Now the mills may be soul-deadening--possibly they are, though it is hard

to benumb a soul--but I will venture to say that for every soul that Mr.

Carnegie, or anyone else, has taken away, he has created, awakened and

stimulated a thousand by contact with that almost soul--that

near-soul--that resides in books. Mr. Lee's books may be merely paper;

mine have paper and ink only for their outer garb; their inner warp and

woof is of the texture of spirit.

This is why I rejoice when a new library is opened. I thank God for its

generous donor. I clasp hands with the far-reaching municipality that

accepts and supports it. I wish good luck to the librarians who are to

care for it and give it dynamic force; I congratulate the public whose

privilege it is to use it and to profit by it.

SIMON NEWCOMB: AMERICA'S FOREMOST ASTRONOMER

Among those in all parts of the world whose good opinion is worth having,

Simon Newcomb was one of the best known of America's great men.

Astronomer, mathematician, economist, novelist, he had well-nigh boxed the

compass of human knowledge, attaining eminence such as is given to few to

reach, at more than one of its points. His fame was of the far-reaching

kind,--penetrating to remote regions, while that of some others has only

created a noisy disturbance within a narrow radius.

Best and most widely known as an astronomer, his achievements in that

science were not suited for sensational exploitation. He discovered no

apple-orchards on the moon, neither did he dispute regarding the railways

on the planet Venus. His aim was to make still more exact our knowledge of

the motions of the bodies constituting what we call the solar system, and

his labors toward this end, begun more than thirty years ago, he continued

almost until the day of his death. Conscious that his span of life was

measured by months and in the grip of what he knew to be a fatal disease,

he yet exerted himself with all his remaining energy to complete his

monumental work on the motion of the moon, and succeeded in bringing it to

an end before the final summons came. His last days thus had in them a

cast of the heroic, not less than if, as the commander of a torpedoed

battleship, he had gone down with her, or than if he had fallen charging

at the head of a forlorn hope. It is pleasant to think that such a man was

laid to rest with military honors. The accident that he was a retired

professor in the United States Navy may have been the immediate cause of

this, but its appropriateness lies deeper.

Newcomb saw the light not under the Stars and Stripes, but in Nova Scotia,

where he was born, at the town of Wallace on March 12, 1835. His father, a

teacher, was of American descent, his ancestors having settled in Canada

in 1761. After studying with his father and teaching for some little time

in his native province he came to the United States while yet a boy of

eighteen, and while teaching in Maryland in 1854-'56 was so fortunate as

to attract, by his mathematical ability, the attention of two eminent

American scientific men, Joseph Henry and Julius Hilgard, who secured him

an appointment as computer on the Nautical Almanac. The date of this was

1857, and Newcomb had thus, at his death, been in Government employ for

fifty-two years. As the work of the almanac was then carried on in

Cambridge, Mass., he was enabled to enter the Lawrence Scientific School

of Harvard University, where he graduated in 1858 and where he pursued

graduate studies for three years longer. On their completion in 1861 he

was appointed a professor of mathematics in the United States Navy, which

office he held till his death. This appointment, made when he was

twenty-six years old,--scarcely more than a boy,--is a striking testimony

to his remarkable ability as a mathematician, for of practical astronomy

he still knew little.

One of his first duties at Washington was to supervise the construction of

the great 26-inch equatorial just authorized by Congress and to plan for

mounting and housing it. In 1877 he became senior professor of mathematics

in the navy, and from that time until his retirement as a Rear Admiral in

1897 he had charge of the Nautical Almanac office, with its large corps of

naval and civilian assistants, in Washington and elsewhere. In 1884 he

also assumed the chair of mathematics and astronomy in Johns Hopkins

University, Baltimore, and he had much to to do, in an advisory capacity,

with the equipment of the Lick Observatory and with testing and mounting

its great telescope, at that time the largest in the world.

To enumerate his degrees, scientific honors, and medals would tire the

reader. Among them were the degree of LL.D. from all the foremost

universities, the gold medal of the Royal Astronomical Society of London

in 1874, the great gold Huygens medal of the University of Leyden, awarded

only once in twenty years, in 1878, and the Schubert gold medal of the

Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg. The collection of portraits of famous

astronomers at the Observatory of Pulkowa contains his picture, painted by

order of the Russian Government in 1887. He was, of course, a member of

many scientific societies, at home and abroad, and was elected in 1869 to

our own National Academy of Sciences, becoming its vice-president in 1883.

In 1893 he was chosen one of the eight foreign associates of the Institute

of France,--the first native American since Benjamin Franklin to be so

chosen. Newcomb's most famous work as an astronomer,--that which gained

him world-wide fame among his brother astronomers,--was, as has been said,

too mathematical and technical to appeal to the general public among his

countrymen, who have had to take his greatness, in this regard, on trust.

