaft der Aerzte” of Vienna, Part I., 1862.[7] They are briefly
these: he finds that the properties, &c., of _Thapsia Garganica_ do not
accord with those attributed by classical writers to their _Silphium_;
on the other hand, they do accord with the properties ascribed by
Theophrastus, Dioscorides, and others to a plant called by them
_Thapsia_. Dr. Schroff therefore rejects the prevalent notion that the
ancient _Silphium_ of Cyrene is represented by _Thapsia Garganica_, now
growing wild on its site, and confidently identifies the latter with the
_Thapsia_ of the Greeks and Romans.[8] He does not attempt to indicate
the present representative of the true _Silphium_.
With regard to the properties of _Thapsia Garganica_, it is stated by
Von Heinzmann (by whom specimens of the drug—the rind of the root—now in
use at Tripoli, obtained from _T. Garganica_, were sent to Europe) that
the fruit is very poisonous to camels, a single fruit (so-called seed)
sufficing to kill a large and powerful camel. The Arabs in travelling
through districts where the _Thapsia_ abounds, at the time when the
fruit is ripe, are accustomed to muzzle their camels to prevent their
feeding upon the plant. The green herbage of the _Thapsia_, however, is
eaten by them without ill effect.
A very high value is ascribed to the rind of the root as an application
to foul wounds or ulcers, whether of man or beast. A portion of the rind
is laid upon or into the sore and it heals forthwith. M. Heinzmann
experimented with the tincture upon bad wounds of different kinds with
“die wunderbarsten Resultate.” When the tincture is applied to the sound
skin, it occasions almost unendurable itching, and gives rise at length
to blisters or pustules, without causing much inflammation. Neither
itching nor burning is felt when the drug is applied to a wound. Six to
eight grains of the powdered rind of the root taken internally are
stated to occasion the following symptoms: giddiness, buzzing in the
ears, confusion of ideas, great feeling of weakness, with tendency to
vomit, and actual vomiting and purging. The most striking symptom,
however, is a long-continued, heavy perspiration. Experiments repeated
in Europe lead to the _Thapsia Garganica_ being classed as a drastic
cathartic, and, to a certain extent, confirm its usefulness as an
external application.
The properties of the plant _Thapsia_, described by Theophrastus,
Dioscorides, and Pliny, agree with those just cited as characteristic of
_Thapsia Garganica_. Dr. Schroff says a comparison of the description
given by the above writers of their _Thapsia_ with the character, both
as to structure and properties, of _T. Garganica_, leaves no doubt as to
their identity.
With regard to the ancient _Silphium_. Our most precise information
respecting it is derived from the Cyrenian coins and the writings of
Theophrastus and Dioscorides. It is referred to by Pliny (with admixture
of error), as well as by many of the more ancient classical writers. The
fresh root, prepared with vinegar, was eaten, and the stem was highly
prized as a delicacy.—(See _Knights_ of Aristophanes.) It was also used
as a spice and condiment. Its application in medicine (the inspissated
juice) is fully detailed by Dioscorides. It was in great repute as an
antidote to poisons and the bite of venomous reptiles, scorpions, mad
dogs, &c.
The older Cyrenian coins bear a representation (according to Dr.
Schroff) of the fruit of the _Silphium_. It is represented as
_obcordate_, with a narrow wing. This does not agree at all with the
form of the fruit of _T. Garganica_, nor can the account given of the
use of the _Silphium_ as a table delicacy and condiment be reconciled
with the active properties of that species.
In conclusion Dr. Schroff says: “If, then, our researches establish
beyond all doubt that the plant now known as _Thapsia Garganica_, L.,
and _Thapsia Silphium_, Viv., is not, as so many travellers and
botanists have asserted, the original Cyrenaic _Silphium_, on the other
hand, the result of this inquiry is not purely negative in reference to
the Flora of the ancients, for we have proved that the plant in question
may be certainly identified with another plant used in ancient medicine,
the _Thapsia_ of the Greeks and Romans.”
This extract clearly establishes the fact that the _Drias_ of the Arabs
is the _Thapsia Garganica_. At the time the Romans took possession of
the country, the Silphium seems to have been grown in large quantities,
and was considered an excellent medicine, and sold for its weight in
silver. The medicinal properties of the gum are described as having the
smell of myrrh, but more mild and agreeable.
It was said by Pliny to have grown not far from the Gardens of the
Hesperides and the Great Syrtis; but, in his time, it had so entirely
disappeared that a single plant was sent as a rare and valuable gift to
the Emperor Nero. This scarcity had been caused by the barbaric races
that overran the country, as well as by the Cyrenians themselves, who
aided in its extirpation in order to free themselves of the enormous tax
which the Romans had laid upon it.
* * * * *
No. II.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SCULPTURES FOUND AT CYRENE.
* * * * *
PLATE 61.—BACCHUS.
_Height 5 feet 9 inches; found in a temple of Bacchus. (See ante, p.
40.)_
The god is represented under his youthful type, holding a bunch of
grapes in his left hand, and with his head encircled with a vine-wreath
and diadem. The right arm, now wanting, appears to have hung down by his
side, as a little below the hip is a projection for the attachment of
the hand. A mantle passes round the lower half of his body and over his
left arm and shoulder. This statue is remarkable for the admirable
preservation of the face. The form has a certain effeminate beauty,
though the style is somewhat mannered and meretricious. The drapery is
carelessly executed, especially at the back. When it was first found,
red colour was very visible in the eyes and wreath round the head.
* * * * *
PLATE 62.—APOLLO CITHARŒDUS.
_Height, inclusive of the plinth, 7 feet 6 inches._
This statue was found, as has been already stated (_ante_, p. 41), in
the Temple of Apollo, and originally stood on a lofty base within the
cella. The god is represented in a musing attitude, as if pausing
between the strains of his music. His left hand, now broken off, must
have played over the strings of his lyre; his right arm has been raised;
the right hand, resting on the crown of his head, has held the
_plectrum_, with which he is about to strike the lyre. On the hair may
be seen a projection where this hand has been attached. The lyre rests
on the trunk of a tree, round which a serpent is twined. A bow and
quiver hang from the tree. The head of the serpent is upturned, as if he
were listening to the music of the god. Red colour may be seen on the
tree and quiver.
This statue is probably a copy from some celebrated original, as two
other nearly similar figures exist, one in the Capitoline Museum at
Rome, the other in the Museo Borbonico at Naples. (_See_ Clarac, _Musée
de Sculpture_, iii. pl. 479, fig. 921B; and _ibid._, pl. 489, fig. 954.)
The countenance has a suave and beautiful expression, and the general
attitude is very harmoniously composed. The body is finely modelled, but
the drapery very inferior to the nude part; the lower limbs seem rather
short and clumsy, but perhaps, if this statue were placed on a higher
base, this want of proportion would be less apparent. This statue when
found was broken into 123 pieces, all of which have been rejoined since
its arrival at the British Museum.
* * * * *
PLATE 63.—THE EMPEROR HADRIAN (?).
_Height 6 feet 7 inches._
This Plate represents a male personage clad in a mantle thrown over his
left shoulder, under which the folds of a _chiton_ are seen on the
breast; on his feet are sandals; the right arm is crossed over the
breast under the mantle, the left hand holds a sprig of laurel; the head
is bound with a pine wreath, and has been inserted into a socket at the
base of the neck. This head is evidently a portrait, and appears to be
intended for the Emperor Hadrian, though the likeness is not a very
strong one. As, however, the statue was found in the Temple of Apollo,
close to a base inscribed with a dedication to Hadrian (see _ante_, p.
42), it may be presumed that it represents that emperor. It is possible
that the head may have been substituted for that which originally
belonged to this statue, as the general character of the drapery would
be rather suitable to a poet or a philosopher than to a Roman emperor.
Both hands have been joined on at the wrist, and were found detached.
The left hand seems not to be made of the same marble as the rest of the
statue, and it is very doubtful whether it belongs to the figure.
The pine-wreath on the head would indicate a victory either in the Great
Isthmia, or in some smaller festival bearing the same name. There does
not, however, seem to be evidence to show the connection of the Emperor
Hadrian with such contests.
* * * * *
PLATE 64.—HEAD OF PALLAS ATHENE.
_Height 1 foot 2 inches._
This head was found near the middle of the _Cella_ in the Temple of
Apollo, near the preceding statue, supposed to represent the Emperor
Hadrian.—(See _ante_, p. 42.) It is in unusually fine preservation, and
from the purity and whiteness of the marble is an attractive object to
the uncritical eye. It is, however, rather coarse and heavy in
execution, and belongs, therefore, probably, to the Roman period.
The helmet, which is of the kind called Corinthian, has had the point of
the nasal broken off. In other respects this head is uninjured.
* * * * *
UNKNOWN MALE HEAD WITH INLAID EYES.
_Life Size._
On Plate 64 is also represented a male head, which is especially
interesting, as an example of polychrome or inlaid sculpture. The crown
of the head is cut away, so as to form a joint, and it is evident that a
helmet or other head-dress has been fitted on to it, doubtless, of a
different coloured marble. The eyes are inserted in hollow sockets. The
whites of the eyes, formed of marble, still remain in these sockets. The
pupils, which have, probably, been made of coloured vitreous pastes,
have fallen out. All round the marble eyes the edge of a thin bronze
plate intervenes between the eye and the upper and lower eyelids; this
edge has probably been serrated so as to indicate by its projection the
upper and lower eyelashes, as is the case with the bronze head, Plate
66.
This head is greatly disfigured by the mutilation of the nose, and by
the want of the eyes and the part above the forehead. What remains is,
however, finely modelled, and is, probably, the work of a Greek artist
of a good period.
* * * * *
PLATE 65.—HEAD OF CNÆUS CORNELIUS LENTULUS MARCELLINUS,
PROPRÆTOR OF CYRENE.
_Life Size._
This head was found in the Temple of Apollo, in the western half of the
_Cella_. With it was found a marble base, on which was graven the
inscription No. 1, recording the dedication of a statue, by the people
of Cyrene, to Cnæus Lentulus Marcellinus, styled here Proprætor, Patron,
and Saviour of Cyrene. (See _ante_, p. 42.)
With this base was found a square pedestal, 10 inches broad and 5 feet
high, which fitted into a square socket in the base, and which had at
the top a deep socket into which the head fitted. This pedestal, which
establishes the connection between the base and the head, was
unfortunately left behind, on the final embarkation of the marbles, on
account of the insufficient means of transport at the command of the
expedition. It has been already noticed that the back of this head is
cut flat, as if to enable it to be placed like a pilaster.
