If, then, we are to accomplish anything by taking advantage of the very

peculiar crowd or group psychology--owing to which a collected body of men

may feel as a group and act as a group, differently from the way in which

any one of its components would feel or act--we must see that our group is

properly selected and constituted. This does not mean that we are to go

about and choose individuals, one by one, by the exercise of personal

judgment. Such a method is generally inferior and unnecessary. If we

desire to separate the fine from the coarse grains in a sand-pile we do

not set to work with a microscope to measure them, grain by grain; we use

a sieve. The sieve will not do to separate iron filings from copper

filings of exactly the same size, but here a magnet will do the business.

And so separation or selection can almost always be accomplished by

choosing an agency adapted to the conditions; and such agencies often act

automatically without the intervention of the human will. In a voluntary

association formed to accomplish a definite purpose we have a

self-selected group. Such a body may be freely open to the public, as all

our library clubs and associations practically are; yet it is still

selective, for no one would care to join it who is not in some way

interested in its objects. On the other hand, the qualifications for

membership may be numerous and rigid, in which case the selection is more

limited. The ideal of efficiency in an association is probably reached

when the body is formed for a single definite purpose and the terms of

admission are so arranged that each of its members is eager above all

things to achieve its end and is specially competent to work for it, the

purpose of the grouping being merely to attain the object more surely,

thoroughly and rapidly. A good example is a thoroughly trained military

organization, all of whose members are enthusiastic in the cause for which

the body is fighting--a band of patriots, we will say--or perhaps a band

of brigands, for what we have been saying applies to evil as well as to

good associations. The most efficient of such bodies may be very

temporary, as when three persons, meeting by chance, unite to help each

other over a wall that none of them could scale by himself, and, having

reached the other side, separate again. The more clearly cut and definite

the purpose the less the necessity of retaining the association after its

accomplishment. The more efficient the association the sooner its aims are

accomplished and the sooner it is disbanded. Such groups or bodies, by

their very nature are affairs of small detail and not of large and

comprehensive purpose. As they broaden out into catholicity they

necessarily lose in efficiency. And even when they are accomplishing their

aims satisfactorily the very largeness of those aims, the absence of sharp

outline and clear definition, frequently gives rise to complaint. I know

of clubs and associations that are doing an immense amount of good, in

some cases altering for the better the whole intellectual or moral tone of

a community, but that are the objects of criticism because they do not act

in matters of detail.

"Why don't they do something?" is the constant cry. And "doing something,"

as you may presently discover, is carrying on some small definite,

relatively unimportant activity that is capable of clear description and

easily fixes the attention, while the greater services, to the public and

to the individual, of the association's quiet influences pass unnoticed.

The church that has driven out of business one corner-saloon gets more

praise than the one that has made better men and women of a whole

generation in one neighborhood; the police force that catches one

sensational murderer is more applauded than the one that has made life and

property safe for years in its community by quiet, firm pressure.

There is no reason of course, why the broader and the more definite

activities may not be united, to some degree, in one organization. Either

smaller groups with related aims may federate for the larger purpose, or

the larger may itself be the primary group, and may subdivide into

sections each with its specified object. Both these plans or a combination

of the two may be seen in many of our large organizations, and it is this

combination that seems finally to have been selected as the proper form of

union for the libraries and the librarians of the United States. We have a

large organization which, as it has grown more and more unwieldy, has been

subdivided into smaller specialized sections without losing its continuity

for its broader and perhaps vaguer work. At the same time, specialized

bodies with related aims have been partially or wholly absorbed, until, by

processes partly of subdivision and partly of accretion, we have a body

capable of dealing alike with the general and the special problems of

library work. It should not be forgotten, however, that its success in

dealing with both kinds of problems is still conditioned by the laws

already laid down. The general association, as it grows larger, will be

marked less and less by the enthusiasm of the specialist, will be less and

less efficient, will move more slowly, will deliver its opinions with

reticence and will hesitate to act upon them. The smaller constituent

bodies will be affected by none of these drawbacks, but their purposes

appeal to the few and their actions, though more energetic, will often

seem to the majority of the larger group devoid of meaning. This is, of

course, the case with the National Educational Association, the American

Association for the Advancement of Science, and hosts of similar bodies

here and abroad. To state the difficulty is merely to confess that all

attempts hitherto have failed to form a group that is at once

comprehensive, powerful and efficient, both in the larger matters with

which it deals and in details.