They have known him at first hand chiefly as author or editor of popular

works such as his "Popular Astronomy" (1877); of his text-books on

astronomy, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, and calculus; of his books on

political economy, which science he was accustomed to call his

"recreation"; and of magazine articles on all sorts of subjects not

omitting "psychical research," which was one of the numerous by-paths into

which he strayed. He held at one time the presidency of the American

Society for Psychical Research.

The technical nature of his work in mathematical astronomy,--his

"profession," as he called it, in distinction to his "recreations" and

minor scientific amusements,--may be seen from the titles of one or two of

his papers: "On the Secular Variations and Mutual Relations of the Orbits

of the Asteroids" (1860); "Investigation of the Orbit of Neptune, with

General Tables of Its Motion" (1867); "Researches on the Motion of the

Moon" (1876); and so on. Of this work Professor Newcomb himself says, in

his "Reminiscences of an Astronomer" (Boston, 1903), that it all tended

toward one result,--the solution of what he calls "the great problem of

exact astronomy," the theoretical explanation of the observed motions of

the heavenly bodies.

If the universe consisted of but two bodies,--say, the sun and a

planet,--the motion would be simplicity itself; the planet would describe

an exact ellipse about the sun, and this orbit would never change in form,

size, or position. With the addition of only one more body, the problem at

once becomes so much more difficult as to be practically insoluble;

indeed, the "problem of the three bodies" has been attacked by astronomers

for years without the discovery of any general formula to express the

resulting motions. For the actually existing system of many planets with

their satellites and countless asteroids, only an approximation is

possible. The actual motions as observed and measured from year to year

are most complex. Can these be completely accounted for by the mutual

attractions of the bodies, according to the law of gravitation as

enunciated by Sir Isaac Newton? In Newcomb's words, "Does any world move

otherwise than as it is attracted by other worlds?" Of course, Newcomb has

not been the only astronomer at work on this problem, but it has been his

life-work and his contributions to its solution have been very noteworthy.

It is difficult to make the ordinary reader understand the obstacles in

the way of such a determination as this. Its two elements are, of course,

the mapping out of the lines in which the bodies concerned actually do

move and the calculations of the orbits in which they ought to move, if

the accepted laws of planetary motion are true. The first involves the

study of thousands of observations made during long years by different men

in far distant lands, the discussion of their probable errors, and their

reduction to a common standard. The latter requires the use of the most

refined methods of mathematical analysis; it is, as Newcomb says, "of a

complexity beyond the powers of ordinary conception." In works on

celestial mechanics a single formula may fill a whole chapter.

This problem first attracted Newcomb's attention when a young man at

Cambridge, when by analysis of the motions of the asteroids he showed that

the orbits of these minor planets had not, for several hundred thousand

years past, intersected at a single point, and that they could not,

therefore, have resulted, during that period, from the explosion of a

single large body, as had been supposed.

Later, when Newcomb's investigations along this line had extended to the

major planets and their satellites, a curious anomaly in the moon's motion

made it necessary for him to look for possible observations made long

before those hitherto recorded. The accepted tables were based on

observations extending back as far as 1750, but Newcomb, by searching the

archives of European observatories, succeeded in discovering data taken as

early as 1660, not, of course, with such an investigation as this in view,

but chiefly out of pure scientific curiosity. The reduction of such

observations, especially as the old French astronomers used apparent time,

which was frequently in error by quarter of an hour or so, was a matter of

great difficulty. The ancient observer, having no idea of the use that was

to be made of his work, had supplied no facilities for interpreting it,

and "much comparison and examination was necessary to find out what sort

of an instrument was used, how the observations were made, and how they

should be utilized for the required purpose." The result was a vastly more

accurate lunar theory than had formerly been obtained.

During the period when Newcomb was working among the old papers of the

Paris Observatory, the city, then in possession of the Communists, was

beset by the national forces, and his studies were made within hearing of

the heavy siege guns, whose flash he could even see by glancing through

his window.

Newcomb's appointment as head of the Nautical Almanac office greatly

facilitated his work on the various phases of this problem of planetary

motions. Their solution was here a legitimate part of the routine work of

the office, and he had the aid of able assistants,--such men as G.W. Hill,

who worked out a large part of the theory of Jupiter and Saturn, and

Cleveland Keith, who died in 1896, just as the final results of his work

were being combined. In connection with this work Professor Newcomb

strongly advocated the unification of the world's time by the adoption of

an international meridian, and also international agreement upon a uniform

system of data for all computations relating to the fixed stars. The

former still hangs fire, owing to mistaken "patriotism"; the latter was

adopted at an international conference held in Paris in 1896, but after it

had been carried into effect in our own Nautical Almanac, professional

jealousies brought about a modification of the plan that relegated the

improved and modernized data to an appendix.