As a specimen of provincial sculpture in the Roman period, this head is
very well worthy of study. It seems singular that a work of art
possessing so much merit should have been united to its pedestal in so
rude and unsightly a manner. It is, however, possible that the head
originally belonged to a statue, and that, after this statue was broken
by an earthquake or other accident, the head was remounted in this
clumsy fashion.
The Cnæus Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus whose portrait we have here was
the son of P. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, of the illustrious family
of Marcelli, and a man of some note in the latter years of the Republic.
While yet a young man he supported the cause of the Sicilians against
Verres, B.C. 70. He held the office of Prætor, B.C. 59, and presided
over the trial of C. Antonius, the colleague of Cicero. The following
year he went to Syria, and administered that province for two years. He
was Consul B.C. 56, and took a prominent part in resisting the factious
violence of Clodius; and Cicero, whose cause he greatly favoured,
declared him to be one of the best Consuls he had ever known. We hear
very little of him after the expiration of his Consulship, and the
period of his death is wholly unknown.
Ancient writers are not agreed as to the precise date when Cyrene was
first made a Roman province. The conflicting authorities are examined by
Thrige (Res Cyren. pp. 274-277), who adopts for this event the date B.C.
75. Borghesi, who reconsiders the question very fully in his Œuvres
Complètes, Paris, 1864, II. pp. 396-407, prefers the later date, B.C.
65, in which he is followed by Falbe and Lindberg (Numismatique de
l’Ancienne Afrique, I. p. 7). According to these two latter authorities,
Lollius, whose name appears on the coins of Cyrene, was its first
Proprætor; but it is not unlikely that he was preceded by Cn. Lentulus
Marcellinus, whether we take the earlier or the later of the above-
mentioned dates for the establishment of the Roman province there. He
may be the same as a Cnæus Lentulus whose name appears on a Roman family
coin (Cohen, Description Générale, p. 104, No. 25) as Quæstor, and who
was probably Quæstor in Spain with Metellus, about B.C. 79-75.
* * * * *
PLATE 66.—BRONZE ICONIC HEAD.
_Life Size._
This head is in very fine condition, and a most interesting example of
ancient portraiture in bronze.
The person whom it represents has not yet been identified; the type of
the features seems rather African than Greek or Roman, and it is
possible, therefore, that this head may represent some king of Numidia
or Mauritania. The eyes have been inlaid in vitreous pastes, portions of
which still remain in the sockets. The eyelashes are indicated by
notched lines. The under lip is formed of a separate piece of bronze,
the junction of which may be traced along the edge of the lip.
It is probable that the lips were covered with a thin plate of silver or
some artificial substance which served to represent their difference of
colour. The hair and beard are finished with great care and refinement
of treatment. Throughout there is a scrupulous adherence to nature, and
this head may be considered as an interesting example of that realistic
school of portraiture which seems to have originated in the time of
Lysippus.
It was found in the Temple of Apollo, on the original floor of the
eastern part of the _cella_, 11 feet beneath a mosaic pavement
superadded in Roman times. Near it were some small fragments of bronze
horses, very much injured, as if by fire, some bits of gold leaf, and
several terra-cotta lamps. (See _ante_, pp. 42, 43.)
* * * * *
PLATE 67.—APHRODITE.
_Height 2 feet 4 inches._
This statuette is broken off below the knees. The figure is draped in a
tunic, reaching probably to the feet, and girt at the waist; a _peplos_
passes round the right hip. The arms are wanting. The head is bound with
a diadem.
This figure has been so mutilated that it is difficult to judge of it as
a composition. The marble is of an exquisite quality, and is wrought
with a refined skill, which shows that this statuette belongs to the
best period of Greek art. The countenance is one of great beauty. The
long eyes and general type of the features are characteristic of
Aphrodite.
Though Praxiteles is said to have first made nude statues of this
goddess, draped representations of her are comparatively rare, except
those executed in the archaic period.
* * * * *
CYRENE.
_Height 1 foot 3 inches._
On this Plate is also represented a female torso, attired in a tunic
reaching only to the knees. The head, arms, and legs of this figure are
wanting. Above the girdle the fashion of the tunic is peculiar. The
sides are left open, so as to expose the breasts, between which the
folds are gathered together in a broad band. On this band and on the
folds near it traces of red colour may yet be seen.
The composition of the drapery in this statuette is remarkable for
severe and simple beauty. It is probably executed by a Greek sculptor of
the best period. The type and costume are those of a young girl trained
to the chase or athletic exercises. These characteristics make it
probable that in this statuette we have the nymph Cyrene herself, of
whom there are two other representations in this collection of
sculptures. (See Pl. 76, and No. 6, _post._) Both these statuettes were
found in a large temple near the Stadium, with some other fragments of
sculpture of a very fine character. (See _ante_, p. 75.)
* * * * *
PLATE 68.—ICONIC FEMALE FIGURE.
_Height 6 feet 6½ inches._
This figure is clad in a tunic reaching to the feet, over which is an
ample mantle or _peplos_ wound round the body. Her head is bound with a
diadem, and covered at the back with a veil. From the character of the
features, it may be inferred that this statue is a portrait rather than
the representation of any ideal personage. If such is the case, it is
probably the portrait of some queen, perhaps of the family of the
Egyptian Ptolemies, as several of the queens of this dynasty are
represented on their coins wearing the diadem and veil. Though this
figure has rather an imposing effect at a distance, near inspection
shows that it is very coarsely executed. The proportions are very
clumsy. It was found in some ruins on the north side of the Temple of
Apollo.
* * * * *
PLATE 69.—BUST OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS.
_Height 2 feet 4½ inches._
This bust is well sculptured and in very fine condition. The features
are intact. The Emperor is represented clad in the _paludamentum_, or
military cloak, which is fastened by a circular _fibula_ on the right
shoulder over a tunic and cuirass. This bust was found on the site of a
building marked “Palace” on the Plan, but which, from the number of
Imperial busts discovered in it, was probably an Augusteum. (See _ante_,
p. 76.)
* * * * *
PLATE 70.—BUST OF THE EMPEROR MARCUS AURELIUS.
_Height 2 feet 4¼ inches, inclusive of plinth._
This bust is in very fine condition, having sustained no injury except
the fracture of the neck. The Emperor wears on his shoulders the
_paludamentum_, fastened on the right shoulder by a _fibula_. The hair
is skilfully disposed in clustering masses, and the general treatment of
the head is simple and dignified, though as a work of art this bust is
inferior to the Antoninus already described. It was found in the
building marked “Palace” on the Plan, which, as has been already
remarked, was, probably, an Augusteum.
* * * * *
PLATE 71.—APHRODITE EUPLOIA.
_Height 1 foot 9 inches._
A small statuette representing Venus in the act of adjusting the sandal
of her left foot. She leans forward standing on her right leg, and
resting her left thigh against a pillar. The toes of her raised foot,
now broken away, have been supported by a dolphin. Her left arm, which
is also wanting, is drawn back, and probably rested on the pillar; as
the head is broken away at the base of the neck, it is uncertain in
which direction it turned. Drapery hangs from the column, against which
a rudder is leaning. Many varieties and repetitions of this figure are
extant, in marble and bronze, among which the following may be cited:—
1. A small bronze figure in the British Museum. (Millingen, in the
Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, 2nd series, i. p. 62.)
2. A small bronze figure found at Herculaneum. (Antichità di Ercol., vi.
14; Müller, Denkmäler d.a. Kunst, ii. Taf. xxxvi., fig. 283.)
3. A small bronze torso in the British Museum. (Clarac, Musée de
Sculpture, i. pl. 628, fig. 1354.)
4. A small bronze figure. (Galeotti, Mus. Odeschalc., ii. pl. 35.)
5. A small marble torso in the British Museum. (Museum Marbles, x. pl.
20, p. 43.)
6. A similar figure occurs on the bronze coins of Aphrodisias during the
Roman period. (Mionnet, Recueil, iii. p. 323, No. 109.)
Several small torsos in marble, which represent the same subject, have
been found in Crete, Rhodes, Cos, and Calymnos. It is evident, front the
number of repetitions of this figure, that they are all derived from
some celebrated original. The name of Aphrodite Euploia has been given
to this figure because, in two instances, the statuette now under
consideration and the bronze figure in the British Museum, published by
Millingen (No. 1, _supra_), the goddess leans on a rudder. The veil held
over her head in the latter bronze seems to represent the sail filled by
a favourable wind. These nautical emblems would accord well with the
epithet Euploia, “the giver of a favourable voyage,” which was given to
Aphrodite. In this character she was an object of special worship at
Cnidus. The number of small statuettes with this type which have been
found in cities of the Archipelago suggests the notion that they may
have been dedicated by seafaring men after a voyage.
This statuette was found with several other statues of Venus in a small
temple, marked on the Plan “Temple of Venus.” (See _ante_, p. 77.) The
composition is very graceful, but the forms rather coarse and clumsy. It
is, probably, of the Roman period.
* * * * *
PLATE 72.—GROUP OF APHRODITE AND EROS.
_Height 3 feet 2½ inches._
The hands and head of the Venus being wanting, the motive of the figure
is uncertain, but it is probable that the goddess was represented
engaged in her toilette: her drapery is gathered round her lower limbs;
on her feet are sandals. The Cupid bestrides a dolphin, in which
attitude he is frequently represented at the side of statues of Venus.
In Clarac’s Musée de Sculpture are two groups of Aphrodite and Eros, in
which the drapery is similarly disposed,—Pl. 607, fig. 1339, and Pl.
615, fig. 1366. This group, though rather coarse in execution, is copied
from a good original. It was found in the Temple of Venus.
* * * * *
PLATE 73.—UNKNOWN FEMALE FIGURE OF THE ROMAN PERIOD.
_Height 5 feet 9½ inches._
This figure is clad in a tunic reaching to the feet, and a mantle, the
end of which she is casting over her left shoulder, and in the folds of
which her left hand is partially muffled. Her hair is plaited and wound
round her head, after a fashion prevalent in the time of the Empress
Sabina, the period to which this figure may therefore be assigned with
probability. It is evidently a portrait, but has not as yet been
identified. The countenance is very expressive, and the whole figure,
though not finely executed, is interesting from the simplicity of the
conception and the impression it conveys of a faithful rendering from
nature. The right forearm, which was a separate piece of marble, has
been broken away. It was found in the Temple of Venus. (See _ante_, p.
77.)
* * * * *
PLATE 74.—ICONIC FEMALE BUST.
_Height 1 foot 10½ inches._
This bust is remarkable for the singular headdress, composed of plaits
coiled round in a conical mass.