Professor Newcomb's retirement from active service made the continuance of

his great work on an adequate scale somewhat problematical, and his data

on the moon's motion were laid aside for a time until a grant from the

newly organized Carnegie Institution in 1903 enabled him to employ the

necessary assistance, and the work has since gone forward to completion.

What is the value of such work, and why should fame be the reward of him

who pursues it successfully? Professor Newcomb himself raises this

question in his "Reminiscences," and without attempting to answer it

directly he notes that every civilized nation supports an observatory at

great annual expense to carry on such research, besides which many others

are supported by private or corporate contributions. Evidently the

consensus of public opinion must be that the results are worth at least a

part of what they cost. The question is included in the broader one of the

value of all research in pure science. Speaking generally, the object of

this is solely to add to the sum of human knowledge, although not seldom

some application to man's physical needs springs unexpectedly from the

resulting discoveries, as in the case of the dynamo or that of wireless

telegraphy. Possibly a more accurate description of the moon's motion is

unlikely to bring forth any such application, but those who applaud the

achievements of our experts in mathematical astronomy would be quick to

deny that their fame rests on any such possibility.

Passing now to Professor Newcomb's "recreation," as he called,

it,--political economy, we may note that his contributions to it were

really voluminous, consisting of papers, popular articles and several

books, including "The A B C of Finance" (1877) and "Principles of

Political Economy" (1886). Authorities in the science never really took

these as seriously as they deserved, possibly because they regarded

Professor Newcomb as scarcely orthodox. Some of his distinctions, however,

are of undoubted value and will live; for instance, that between the fund

and the flux of wealth, on which he insists in his treatises on finance.

As to Professor Newcomb's single excursion into fiction, a romance

entitled "His Wisdom the Defender," it is perhaps sufficient to say that,

like everything he attempted, it is at least worth notice. It is a sort of

cross between Jules Verne and Bulwer Lytton's "Coming Race."

Professor Newcomb's mind was comprehensive in its activity. One might have

thought that an intellect occupied to the last in carrying out one of the

most stupendous tasks ever attempted by a mathematical astronomer would

have had little time or little energy left for other things; but Newcomb

took his rest and pleasure in popular articles and interviews. Only a

short time before his death he published an essay on aeronautics that

attracted wide attention, drawing the conclusions that the aeroplane can

never be of much use either as a passenger-carrier or in war, but that the

dirigible balloon may accomplish something within certain lines, although

it will never put the railways and steamships out of business. In

particular, he treated with unsparing ridicule the panic fear of an aerial

invasion that so lately seized upon our transatlantic cousins.

Personally, Newcomb was an agreeable companion and a faithful friend. His

success was due largely to his tenacity of purpose. The writer's only

personal contact with him came through the "Standard Dictionary,"--of

whose definitions in physical science Newcomb had general oversight. On

one occasion he came into the office greatly dissatisfied with the

definition that we had framed for the word "magnet."--a conception almost

impossible to define in any logical way. We had simply enumerated the

properties of the thing,--a course which in the absence of authoritative

knowledge of their causes was the only rational procedure. But Newcomb's

mind demanded a logical treatment, and though he must have seen from the

outset that this was a forlorn hope, his tenacity of purpose kept him,

pencil in hand, writing and erasing alternately for an hour or more.

Finally he confessed that he could do no better than the following pair of

definitions,--"_Magnet_, a body capable of exerting magnetic force," and

"_Magnetic Force_, the force exerted by a magnet." With a hearty laugh at

this beautiful _circulus in definiendo_ he threw down his pencil, and the

imperfect and illogical office definition was accepted.

Logical as he was, however, he was in no sense bound by convention. His

economics, as has been said, was often unorthodox, and even in his

mathematical text-books he occasionally shocked the hide-bound. I well

remember an interesting discussion among members of the Yale mathematical

faculty just after the appearance of Newcomb's text-book of geometry, in

which he was unsparingly condemned by some because he assumed in certain

elementary demonstrations that geometrical figures could be removed from

the paper, turned over and laid down again,--the so-called "method of

superposition," now generally regarded as quite allowable. Of course, a

figure can be treated in this way only in imagination and for this season,

probably, the method was not employed by Euclid. Its use, however, leads

always to true results, as anyone may see; and it was quite characteristic

of Professor Newcomb that he should have taken it up, not having the fear

of the Greek geometers before him.

Such was Newcomb; it will be long before American science sees his equal.

Mathematical genius is like an automobile,--it is looked upon in two

opposing fashions as one has it or has it not. A noted educator not long

ago announced his belief that the possession of a taste for mathematics is

an exact index of the general intellectual powers. Not much later, another

eminent teacher asserted that mathematical ability is an exotic,--that one

may, and often does, possess it who is in other respects practically an

imbecile. This is scarcely a subject in which a single illustration

decides, but surely Newcomb's career justifies the former opinion rather

than the latter; the amount and kind of his mental abilities along all

lines seemed to run parallel to his mathematical genius, to resemble it in

quantity and in kind.

The great volumes of astronomical tables without which no astronomer may

now venture upon a computation are his best monument; yet the general

reader will longer remember, perhaps, the lucid expositor, the genial

essayist, the writer of one of the most readable autobiographies of our

day.

THE COMPANIONSHIP OF BOOKS[5]

[5] Read before the Pacific Northwest Library Association,

June, 1910.

Are books fitted to be our companions? That depends. You and I read them

with pleasure; others do not care for them; to some the reading of any

book at all is as impossible as the perusal of a volume in Old Slavonic

would be to most of us. These people simply do not read at all. To a

suggestion that he supplement his usual vacation sports by reading a

novel, a New York police captain--a man with a common school

education--replied, "Well, I've never read a book yet, and I don't think

I'll begin now." Here was a man who had never read a book, who had no use

for books, and who could get along perfectly well without them. He is not

a unique type. Hundreds of thousands of our fellow citizens might as well

be quite illiterate, so far as the use that they make of their ability to

read is concerned. These persons are not all uneducated; they possess and

are still acquiring much knowledge, but since leaving school they have

acquired it chiefly by personal experience and by word of mouth. Is it

possible that they are right? May it be that to read books is unnecessary

and superfluous?

There has been some effort of late to depreciate the book--to insist on

its inadequacy and on the impracticality of the knowledge that it conveys.

"Book-learning" has always been derided more or less by so-called

"practical men". A recent series of comic pictures in the newspapers makes

this clear. It is about "Book-taught Bilkins". Bilkins tries to do

everything by a book. He raises vegetables, builds furniture, runs a

chicken farm, all by the directions contained in books, and meets with

ignominious failure. He makes himself, in fact, very ridiculous in every

instance and thousands of readers laugh at him and his absurd books. They

inwardly resolve, doubtless, that they will be practical and will pay no

attention to books. Are they right? Is the information contained in books

always useless and absurd, while that obtained by experience or by talking

to one's neighbor is always correct and valuable?

Many of our foremost educators are displeased with the book. They are

throwing it aside for the lecture, for laboratory work, for personal

research and experiment. Does this mean that the book, as a tool of the

teacher, will have to go?

What it all certainly does mean is that we ought to pause a minute and

think about the book, about what it does and what it can not do. This

means that we ought to consider a little the whole subject of written as

distinguished from spoken language. Why should we have two languages--as

we practically do--one to be interpreted by the ear and the other by the

eye? Could we or should we abandon either? What are the advantages and

what the limitations of each? We are so accustomed to looking upon the

printed page, to reading newspapers, books, and advertisements, to sending

and receiving letters, written or typewritten, that we are apt to forget

that all this is not part of the natural order, except in the sense that

all inventions and creations of the human brain are natural. Written

language is a conscious invention of man; spoken language is a

development, shaped by his needs and controlled by his sense of what is

fitting, but not at the outset consciously devised.

We are apt to think of written language as simply a means of representing

spoken language to the eye; but it is more than this; originally, at least

in many cases, it was not this at all. The written signs represented not

sounds, but ideas themselves; if they were intended to correspond directly

with anything, it was with the rude gestures that signified ideas and had

nothing to do with their vocal expression. It was not until later that

these written symbols came to correspond to vocal sounds and even to-day

they do so imperfectly; languages that are largely phonetic are the

exception. The result is, as I have said, that we have two languages--a

spoken and a written. What we call reading aloud is translation from the

written to the spoken tongue; while writing from dictation is translation

from the spoken to the written. When we read, as we say, "to ourselves,"

we sometimes, if we are not skilful, pronounce the spoken words under our

breath, or at least form them with our vocal organs. You all remember the

story of how the Irishman who could not read made his friend stop up his

ears while reading a letter aloud, so that he might not hear it. This

anecdote, like all good comic stories, has something in it to think about.

The skilful reader does not even imagine the spoken words as he goes. He

forgets, for the moment, the spoken tongue and translates the written

words and phrases directly into the ideas for which they stand. A skilful

reader thus takes in the meaning of a phrase, a sentence, even of a

paragraph, at a glance. Likewise the writer who sets his own thoughts down

on paper need not voice them, even in imagination; he may also forget all

about the spoken tongue and spread his ideas on the page at first hand.

This is not so common because one writes slower than he speaks, whereas he

reads very much faster. The swift reader could not imagine that he was

speaking the words, even if he would; the pace is too incredibly fast.

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