This headdress seems a caricature of that which prevailed in the time of
the Empress Faustina the Elder; and as the bust is evidently a portrait,
it may represent some lady of the period of that Empress. The sculpture
is very inferior to that of the busts of Antoninus and Aurelius already
described. This bust, with another nearly identical, was found on the
site of the supposed “Temple of Venus.” (See _ante_, p. 77.)
* * * * *
PLATE 75.—HEAD OF PERSEUS.
_Height 4 inches._
This head has wings, which are characteristic either of Mercury or of
Perseus. The countenance, however, has an intense expression, which
seems more suitable to the hero than the god. This head is probably
broken off from a statuette representing Perseus holding in his hand the
head of the slain Medusa. A very similar head occurs among the reliefs
which ornament the cuirass of a Roman emperor on the torso described
_post_, No. 107, p. 104.
The features are very forcibly modelled. This head is probably a work of
the Macedonian period. It was found in the Temple of Venus. (See _ante_,
p. 77.)
* * * * *
PLATE 76.—CYRENE CROWNED BY LIBYA.
_Group in Relief, 3 feet 4 inches by 2 feet 3 inches._
This relief represents the nymph Cyrene in the act of strangling a lion,
while, to commemorate this triumph, a crown is held over her head by
Libya. Below is the inscription engraved Pl. 82, No. 19, which may be
thus translated:—
“Here over the architrave, Carpos, making this dedication in token of
great hospitality, has placed the lion-slaying Cyrene, whom Libya,
having the glory of three continents, herself crowns.”
In this group the nymph Cyrene is represented in attire very like that
of Diana Venatrix. She wears a succinct _chiton_ reaching to the knees,
over which is a mantle, and buskins; her hair is drawn back from her
face.
Libya wears a talaric _chiton_ girt at the waist, and a mantle fastened
at the breast and falling down behind; her hair, bound with a diadem, is
arranged over her forehead in long regular curls, and falls down her
neck; at her side is an animal _couchant_, of which the head is broken
off, and which is probably a gazelle.
According to one legend, Cyrene was the daughter of Hypseus, king of the
Lapithæ, in Thessaly, whose flocks she guarded against wild beasts.
Apollo seeing her slay a lion in the valley of Pelion, became enamoured
of her, and carried her off to the parts of Libya which afterwards bore
her name. According to another legend, Eurypylus, king of Libya, having
promised a portion of his kingdom to the person who would slay a lion
then dreaded for his ravages, Cyrene performed this exploit, and
received in reward the promised district. It is probably in connection
with this latter legend that Libya is introduced crowning Cyrene in this
relief. Aristæus, the mythic founder of Cyrene according to some, was
the son of Apollo and Cyrene. The composition of this relief suggests
the idea that it may have been a metope. Hence the words ὑπὲρ μελάθροιο
in the inscription have been translated “above the architrave.” It was
found in the Temple of Venus.
* * * * *
[Illustration:
BACCHUS,
No. 61.]
[Illustration:
APOLLO CITHARŒDES,
No. 62.]
[Illustration:
THE EMPEROR HADRIAN?
No. 63.]
[Illustration:
MINERVA & A MALE HEAD,
No. 64.]
[Illustration:
CNŒUS CORNELIUS LENTULUS MARCELLINUS,
(PROPRÆTOR OF CYRENE.)
No. 65.]
[Illustration:
BRONZE ICONIC HEAD,
No. 66.]
[Illustration:
APHRODITE & FEMALE TORSO,
No. 67.]
[Illustration:
ICONIC FEMALE STATUE,
No. 68.]
[Illustration:
THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS,
No. 69.]
[Illustration:
BUST OF A ROMAN EMPEROR,
No. 70.]
[Illustration:
APHRODITE EUPLOIA,
No. 71.]
[Illustration:
APHRODITE AND EROS,
No. 72.]
[Illustration:
ICONIC FEMALE FIGURE,
No. 73.]
[Illustration:
FEMALE BUST OF ROMAN PERIOD,
No. 74.]
[Illustration:
HEAD OF PERSEUS,
No. 75.]
[Illustration:
THE NYMPH CYRENE OVERCOMING A LION
& BEING CROWNED BY LYBYA,
No. 76.]
No. III.
LIST OF SCULPTURES FOUND ON VARIOUS SITES AT CYRENE.
NOTE.—_The Nos. subjoined to each object are those now affixed to them
in the British Museum._
* * * * *
TEMPLE OF APOLLO.
1. Apollo Citharœdus.—Pl. 62.
2. The Emperor Hadrian.—Pl. 63.
3. Bronze iconic head.—Pl. 66.
4. Head of Pallas Athene.—Pl. 64.
5. Head of Cnæus Lentulus Marcellinus.—Pl. 65.
6. Group of the nymph Cyrene overcoming a lion by strangling him. The
nymph is attired like Diana for the chase. Her hair is bound with a
diadem, and gathered into a club behind. Height, 2 ft. 10½ in. (3).
7. Jupiter Ammon; round his lower limbs a mantle; right hand broken
away, left hand placed behind his back. On the face are traces of red
colour.—Representations of Jupiter Ammon are rare in sculpture. The head
of this deity is one of the principal types on the coins of Cyrene, and
other towns in the Cyrenaica, and occurs on the cuirass of the Roman
emperor. (See _post_, No. 107.) Height, 2 ft. 10 in. (7).
8. Youthful male figure, wearing a mantle, gathered round his waist and
leaving the right side of his chest bare; his head bound with a twisted
diadem. His left hand is placed behind his back; his right hand has been
extended in front of him. The head, which is inserted in a socket, and
may not belong to this figure, bears some resemblance to that of
Alexander the Great. The right arm is wanting. At his feet, on the left,
is a conical object, possibly intended to represent the Delphic
_omphalos_: unfinished at the back. Height, 3 ft. 9 in. (26).
9. A beardless figure, wearing a _chiton_, a mantle, and sandals; his
head laurelled; his right hand held across his breast; in his left hand
a laurel-branch; at left side, some object, perhaps a case for rolls of
MS. This figure looks up, and may represent either a priest or a poet
taking part in the worship of the temple. Style very late and coarse.
Height, 3 ft. (4).
10. A figure precisely similar. Height, 2 ft. 10½ in. (5).
11. Female figure, wearing talaric _chiton_ and _diploidion_; over
forehead, _sphendone_: head looks up. Arms wanting from the elbow; head
and lower arms have been inserted in sockets. This figure may possibly
be a Juno. Art late and bad. Height, 4 ft. 5 in. (6).
12. Female figure, probably Hygieia, clad in a talaric _chiton_ and
_diploidion_, over which is a _peplos_ wound round the body. Round right
arm a serpent twisted; the right hand wanting; the action of the left
arm suggests that she has held a _patera_ to feed the snake. Over the
forehead is a radiated _sphendone_, in the centre of which a flower.
Unfinished at the back. The head has been fitted to a socket on the
neck, but it is doubtful whether that now adjusted belong to this
figure. Art very late and coarse. Height, 3 ft. 8 in. (25).
13. Artemis moving rapidly forward: she wears a talaric _chiton_, a
_peplos_, and sandals; her hair is gathered up over her forehead like
that of Apollo; her arms, which are wanting, and her feet, have been
fitted on at a joint; her neck is let into a socket. Height, 3 ft. 3½
in. (8).
14. Female figure, wearing low _sphendone_, talaric _chiton_, girt at
the waist, _peplos_, and shoes. Height, 2 ft. 8 in. (52).
15. Small winged figure in relief, broken off at hips, which probably
represents Somnus reclining. Height, 8 in. (107).
16. Torso of small figure of Eros (?). Height, 5½ in. (109).
17. Right leg, broken off halfway up the thigh, from statue of youthful
Bacchus. At side, trunk of tree, encircled with vine-bearing branches.
Height, 1 ft. 6 in. (103).
18. Right leg from a colossal statue. This leg is broken off above the
ancle, and terminates just above the knee, in a joint which has probably
been concealed by drapery falling over it; it may, therefore, have
belonged to an acrolithic statue. It is in a very fine style, and may
have been executed in the Macedonian period. Height, 2 ft. 1 in. (15).
19. Archaic head of Apollo. The back hair long, and wound round the
crown in a braid; in front short curls. The chin broken away. This head
is copied from the same original as the Apollo of the Phygalian room.
(_Marbles in British Museum_, vol. xi. Pl. 32.) In the Theseium at
Athens is a similar figure. Height, 11 in. (53).
20. Youthful heroic head, looking to the right; the top of the head cut
off flat. Roman art. Height, 10 in. (55).
21. Female head bound with diadem; broken away at back of head. Blue
marble. Height, 5¼ in. (64).
22. Head of Ariadne (?); hair bound with ivy; crown cut off. Height, 6½
in. (127).
23. Head of Diana; hair gathered into a high topknot, and bound with
diadem; eyes have been made of vitreous paste, which remains in one eye.
Height, 7 in. (128).
24. Head of Diana; hair gathered into a high topknot, and bound with
diadem. Height, 5½ in. (129).
25. Head of Diana; hair gathered into a high topknot, and bound with
diadem. Late art. Height, 7 in. (131).
26. Youthful heroic head (Theseus?); hair bound with twisted diadem;
back of head broken off flat. A fine type. Height, 5¼ in. (124).
27. Two fragments of a female head bound with a diadem. Blue marble;
diadem painted black; eyes and hair red. Injured by fire. Height, 8½ in.
(145).
28. Left side of a female head wearing a _stephane_ and veil. Height, 5½
in. (143).
29. Female head, bound with low _stephane_. Much defaced. Height, 6 in.
(137).
30. Female head looking up; hair slightly waved, a single ringlet falls
on each side of neck; back of head and neck cut flat. Style mean and
late. Height, 1 ft. 2½ in. (86).
31. Panther or lioness sitting on its haunches; hind-quarter broken
away. Very rude. Height, 7½ in. (122).
* * * * *
RUINS NORTH OF TEMPLE OF APOLLO.
32. Female figure.—Pl. 68.
33. Diana Venatrix, wearing a succinct _chiton_, a _chlamys_ hanging
over left arm, and _endromides_; at her side a hound; her left hand is
advanced, and probably held a bow; a quiver rests against her right leg.
Art very late and bad. Height, 3 ft. 11 in. (159).
34. Male figure, clad in a _chiton_ and mantle; broken away below the
knees; hands and nose wanting; his right arm, muffled in his mantle, is
passed across his breast. The countenance is that of an aged person. The
head being bound with a fillet, perhaps this figure may represent a
poet. He is beardless. (See _ante_, p. 75.) Present height, 5 ft. 2 in.
(37).
35. Seated female figure, clad in a talaric _chiton_, and a _peplos_
covering the back of her head; her feet and forearms are wanting; she
wears a girdle tied in a singular knot under her bosom, with ornamented
ends hanging down; her _peplos_ has a deep fringe at the edge. The edges
of her girdle are painted in vermilion, which is still very fresh, and
the same colour appears at the joints where the forearms are broken off.
She is seated on an oblong seat with a cushion; her feet have rested on
a footstool. This figure was found close to another female seated figure
of colossal size, but in other respects resembling it very closely,
which was inscribed with the name of Archippe, daughter of Ptolemaios, a
priestess. It is therefore probable that the smaller seated figure may
also be a priestess. (See _ante_, p. 75, where it is erroneously stated
that Archippe is one of the Ptolemaic dynasty.) This statue is
unfinished at the back, and the crown of the head has been cut away. It
probably stood in a niche. Height, 4 ft. 2 in. (36).
36. Youthful Bacchus crowned with vine-leaves. The feet remain, but the
legs are wanting from the knees. The right forearm and the nose are
broken away; the left elbow rests on the trunk of a tree, round which is
twined a vine. The right hand has hung down by the side, and has held
some object, to support which two square projections are left on right
hip and thigh. The proportions of this figure are good, and it is fairly
modelled. Height, 3 ft. 2 in. (27).
37. Female figure, clad in a _chiton_ and _peplos_; in right hand
_oinochoe_. Head broken off at neck, which is let into a socket. Poor
art. Height, 2 ft. 6 in. (41).
38. Legs from a male figure, life size, wearing hunting-boots; at the
side a _nebris_, or fawn-skin, flung over the trunk of a tree. Height, 2
ft. 1 in. (150).
39. Head of Venus (?) bound with diadem; hair in deep waves, cut away at
the back. Broken off, probably, from a statue. Height, 1 ft. 1½ in.
(61).
40. Female head; hair gathered into a knot on the crown; probably meant
for Artemis. Art late and bad. Height, 6 in. (132).
* * * * *
SMALL BUILDING TO THE WEST OF TEMPLE OF APOLLO.
41. Torso of seated female figure, wearing _peplos_ and talaric _chiton_
bound with girdle. Height, 1 ft. 4½ in. (93).
* * * * *
NEIGHBOURHOOD OF TEMPLE OF APOLLO.
42. Female head, cut off flat above the forehead, to receive the hair,
which must have been sculptured on a different piece of marble. Height,
11½ in. (88).
43. Youthful male (?) head; traces of red colour in the eyes. The top of
the head cut off flat to receive the hair, which must have been fitted
on, as in the case of the head last described. Height, 8 in. (89).
44. Female head; hair waved. Style late and bad. Height, 8 in. (90).
45. Head of Bacchus wearing a diadem and a crown of vine-leaves, with
bunches of grapes hanging down on each side of the cheek. Height, 7½ in.
(92).
* * * * *
TEMPLE OF VENUS.
46. Female bust.—Pl. 74.
47. Statue, probably of an empress.—Pl. 73.
48. Group of nymph Cyrene crowned by Libya.—Pl. 76.
49. Female bust.—The head-dress is similar to that of Faustina the
Elder, whom this bust may therefore represent, though the features have
little likeness to that empress. The shoulders are draped. The sculpture
is mean, and deficient in style. The end of the nose is slightly
injured, but in other respects this head is in good condition. Height, 1
ft. 11 in. (117).
50. Aphrodite Euploia.—Pl. 71.
51. Group of Venus, with Cupid on a dolphin.—Pl. 72.
52. Similar group.—The Venus wants arms and head. Her drapery falls over
a _stelé_ on left, in front of which is the Cupid. Sculpture late and
coarse. Height, 1 ft. 1½ in. (75).
53. Fragment from similar group. Eros on dolphin, holding up part of the
drapery with right hand; at his left hand part of left leg of Venus.
Height, 8½ in. (71).
54. Fragment from similar group. No remains of the Venus. Height, 7 in.
(72).
55. Venus; lower half draped; at left side dolphin. Head and right arm
wanting. Height, 11 in. (66).
56. Draped statuette of Venus, from waist downwards. This fragment
appears to be Greek marble, and the sculpture is of a fine period.
Height, 1 ft. 2½ in. (22).
57. Torso of nude Venus. Headless; right leg broken off halfway up
thigh, left leg below knee; right arm broken off above wrist, left below
shoulder; on each arm, armlet. Right arm advanced, as if to cover pubes.
Fair Roman sculpture. Height, 1 ft. 2 in. (104).
58. Head of Venus bound with _opisthosphendone_. Height, 6 in. (139).
59. Upper part of reclining figure of Somnus, in relief; in right hand
two poppy-heads. Left hand supports head. Length, 6½ in. (74).
60. Dolphin from a group, placed head downwards; a female hand rests on
his tail. Height, 1 ft. 1 in. (153).
61. Torso of Eros, with ringlets falling on either side of neck.
Sculpture of a good period. Height, 6 in. (105).
62. Youthful male head, in conical cap, with flowing hair,—Atys (?).
Height, 9½ in. (59).
63. Torso from knees to neck of statuette of Diana Polymammia. Wants
arms; round neck two archaic bracelets. Height, 6 in. (20).
64. Torso of triple Hekate. Heads broken away; at the feet of one of the
figures, a hound looking up. All these figures have their arms hanging
down. One of them holds in her right hand an _oinochoe_; the others hold
in the right hand some uncertain object. Height, 7½ in. (73).
65. Torso of female statuette, wearing short _chiton_ and nebris.
Artemis (?). Fair sculpture. Height, 1 ft. 1½ in. (111).
66. Within a fold of pendent drapery, perhaps broken off from a statue,
a female term, clad in a panther’s skin, and placed on a base. Artemis
(?). Broken off at neck. Height, 6 in. (154).
67. Demeter Dadophoros. Rudely sculptured in stone of the country. She
wears a talaric _chiton_ and a _peplos_ thrown over the head; in her
right hand she holds ears of corn, in her left a torch. Height, 1 ft. 11
in. (50).
68. Seated male figure, Jupiter (?), holding in right hand some twisted
object, perhaps a distaff; lower half draped. Sculptured in freestone.
Height, 1 ft. 8 in. (97).
69. Isis; bust in alabaster. Broken away below breasts. The bust clad in
a _chiton_ and fringed _peplos_, which is fastened by the _nodus
Isiacus_. On the crown of the head is a hole for the attachment of some
ornament; the hair bound with a _sphendone_, and falling on the neck in
long ringlets; at the back of the head a cluster either of curls or of
fruit. Height, 11 in. (83).
70. Isis, clad in a talaric _chiton_ and a mantle, which is fastened on
the breast in the _nodus Isiacus_. The ends of a fringed veil hang down
on her shoulders; wants head. Fair sculpture. Height, 1 ft. 9 in. (84).
71. Lower part of seated male statuette, of which the left leg and
thigh, part of the right thigh, and the base of the lyre alone remain.
At left side, gryphon. The proportions seem rather those of Hercules
than of Apollo; but as the sculpture is of a late period, this deviation
from the usual type may be only the result of ignorance in the artist.
Height, 7 in. (101).
72. Relief representing the oracular shrine of Apollo. On right, Apollo
seated, with right foot on _omphalos_, the lower part of his body
draped; by his side a tripod. On left, gryphon seated, and bearded
ithyphallic term, probably of Dionysos. On the plinth, the inscription
No. 34. Sculpture very rude and in bad condition. Height, 10 in. by 8½
in. (77).
73. Pilaster in form of Pan: on his head a bracket. Round the body a
mantle, in which his right hand and arm are muffled; in left hand,
syrinx. The bracket is ornamented with palm-branches. Red colour is
quite distinct on the drapery and bracket. Height, 3 ft. 6 in. (28).
74. Aristæus (?) Round the lower half of his body a mantle, falling over
his left shoulder, his right hand on his hip; under left arm a staff,
round which a snake is coiled. His hair is long; his head bound with a
diadem, above which has been some kind of crown or upright head-dress;
the crown of the head has been worked flat; his left hand, which has
rested on his staff, is wanting. At the side of left foot, a conical
object, which may be either a rude representation of the _omphalos_, or
a mere support. In this figure, the features and attributes resemble
those of Apollo, but the general type is rather heroic than divine. It
may, therefore, be considered with probability a statue of Aristæus, the
mythic founder of Cyrene, who, as the son of Apollo by the nymph Cyrene,
was said to resemble him in features. Height, 4 ft. 6 in. (158).
75. Head of Athene in Corinthian helmet. Well preserved. Height, 10 in.
(60).
76. Head of bearded Bacchus, from term. The hair falls in long tresses,
and is clustered behind each temple in the archaic fashion. On the crown
of the head a hole for the insertion of an ornament. Height, 8½ in.
(81).
77. Torso of youthful satyr, naked; head, arms, and both legs wanting.
Well sculptured, in Greek marble. Height, 8 in. (82).
78. Seated female figure, wearing a _chiton_ girt at the waist, over
which is a _peplos_; on each side of the chair, a _sphinx_. Head, both
hands, and head of sphinx on right wanting. Height, 11½ in. (76).
79. Youthful male figure, wearing helmet, _chiton exomis_ girt up above
the knee and fastened over left shoulder; shoulder-belt and high
boots,—_endromides_, as if attired for the chase. Both arms wanting; the
back is unfinished, as if this statue had stood in a niche. The right
arm has been raised and the head turned that way. At right side, trunk
of tree. Sculpture very rude and coarse. Height, 6 ft. 4 in. (68).
80. Similar figure. Wants head; sculpture very rude and coarse. Height,
4 ft. 11 in. (149).
81. Fragment, probably of a group of a hunter and goat, of which all
that remains is the goat standing on his hind legs, the hand which holds
it, and one leg of the man, wearing a hunting-boot. Sculpture coarse and
late. Height, 1 ft. ½ in. (116).
82. Fragment of relief; legs clad in _endromides_; from standing male
figure, broken off at knees. Height, 10½ in. (99).
83. Draped term. Wanting head; the left hand placed across the breast,
under the drapery, in an attitude similar to that of a female term in
the Græco-Roman gallery at the British Museum, thought to be the Venus
Architis. (See _Museum Marbles_, vol. ii. Pl. 37.) Height, 1 ft. 4½ in.
(161).
84. Torso of male figure, wearing cuirass and _chlamys_ girt by a belt.
Broken off at knees and neck; much worn. Height, 10½ in. (79).
85. Female figure, clad in talaric _chiton_ and _diploidion_ fastened on
right shoulder. Wants head and arms. Height, 1 ft. 10 in. (120).
86. Youthful male torso; a _peplos_ wound round his waist and over left
forearm; right arm advanced across body. Height, 1 ft. (106).
87. Fragment of relief. Female figure seated, clad in a talaric _chiton_
and _peplos_. This is probably a fragment of a votive tablet, as the
figure seems looking round to the right. Height, 8½ in. by 4 in. (96).
88. Part of votive tablet in relief; a male and a female figure,
standing side by side. The male figure wears a mantle round the lower
part of his body; the female, a talaric _chiton_. Heads wanting. Height,
1 ft. by 10½ in. (78).
89. Female head, with conical head-dress; similar to that given Pl.
74.—The apex of the cone is pierced as if for suspension. It is
possible, therefore, that this head was used as a weight, as the bronze
weights of Roman steelyards were sometimes fashioned in the form of
heads. This head, like that engraved Pl. 74, is evidently a portrait.
Height, 11 in. (40).
90. Female head, bound with a _sphendone_ and wreath of ears of corn.
Height, 6 in. (140).
91. Female head; hair tied in a knot over the crown; face in bad
condition. Height, 4 in. (130).
92. Female head, bound with _stephane_. Height, 5½ in. (133).
93. Heroic (?) head, bound with diadem; hair unfinished. Height, 4 in.
(135).
94. Youthful heroic head, looking to right; hair in short curls. Height,
10 in. (56).
95. Head of boy; at back of head, drapery. Height, 9 in. (57).
96. Aged male head; portrait. Broken off at neck; nose slightly injured.
Height, 7 in. (58).
97. Youthful male head, in conical cap. Atys (?). Hair long. Height, 9½
in. (59).
98. Female head, bound with diadem; the crown cut off. Traces of red
colour in the hair. Height, 6 in. (144).
99. Vine branch round trunk from statue. Height, 6 in. (123).
100. Fragment of group representing lion on back of bull. Rude and late.
Height, 8 in. (112).
101. Head of bull. Rude. Height, 5 in. (113).
102. Legs of standing figure, clad in talaric _chiton_ and sandals; has
been coloured red. Height, 9 in. (100).
103. Dog standing on hind legs, from group. Height, 9½ in. (121).
104. Head of Venus.—Hair covered with coif and bound with diadem. Badly
preserved. Height, 4¼ in. (141).
* * * * *
AUGUSTEUM.
105. Bust of Antoninus Pius.—Pl. 69.
106. Bust of Marcus Aurelius.—Pl. 70.
107. Head of Lucius Verus, broken at the neck.—Nose broken off;
sculpture good, but condition indifferent. Height, 1 ft. (16).
108. Torso of a Roman emperor in a cuirass.—This is the torso which was
seen by Beechey lying on the ground, and which he supposes to have
belonged to the statue of a Ptolemy. The building near which it was
found (marked “Palace” on the plan of Cyrene,—see _ante_, p. 76) was,
probably, an Augusteum, or temple dedicated to one or more Roman
emperors, as several imperial busts and statues were discovered here.
This cuirass is very richly ornamented with reliefs. On the breastplate
is a female figure, draped to the feet, representing Rome. On either
side a Victory flies towards her to crown her; the Victory on the right
carries a cornucopia and a sash, the one on the left a trumpet. The feet
of Rome rest on the back of the wolf suckling the twins Romulus and
Remus, whose figures have been broken away. On the lower part of the
cuirass are, in the centre, the head of Jupiter Ammon, and on either
side a winged youthful head, probably Perseus, between which and the
head of Ammon is, on either side, an eagle with spreading wings. Under
the cuirass is a jerkin, on which are two helmets and two swords in
sheaths, arranged alternately with the reliefs already described. On
either flank of the cuirass is an elephant’s head. This torso evidently
belongs to the figure of a Roman emperor. As the reliefs are finely
executed, it is probably a work of the Augustan age. Height, 4 ft. 6 in.
(35).
109. A female figure, clad in a talaric _chiton_ girt at the waist and
looped on the sleeves, over which falls a _peplos_, gathered over left
arm; on the feet, shoes. The head and forearms wanting. Art coarse and
late. Height, 5 ft. 9½ in. (33).
110. Bust, perhaps intended to represent the Empress Faustina the
Younger, as the hair is waved and gathered up behind like hers. The nose
is broken away, which makes it very difficult to identify the person
represented. The shoulders are covered with a _peplos_, under which is a
tunic. Fair Roman art. Height, 1 ft. 10 in. (18).
111. A block tapering upwards, which has perhaps been fitted into a
niche. On one face is represented in low relief a youthful male figure
wearing the Phrygian cap (Atys); his body is naked: on either side is a
sword pointed downwards. Two holes are drilled in the plane of the
relief, one on each side of the figure, apparently for the attachment of
some ornament. Height, 8 in. (102).
* * * * *
LARGE TEMPLE NEAR THE STADIUM. (See _ante_, p. 71.)
112. Part of a male head, rather larger than life; much injured by fire;
the nose is destroyed, and the head broken in two pieces. This head is
finely executed; the lips are painted red, the beard black. Height, 1
ft. 2½ in. (162).
113. Lower half of seated female figure, wearing a talaric _chiton_ and
_peplos_. Demeter (?). Coarsely sculptured in stone of the country.
Height, 6 in. (98).
* * * * *
SMALL TEMPLE NEAR THE STADIUM. (See _ante_, p. 75.)
114. Female torso, perhaps the nymph Cyrene.—Pl. 67.
115. Aphrodite.—Pl. 67.
116. Fragment of face from colossal head; coarsely sculptured in blue
marble. The nose, right cheek, and part of left eye, have been broken
away; in the hair are traces of red colour. Height, 1 ft. 6 in. (54).
117. Fragment of a group representing a bull attacked by a lion. The
bull is crouching; of the lion, who has sprung on him from behind, the
fore paws only remain; the head of the bull is wanting. Height, 5¼ in.
(115).
* * * * *
TEMPLE OF BACCHUS.
118. Statue of Bacchus.—Pl. 61.
119. Panther, half couching; head to left; left paw raised; round neck
wreath of ivy; right leg and lower jaw broken away. In the stone of the
country. Height, 1 ft. 11 in. (156).
* * * * *
FROM NEAR COLONNADE WEST OF TEMPLE OF BACCHUS.
120. Female figure, draped in talaric _chiton_ and _diploidion_, over
which is a _peplos_ wound round the body and left arm. The right hand
rests on the hip; the head and left hand are wanting. The drapery is
well composed, and from the goodness of the sculpture, this statue is,
probably, of the Augustan age, and may represent some member of the
imperial family. Height, 5 ft. 7 in. (39).
121. Pallas Athene, clad in a talaric _chiton_, over which a _peplos_ is
wound round the body. The ægis is shown on the bosom, apparently
attached to the edge of the _peplos_, where it is doubled back between
the breasts. The head and forearms are wanting. The drapery of this
figure is well composed; the execution probably Roman. Height, 4 ft. 9½
in. (31).
122. Female figure, wearing a talaric _chiton_ and a _peplos_ drawn over
the back of her head. The hair is waved in front, and bound with a
_stephane_? Underneath the veil the hair is plaited, and twisted round
the head, forming a sort of crown at the back. Red colour is very
distinct on the _chiton_, over the left thigh. This figure is evidently
a portrait, perhaps of a priestess. The execution is late and bad. The
head-dress seems to be that of the time of Faustina the Elder. Height, 3
ft. 11 in. (24).
* * * * *
SCULPTURES OF WHICH THE PLACE OF DISCOVERY HAS NOT BEEN NOTED.
123. Torso of male figure wearing a _chiton_ girt at the waist, over
which is a _chlamys_ fastened on the breast and falling over the left
arm and side; on the neck traces of red colour. The drapery is well
composed and delicately sculptured. This torso belongs to the finest
period of Greek art. Head, right arm, and shoulder, left hand and legs,
wanting. Height, 12 in. (163).
124. Naked male torso; the head, right leg and thigh, left leg, left
arm, and nearly all the right arm, wanting. The figure is youthful, the
right shoulder and arm advanced, as if he was bending a bow; at back of
right shoulder a deep circular hole, and on the same shoulder a
depression, showing that a quiver has been attached behind. The type of
this figure suggests an Eros; but as there are no wings, it is probably
an Apollo bending his bow. The marble has been much injured by fire; but
the sculpture is superior to that of most of the Cyrene sculptures.
Height, 1 ft. 1 in. (118).
125. Group of Aphrodite and Eros. The goddess wears a _peplos_, which
falls from her left shoulder, covering the left arm and side, and is
wound round the right leg and thigh, partially concealing the left
thigh; the left arm is bent, and near the shoulder is a projection where
the hand has probably been attached; the action of the right arm, now
wanting, cannot be ascertained; the left knee is bent; the head is
wanting. At her right side has stood an Eros, of whom all that remains
is the right leg and left foot. The Aphrodite is fairly modelled. This
group probably came from the Temple of Venus. (See _ante_, No. 51.)
Height, 1 ft. 10½ in. (69).
126. Relief. Lower half of Aphrodite, holding a slight fold of drapery
across the hips; at her left side a dolphin, head downwards. Sculpture
very late and coarse, in stone of the country. Probably from Temple of
Venus, like No. 69. Height, 7½ in. (70).
127. Aristæus (?) Round the body a mantle which leaves the right arm and
side bare to the waist, and is gathered up under left arm, being
supported by the end of a long knotted staff on which this figure is
leaning, and round which a serpent is twisted; at left side the
_omphalos_ of Apollo: the head and left hand are wanting. The attitude,
arrangement of the drapery, and staff with serpent, suggest an
Æsculapius; but the form is too youthful, and the _omphalos_ connects
the figure with Apollo. The name Aristæus seems, therefore, a probable
attribution, as in the case of Nos. 158 and 65. Sculpture late and bad.
Height, 2 ft. (85).
128. Male head, bearded; the nose wanting; probably a Roman emperor. It
bears some resemblance to Pertinax. Art late and coarse. Height, 1 ft.
⁵⁄₁₀ in. (9).
129. Female figure seated in a chair, clad in a talaric _chiton_, girt
at the waist, and a _peplos_ thrown over her lower limbs; her feet on a
footstool; right arm thrown back over rail of chair, left arm bent;
head, part of left foot, and both hands, wanting. Composition good.
Height, 11½ in. (94).
130. Dionysos; in his right hand, now broken away, he has held an
_amphora_; by his left foot is a jar; his hair is bound with ivy; he
wears a mantle which leaves the right shoulder and chest, as far as the
waist, bare. Sculpture very coarse and late, in stone of the country.
Height, 1 ft. 3½ in. (80).
131. Head of Ariadne (?) bound with an ivy wreath, and a diadem over the
forehead; the hair hangs down the neck; the teeth are shown as the lips
were smiling; broken off at neck. Fair sculpture. This head seems too
feminine in type for Bacchus, and may therefore be called with
probability Ariadne (_cf._ No. 127). Height, 8½ in. (125).
132. Cybele seated in a chair, clad in a talaric _chiton_ and _peplos_;
in right hand _phiale_, in lap a lion; on either side of chair, lion
seated on his haunches. Height, 11½ in. (44).
133. Hermaphroditos; the body draped from the feet to below the hips;
the left hand holds up drapery on the thigh; head and both arms wanting;
hair has flowed down the back; the ends of a diadem hang down on each
shoulder. Rudely sculptured. Height, 3 ft. 3½ in. (45).
134. Male head wearing pointed helmet, which appears to be covered with
linen; the hair in thick and wavy masses over the forehead; the lower
jaw broken away; the front teeth of the upper jaw are seen. Perhaps this
head represents Atys; broken off at neck from statuette. Height, 4¼ in.
(142).
135. Part of draped female statuette: with her right hand she is
throwing a mantle over her shoulder, advancing left leg at the same
time; head, left arm from shoulder, and both feet, wanting. Height, 1
ft. 8 in. (16).
136. Female bust, shoulders draped; hair waved and falling down on
either side neck; inscribed on base with the name Nemesis, daughter of
Orion, and the date 16. (See Inscription No. 35.) Obtained from the
Arabs. Height, 9½ in. (91).
137. Female torso, wearing _chiton_ and _peplos_; head, legs, right
forearm, and left hand, wanting: the left hand has held a cornucopia.
This figure may therefore represent the goddess Fortune. Height, 7¼ in.
(152).
138. Fragment from high relief, probably votive. Upper portion of male
and female figure bearing offerings, probably to a divinity; the male
figure stoops forward, holding in right hand some object, perhaps a
flower; he is naked and bearded; the female figure who follows him holds
up in right hand a fruit, perhaps a pomegranate; she wears a _chiton_
and _peplos_; her hair is gathered into a knot behind. Obtained from the
Arabs. Height, 6 in. by 10 in. (95).
139. Male figure, right hand on hip; a mantle is wound round left
shoulder and over right hip; head, right arm from shoulder to wrist, and
left hand, wanting. Height, 9½ in. (63).
140. Male figure, wearing a mantle, which passes over left arm and
across the chest, being gathered up under the right arm. This figure
stands on the left leg, the right knee being bent; the left arm is
placed behind the back. From the attitude, and arrangement of the
drapery, it is probable that the right side leant on a staff, as in No.
158. In that case, we may suppose this figure to be Aristæus. (See
_ante_, No. 85.) The head and nearly all the right arm are wanting.
Height, 1 ft. 2 in. (65).
141. Torso of female figure, wearing talaric _chiton_, girt at the
waist, and _peplos_ passing across the body and gathered over left arm;
long hair falls over the shoulders behind. Coarsely sculptured in stone
of the country. Height, 10 in. (108).
142. Female head, crowned with turreted _stephanos_, in front of which
is a circular flower; hair in short curls. Broken off from statuette at
neck. Height, 4½ in. (134).
143. Female head; hair gathered into a knot behind, and drawn back from
the face; over the forehead a diadem; on the right-hand side of the head
a projection, perhaps representing a mass of hair fastened over the
diadem. Height, 4½ in. (138).
144. Upper portion of youthful male head; hair growing away from the
face; broken off at the eyes; much damaged by fire; unfinished at the
back. Probably from an heroic figure. Height, 3½ in. (147).
145. Iconic female bust; the hair drawn back from the face and gathered
into a knot at the back of the head; a ringlet falls down each side of
neck; shoulders draped. Sculpture late and bad. Height, 11 in. (148).
146. Lioness seated on hind legs. Very coarse and late. Height, 1 ft. 2
in. (155).
147. Bull’s head broken off at neck. Rudely sculptured in stone of the
country. Height, 8¼ in. (114).
148. Relief, representing a votive ear. Coarse and late sculpture.
Length, 10 in. by 6¾ in. (21).
No. IV.
INSCRIPTIONS DISCOVERED OR FOUND AT CYRENE.
* * * * *
Most of the inscriptions which have been discovered at Cyrene are of the
Roman period. In the following series those which are certainly of a
date antecedent to the Roman annexation of Cyrene are indicated as
belonging to “a good period.” In most of these inscriptions the Doric
dialect is used, and appears to have prevailed at Cyrene till the Roman
period, when the κοινή was gradually introduced.
No. 1.—Pl. 77.
Γ]νάϊον Κορνήλον Λέντολον
Ποπλίω υἱὸν Μαρκελλῖνον, πρεσ-
βευτὰν ἀντιστράταγον, τὸν
πάτρωνα καὶ σωτῆρα, Κυραναῖοι.
A dedication by the people of Cyrene to Cnæus Cornelius Lentulus
Marcellinus, son of Publius, here styled Ambassador, Proprætor, Patron,
and Saviour. This inscription is engraved on a marble base found in the
temple of Apollo, together with a pedestal, and a head representing the
person to whom the dedication is made. (See _ante_, p. 42 and 93.) In
the British Museum.
No. 2.
. . . . . . . . Ἱπποκλεῦς
Ἀγασικλῆς Φιλοκλεῦς
Ἀπόλλωνι δεκάταν.
A dedication of a tenth to Apollo, by Agasikles, son of Philokles, and
some one, son of Hippokles. On a slab of marble found in some ruins to
the north of the temple of Apollo. The upper part of this slab has been
broken away. The letters are of a good period.
No. 3.
Πολιάνθης Ἀνάξιος
τὸμ πατέρα Ἄναξιν
Ξευξιμάχω τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι
δεκάταν ἀνέθηκε.
A dedication of a statue of Anaxis, son of Xeuximachos, by his son
Polianthes, as a tenth to Apollo. On a slab of marble found on the site
of the temple of Apollo, before excavations were commenced there. The
letters are of a good period. Published, Böckh, Corpus Inscriptionum,
III. 5133, but incorrectly. See _ibid._ p. 1240.
No. 4.
Τείσων Ἰάσονος
On a marble base found in some ruins on the north of the temple of
Apollo. The letters are of the best period of Greek art.
No. 5.
ατη . . . . . . . .
το] ὺς ἑαυτοῦ
Ἀπόλλωνι.
On a small slab of marble, 1 foot 7 inches by 6 inches by 4 inches,
found under the mosaic pavement in the temple of Apollo. It is evidently
part of a dedication to Apollo. In the British Museum.
No. 6.—Pl. 78, 79.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
λ]οχαγοὶ τεθ[ρίππ]ων
Μναστοκλῆς Βαθυκλεῦς
Πίθακος Ἀριστωνύμω
Ἀρισταγόρας Φιλοκώμω
(5) Ἀριστοφάνης Κλευγένευς
Δαμασίστρατος Καλλίππω
Ἀριστόπολις Εὐρυπτολέμω.
--
λοχαγοὶ μονίππων
Αριστοκλῆς Στεφάνω
(10) Υξαν (_sic_) Εὐπτολέμω
Στράτων Κάρνιος
Πρᾶξις θευχρήστω
Πρατομήδης Φιλίππω.
--
Τριακατιάρχαι
(15) Πολυκλῆς Μελανίππω τῶ Ἀριστάνδρω
Ἀριστοφάνης Παρα[ι]βάτα
Καλλίμαχος Ἀνν[ικ]έριος
Βαθυκλῆς Νικοστράτω
Ἰάσων Δαιμένευς
(20) Πρῶρος Κύκνω
Θαλίαρχος Εὐρυπτολέμω
Κλέων Χάρωνος
Λύσις Ἐπικλεῦς
Φίλων Ἀννικέριος
(25) Ἡρίλοχος Ἐ[πι]βάτα
Καλλίστρατος Χριστωνύμω
Νίκανδρος Ἀλεσάνδρω
Χάρων Ἰάσονος
Νικόδαμος Θα . . . .
(30) Ὀνυμοκλῆς Πολυκλεῦς
Ἱππόδαμος Φιλο[δάμ]ω.
--
λοχαγοὶ πεζῶν
Πολυάρατος Παρατ . . ος
Φιλοκλῆς Θεν . . . .
(35) Ἀντίπατρος Πολ . . . . . . ος
Πασίας Ἱπποδ[άμω
Χαιρεσίλας Ἀν[αξ]αγόρας
Ψάφων Ἀγλωμάχω
Εὐκλῆς Θευχρήστω
(40) Σίφυρος Πιθάκω
Φίλων Θευχρήστω
Τιμῶχος Πολυτίμω
Περίανδρος Θρασυλλίωνος
Θεύδωρος Καλλιμάχω
(45) Φρασσάμενος Ἀριστοτέλε[υς
Ἄναξις Δαμώνακτος
Πράταρχος Ὀνυμάρχω
Τιμόλας Πιθάκω
Θεύμανδρος Λυσίππω
(50) Δαϊλέων Θευχρήστω.
--
λοχαγοὶ πελταστᾶν συμμ . . . .
τοῖς τριακατίοις
Ἀνδροκλῆς Κα[λλιμ]άχω
Ἀριστομένης Α . . . . . . . .
(55) Πρῶρος Σωσία . .
Ἀριστοφ[ῶν . . . . . . . .
Τελεσα . . . . . .
Ευκ . . . . . .
On a marble block, 4 feet 6 inches by 2 feet 1 inch by 1 foot, found in
the Pronaos of the large temple near the Stadium. (See _ante_, p. 71.)
This inscription gives a list of λοχαγοί, captains, of charioteers,
τέθριπποι; of cavalry, μόνιπποι; of πεζοί, infantry; of πελτασταί, or
light-armed infantry; and τριακατίαρχαι, or commanders of τριακάδες,
which latter appear to have been divisions of the Ephebi in a tribe. L.
51, συμμ. This word appears to govern τοῖς τριακατίοις. After the second
Μ has been Ν (see the fac-simile). For τριακάτιοι see Ahrens, Dial. Dor.
p. 280; Müller, Dor. II. p. 304, ed. Germ. The letters are of a good
period.
No. 7.—Pl. 79.
Μελά]νιππος Λυσισβάτω
Πολύαρχος Παυσανία
. . . . Δα]μοκρίτω Χάρων Φαυστίω
. . . . Μελανίππω Ξεῦξις Αἰταχίννω (_sic_)
(5) . . . . Ἐρυσίππω Καλλίστρατος Νικαίω
. . . . αχος Ἀρτύλα Ἑλικὰν Λεντίχω
. . . . ατης Ὑπερόχω Λύκος Εὐρυμάχω
. . . . ρχος Ποδώκευς Νίκιππος Εὐφρονίω
. . . . καρτης Θράσωνο[ς Ἀρίστων Λύκων [ος
(10) . . . . ος Φράσωνος Φιλόξηνος Μελανίππω
. . νιππος Ἁγήμονος Τελέσαρχος Κρησίλα
. . Θάλωνος Ἀντίμαχος Φιλοκώμω
. . αν Πρώρω Ἀντίφιλος Αὔσαν [ος
. . λας Εὐκλείδα Ἀλεξίβιος Σμυρναίω
(15) . . αμος Μνάσιος Ἀμμώνιος Ξήνιος
. . της Ἀκέσωνος Ἐπήρατος Πολυδώρω
Ἀριστ]οτέλης Πράτιος Ἄλεξις Λύγαντος
. . αρχος Παυσανία Ἀρίστ[α]ρχος Θράσυος
. . οίδας Λυσάνορος Ἀνάξανδρος Σχίδα
(20) . . . Ἀριστοβώλω Βάραιβις Μοιρισθένευς
. . ενης Χαιριείδευς Ἐξακέστας Ἀριστίππω
. . . . . Πείσιος Ἀλεξίμαχος Ἄλκιος
. . . . ος Νέωνος Προκλῆς Ἰάσονος
. . . . . . άμιος Εὐρυφῶν Ἀρίστιος.
. . . . . . λύκω
On a marble slab, 16 inches by 15 inches by 3 inches, found in the
_Pronaos_ of the large temple near the Stadium. (See _ante_, p. 71.)
This inscription gives a list of names, probably _Ephebi_. (Compare No.
6, _ante_.) L. 10, col. 2, φιλόξηνος, _Doricè_ for φιλόξενος. In L. 18,
col. 2, ΑΡΙΣΤΡΟΧΣ is by mistake written for ΑΡΙΣΤΑΡΧΟΣ. The letters are
of a good period. In the British Museum.
No. 8.—Pl. 80. Νο. 9.
[Ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ Αὐτο- κας . . . . . . . . . .
κράτορος Τρα- χεριων . . . . . . . .
ϊανοῦ Γερ]μ[α- μοιηα . . . . . . . .
νικοῦ] Δακικο[ῦ τῇ (?) ἐκ το[ῦ. . . .
(5) νίκης] καὶ δια- (5) νος ετο . . . . . . . .
μο]νῆς καὶ τοῦ καὶ αὐ . . . . . . . .
σύμ] παντος [αὐ- νε . . . . . . . . . . . .
τοῦ] οἴκου καὶ . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
τῆς ἱερᾶς συν-
(10) κλ]ήτου καὶ δήμ-
ου Ῥωμαίων
Ἀντωνία Μεγώ
Μ. Ἀντωνίο[υ ἱερατ-
εύ]σαντος [τοῦ δεῖνα
(15) κ]αὶ . . . . . . . .
νίου Σω . . . . . .
καὶ Ἡγισαν . . . .
τοῦ Βωλακλέος Ἱ-
έρεια Ἀρτέμιδος
(20) ἀριστιει τὰς τὴν
πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώρ-
αν κα]τοικούσας παρ-
[θένους . . . . . . . . . .
On two fragments of a narrow slab of marble found in ruins to the north
of the temple of Apollo. (See _ante_, p. 75.) No. 8 measures 1 foot 10
inches by 9½ inches; No. 9, 11 inches by 7½ inches. The first part of
this inscription is probably a dedication in honour of the Emperor
Trajan, identified here by the epithet ΔΑΚΙΚΟ[Υ. In the latter lines a
priestess of Artemis is mentioned, who promises to give a breakfast,
ἀριστιει, to all the virgins dwelling in the city and territory of
Cyrene. The name Μεγώ, l. 12, occurs in a list of priestesses of Cyrene
(Corpus Inscript. No. 5143). ἀριστιει would appear to be an error of the
lapidary for ἀριστίζει, as there is no such form as ἀριστίω. The
fragment No. 9 is too mutilated to admit of any conjectural restoration,
but it belongs to the same slab. In the British Museum.
No. 10.—Pl. 80.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Ἀγκάρηνος . . . .
Τι. Κλαύδιος Τορκο . . . .
ἡ πόλις
Τ. Φλάβιος Βαρκα[ῖος (?)
(5) ἡ πόλις
Τ. Φλάβιος Ἀγχιοτ . . . .
Μ. Οὔλπιος Ἀριο . . . . . .
δεγμος Κασκέλλ[ιος
Τ]ι. Κλαύδιος Βατ . . . .
(10) Φιλιππο . . . . . .
On a block of marble lying on the mosaic pavement in the temple of
Apollo. This inscription contains a list of names, but it is too
mutilated to admit of the purport being ascertained.
No. 11.—Pl. 80.
Διὸς Σωτῆρος.
On a column of sandstone, 1 foot 5 inches in diameter, broken at the
top, but present height 3 feet; found in ruins to the north of the
temple of Apollo. (See _ante_, p. 75.) The inscription shows that the
altar was dedicated to Zeus Soter.
No. 12.—Pl. 81.
ὑπὲρ τῆς Νέρωνος Κλαυδίου
Καίσαρος νίκης καὶ σωτηρίας
καὶ τοῦ οἴκου αὐτοῦ παντὸς
Ἀπόλλωνι Ἀποβατηρίῳ
Μ. Ἀντώνιος Γέμελλος ἐκ τῶν τοῦ
Ἀπόλλωνος.
On a block of blue marble, 2 feet 3½ inches by 2 feet 9½ inches by 12½
inches, found in some ruins north of the temple of Apollo. (See _ante_,
p. 75.) This is a dedication to the Apollo Apobaterios, “the protector
of persons landing,” offered by M. Antonius Gemellus, from the funds of
the temple of Apollo, as a vow for the success and safety of the Emperor
Nero and all his family. From the epithet ἀποβατήριος applied to Apollo
in this inscription, it may be inferred that the emperor was then
engaged in some voyage. The name ΝΕΡΩΝΟΣ, in l. 1, is nearly erased. In
the British Museum.
No. 13.—Pl. 81.
ὑπὲρ τῆς Νέρωνος Κλαυδίου
Καίσαρος νίκης καὶ σωτηρίας
καὶ τοῦ οἴκου αὐτοῦ παντὸς
Ἀπόλλωνι Μυρτώῳ Μ. Ἀντώνιος
Γέμελλος ἐκ τῶν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος.
On a block of blue limestone found in some ruins to the north of the
temple of Apollo. (See _ante_, p. 75.) This is a dedication to the
Myrtoan Apollo, offered by M. Antonius Gemellus, from the funds of the
temple of Apollo, as a vow for the success and safety of the Emperor
Nero and all his family. Published, Böckh, Corpus Inscript., III. No.
5138.
No. 14.—Pl. 81.
Φι] λῖνος Φιλίνου
ἱαριτεύων
ἀνέθηκε.
On a circular marble pedestal or altar, 2 feet 1 inch by 1 foot 10
inches, found near the north-east angle of the temple of Apollo. (See
_ante_, p. 75.) A dedication by Philinos, son of Philinos, priest,
probably, of Apollo.
No. 15.—Pl. 82.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . επισ. . . .
δημαρχι]κῆς ἐξ[ουσίας
τὸ γ′ ὑπ[άτῳ
τὸ γ′ πατρὶ πατρἰ-
δος ἡ Κυρηναίω[ν
πόλις, ἀφιερώσα[ν-
τος Α. Μινικίου
Ῥούφου ἀνθυπάτου.
On a block of sandstone found in the temple of Apollo. (See _ante_, p.
43.) This appears to be the dedication, by the Proconsul of Cyrene, A.
Minicius Rufus, to some emperor, in his third consulship and third
tribuneship; but these dates do not serve to identify him. The
dedication is made in the name of the people of Cyrene. The name A.
Minicius Rufus does not occur in Gruter’s Corpus Inscript. Latin.
No. 16.—Pl. 82.
. . . . . . Πτο]λεμαῖον Σωτήρων
. . . . . . ιστων Λυσιφάνευς
ἀνέθηκε.
On a slab of marble built into the corner of a wall, in the restored
part of the temple of Apollo, on the second story. As the inscribed face
was turned inwards, this marble must have been taken from some earlier
edifice. This is a dedication by some one, son of Lysiphanes. The
letters are of a good period.
No. 17.—Pl. 82.
. . . . χως Ἡσυχίῳ τῷ κτίστῃ.
On a pedestal, 2 feet 9 inches by 1 foot 7½ inches by 1 foot 7 inches,
ornamented with enriched mouldings, found between the temple of Venus
and the building marked “Palace” on the Plan, but which is probably an
Augusteum.
No. 18.—Pl. 83.
Εὐβάτας Ἀκεσάνδρω Ἀλεξίμαχος Αἰγα . . . .
Ἡρίλοχος Στράτητος Ἐτυμοκλῆς Ἀρις . .
Ἁγήσαρχος Κλέωνος δαμοκοσμοθε . . . .
Τελεσφορέντες τὰν θ[εόν (?)
On a slab of marble found in a building near the temple of Bacchus,
marked “Palace” on the Plan, but which is probably an Augusteum. (See
_ante_, p. 76.) Ll. 3, 4 cannot be read satisfactorily. The Ο at the end
of δαμο is quite clear in the rubbing, otherwise we might read
Ἀρισ[τοδάμω κοσμοθ[έται]. Τελεσφορέντες is also perfectly clear, but how
it can be formed from τελεσφορέω is not so clear. It may be either
miswritten for τελεσφορεῦντες? or formed from τελεσφόρημι. In Hom. we
have φορῆναι, φορήμεναι, &c.
No. 19.—Pl. 82.
Κυρήνην πολίων μητρόπτολιν, ἣν στέφει αὐτὴ
ἠπείρων Λιβύη τρισσὸν ἔχουσα κλέος,
Ἐνθάδ’ ὑπὲρ μελάθροιο λεοντοφόνον θέτο Κάρπος,
Εὐξάμενος μεγάλης σῆμα φιλοξενίης.
At the foot of a bas-relief found on the site of the temple of Venus.
(See _ante_, p. 77 and p. 97.) The inscription records the dedication of
the relief, in token of great hospitality, by one Karpos, who, it may be
presumed, had as a stranger been hospitably received by the people of
Cyrene. The subject of the relief is stated to be the crowning of the
lion-slaying nymph Cyrene by Libya, who has the triple glory of
continents—ἠπείρων τρισσὸν ἔχουσα κλέος. This seems to refer to the
threefold population of Libya, native Africans, and European and Asiatic
colonists. The relief is to be placed ὑπὲρ μελάθροιο, which must be
translated “above the architrave,” for the relief is evidently a metope.
No. 20.—Pl. 83.
Γ]άϊος Νώνιο[ς . . . . εινος
τῇ θεῷ
Μιλήσιος ὁ καὶ Κυρηνε . . . . . . ενος
On a marble pedestal found in the _cella_ of the temple of Venus. (See
_ante_, p. 77.) A statue must have stood on this pedestal, as part of
the feet remained.
No. 21.—Pl. 83.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . σαγόρα φ Ἀννικέρ[ιος
. . . . . . Ξούθω φ Λυσι . . . .
. . . . Ἀ]λέξιος φ Φιλοκώ[μω
. . . . Θευχρήστω φ Σωσικράτευς
Βιάνδρω φ Λυ . . . .
Ἀναξ. . . .
Fragment of a slab of marble found in the Augusteum. (See _ante_, p.
76.) This inscription seems to be part of a list of subscribers to some
public contribution.
No. 22.—Pl. 83.
Ἀστυκράτης
Εὐκλείδα
On a marble pedestal, 4 feet by 1 foot 6 inches by 1 foot, found in the
_pronaos_ of the temple of Venus. (See _ante_, p. 77.) The letters are
of a good period.
No. 23.—Pl. 83.
Αὐτοκράτορα Καίσαρα Τεῖτον Αἴ]λιον Ἀδριανὸν
Ἀντωνεῖνον Σεβαστὸν θεῶ Ἀδριανοῦ] υἱὸν, θεῶ
Τραϊανοῦ Παρθικοῦ] υἱωνὸν, θεῶ
Νερούα ἔγγονον, σωτῆρα κ]αὶ εὐεργέταν
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ὑπὸ Τείτου
Fragment of a slab of marble found in the Augusteum. (See _ante_, p.
76.) This appears to be part of a dedication to the Emperor Antoninus
Pius, whose bust was found in the same building.
No. 24.—Pl. 84.
Μ. Ἀντώνιος Κερέαδις
Πτολεμαίου Ι.Ι.Ι.Ι. υἱός
Αἰγλάνωρ
Μητρόδωρος Ι. τοῦ
Μητροδώρου
L{ρη}. Τι. Κλαύδιος Ἀρχίππου
υἱὸς Ἄρχιππος
L{pθ} Μ. Ἀντώνιος Μ. Ἀντωνίου
Φλάμμα υἱὸς Κασκέλλιος.
On a large marble slab, measuring 3 feet 1 inch by 2 feet 7 inches by 1
foot 1 inch, built into a partition wall in the temple of Apollo, the
writing turned inwards. It contains a list of names of priests of
Apollo. This is shown by the inscription from Cyrene (Corpus Inscript.,
III. No. 5144), where the name M. Antonius Kaskellios occurs with the
same date. Λ is Λυκάβαντι, _in the year_ . . . The two dates {ρη} and
{pθ} refer to the era of Actium. (See Franz, Corpus Inscript., _loc.
cit._ &c., p. 1241.) The four vertical strokes which precede the word
υἱός, l. 2, probably indicate that the ancestors of M. Antonios Kereadis
for four generations had been called Ptolemaios. The use of vertical
strokes is peculiar here. The usual way of marking the successive
generations is either by letters, α′ β′ γ′, or by the words δίς, τρίς,
κ.τ.λ. (_See_ Franz, Elementa Epigraphices Græcæ, p. 304.) So Μητρόδωρος
Ι. τοῦ Μητροδώρου is Metrodoros, grandson of Metrodoros. The M. Antonius
Flamma mentioned in this inscription is probably the same as the
Antonius Flamma mentioned by Tacitus, Hist. IV. 45.
No. 25.—Pl. 84.
Ἀσκλαπὸν Ἀσκλαπῶ ἱερατεύον-
τα τῶ Ἀπόλλωνος ἀρετᾶς ἕ[νε-
κα καὶ εὐνοίας ἅς ἔχων δια[τε-
λεῖ ἔς τε τὸς κοινὸς εὐεργ[έτας
Ῥωμαίος καὶ ἐς τὰν πόλιν κα[ὶ
τὸς ἱαρὲς καὶ τᾶς ποτὶ τὸ[ς θεὸς
χάριν εὐ]σεβείας οἱ ἱαρὲς τ[ῶ
Ἀπ]όλλωνος ἀνέθ[ηκαν.
On a slab of marble built into a rough modern wall about 20 yards to the
westward of the temple of Apollo. Published, Böckh, Corpus Inscript.,
III. No. 5131, from a copy taken before the marble was broken at the
edges, and which is therefore more complete; and Letronne, Journal des
Savans, 1848, p. 372.
On the reverse of the same slab—
No. 26.—Pl. 84.
Τ. Κλαύδιος Ἀριστομέ-
νης Μάγνος, ὁ καὶ
Περικλῆς, ἱαρειτεύων
ἕκταν τᾶν τῶ Ἀπόλλω-
νος προσόδων.
This is a dedication of a statue in honour of Asclapos, priest of
Apollo, on account of his services to the city, the Romans, and the
priests, and his piety to the gods. The dedication is made by the
priests of Apollo. This records a dedication made out of a sixth part of
the revenues of the temple of Apollo by T. Claudius Aristomenes Magnus,
priest of Apollo. Published by Franz, Corpus Inscript., III. No. 5137,
who reads ἐκ τᾶν τῶ Ἀπόλλωνος, and rejects the second ΤΑΝ as an
erroneous repetition; but the reading is certain. (_See_ Letronne,
Journal des Savans, 1848, p. 371.)
No. 27.—Pl. 85.
Ἀριστοτέλης
Σώσιος, ἱαρεὺς
Ἀπόλλωνος, μηθέ-
να ἐντίθη . .
In large letters over one of the recesses in a large tomb on the south-
east side of the city, adjoining the path leading to Sassaf and
Gheigheb. L. 4, ἐντίθη for ἐντίθει. Published, Böckh, Corpus Inscript.,
III. No. 5154.
No. 28.—Pl. 85.
Γάϊος Ἀπείσιος Διονύσω
Νίγερ πρεσβύτερος ἱερεὺς
σν
Over a compartment in the interior of a small tomb in the Eastern
Necropolis. This inscription contains the name of Caius Apeisios Niger,
a priest of Dionysos, a temple of which Deity was discovered in the
course of the excavations.
No. 29.—Pl. 86.
Βαρκλῆος
Ἀστυκλεῦς
Μνάστα
Κρίνιος.
Over a recess in the same tomb whence No. 27 is taken. Published, Corpus
Inscript., III. No. 5166; and Pacho, tab. LXV. 10, where the first name
is incorrectly read Χ]αρ[ι]κλῆος.
No. 30.—Pl. 86. No. 31.—Pl. 86.
Σίμων Σι . . . . . . . . Στράτω-
Πευσάν- ν Εὐπό-
δρου L δ′. λιδος
L λ′.
No. 32.—Pl. 86.
Ποπελίας Πευσά-
νδρου ΘLλθ′.
Nos. 30, 31, 32 are round the entrance of a small tomb in the Eastern
Necropolis. The four last letters of l. 2 seem to be ΘΛ[υκάβαντι] λθ′,
the year 38, recording probably the age at which Popelias died. The
significance of the Θ which precedes the L must be left to conjecture;
perhaps it stands for θεοῖς.
No. 33.
. . . . ΡΑΙΑΝΩΙΑΔΡΙΑΝΩ. . . .
. . . . ΟΝΣΥΝΤΩΙΠΡΟΝ . . . .
ΤΩ . . . . ΦΛ . . . . ΦΛ . . . .
Τ]ραϊανῷ Ἀδριανῷ
τὸν να]ὸν σὺν τῷ πρόν[αῳ
τω φλ φλ
On a piece of architrave of sandstone, found in ruins to the north of
the temple of Apollo. This appears to be part of the dedication of a
temple to the Emperor Trajan.
THE END.
[Illustration: PL. 77.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 78.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 79.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 80.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 81.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 82.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 83.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 84.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 85.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
[Illustration: PL. 86.
CYRENE.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen
INSCRIPTIONS]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: Thrige, p. 48.]
[Footnote 2: We were informed by some Arabs that these paintings were
quarried out by M. Bourville.]
[Footnote 3: The plans of the Temples of Apollo and Bacchus, have
unfortunately been lost.]
[Footnote 4: In the foreground, Plate 46, is shown a circular tomb,
protected by an outer wall, with a passage left between. We did not meet
with this type of tomb at Cyrene.]
[Footnote 5: Another place he had intended to make a stand and dispute
our passage was at a range of tombs called by the Arabs the
“Kenissieh.”]
[Footnote 6: The view opposite will show more clearly this locality, as
well as the exterior of the tombs we lived in during our stay.]
[Footnote 7: Ueber eine in der Gegend der ehemaligen Kyrene gesammelte
Wurzelrinde, und über das Silphium der alten Griechen.
Dr. Schroff gives the following references to modern literature of
_Silphium_:—
_Link_, Ueber das Kyrenäische Silphium. Akad. Berlin, 19 März, 1829.
_Böttiger_, Ueber das Silphium oder Laser von Kyrene. Oken’s Osis.
1829, p. 317.
_Sprengel_, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Medicin, i. pt. i. 1794;
Geschichte der Botanik, i. 1817.
_Thrige_, Res Cyrenensium, &c. Hafniæ, 1828.
_Eckhel_, Doctrina Numorum veterum conscripta. Pt. i. vol. iv. Vindob.
1794.
_Müller_, Numismatique de l’ancienne Afrique. Vol. i. Les Monnaies de
la Cyrénaïque. Copenh. 1860.
_Macé_, Rev. Archéologique, xiv. 1857.
_Beechey_, Expedition, chap. xv.
_Pacho_, Voy. dans la Cyrénaïque en 1825, ch. xviii.
_Cella_, Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., Geneva, 1819, p. 127.
_Barth_, Wanderungen, &c. Bd. i. 1849.]
[Footnote 8: “Es gibt nicht gar so viele Medicinalpflanzen der alten
Welt, von denen man mit einer solchen Sicherheit behaupten kann, dass
sie mit uns genau bekannten Pflanzen zusammen fallen, wie dies hier mit
der Thapsia der Alten und mit _Thapsia Silphium_, und _Th. garganica_
unserer Botaniker der Fall ist.”—(_Thapsia Silphium_, of Viviani, is a
mere variety of _T. Garganica_.)]