Probably the most successful attempt of this kind is formulated in the

Constitution of the United States itself and is being carried on in our

country from day to day, yet successful as it is, our history is witness,

and the daily press testifies, that the combination of general and local

governments has its weak points and is dependent for its smooth working on

the cordial consent and forbearance of the governed. This is true also of

smaller combinations. In our own organization it is easy to find fault, it

is easy to discover points of friction; only by the cordial effort of

every member to minimize these points can such an organization begin to

accomplish its aims. Failure is much more apt to be due to lack of

appreciation of this fact than to any defect in the machinery of

organization. This being the case we are thrown back upon consideration of

the membership of our institution. How should it be selected and how

constituted?

The constitution of the association says that "Any person or institution

engaged in library work may become a member by paying the annual dues, and

others after election by the executive board." We have thus two classes of

members, those by their own choice and those by election. The annual lists

of members do not record the distinction, but among those in the latest

list we find 24 booksellers, 17 publishers, 5 editors, 9 school and

college officials, 8 government employees not in libraries, and 24 wives

and relatives of other members, while in the case of 132 persons no

qualification is stated in the list. We have or have had as our

associates, settlement workers, lawyers, lecturers, indexers, binders, and

so on almost indefinitely. Our membership is thus freely open to

librarians, interpreting this word very broadly, and to any others that we

may desire to have with us, which means, practically, any who have

sufficient interest in library work to come to the meetings. We must,

therefore, be classed with what may be called the "open" as opposed to the

"closed" professional or technical associations. The difference may be

emphasized by a reference to two well-known New York clubs, the Players

and the Authors. These organizations would appear by their names to be

composed respectively of actors and writers. The former, however, admits

also to membership persons interested in the drama, which may mean little

or much, while the Authors Club, despite repeated efforts to broaden it

out in the same way, has insisted on admitting none but _bona fide_

authors. In advocacy of the first plan it may be said that by adopting it

the Players has secured larger membership, embracing many men of means.

Its financial standing is better and it is enabled to own a fine club

house. On the other hand, the Authors has a small membership, and owns

practically no property, but makes up in _esprit de corps_ what it lacks

in these other respects. It is another phase of the question of

specialization that we have already considered. The larger and broader

body has certain advantages, the smaller and more compact, certain others.

We have, doubtless been right in deciding, or rather in accepting what

circumstances seem to have decided for us, that our own association shall

be of the larger and less closely knit type, following the analogy of the

National Educational Association and the various associations for the

advancement of science, American, British and French, rather than that of

the Society of Civil Engineers, for instance, or the various learned

academies. Our body has thus greater general but less special influence,

just as on a question of general scientific policy a petition from the

American association might carry greater weight, whereas on a question of

engineering it would be incomparably inferior to an opinion of the civil

engineers. There is in this country, it is true, a general scientific body

of limited membership--the National Academy of Sciences, which speaks both

on general and special questions with expert authority. In the formation

of the American Library Institute it was sought to create some such

special body of librarians, but it is too soon to say whether or not that

expectation is to be fulfilled. The fact remains that in the American

Library Association we are committed to very nearly the broadest plan of

organization and work that is possible. We are united only by our

connection with library work or our interest in its success, and are thus

limited in our discussions and actions as a body to the most general

problems that may arise in this connection, leaving the special work to

our sections and affiliated societies, which are themselves somewhat

hampered by our size in the treatment of the particular subjects that come

before them, inasmuch as they are not separate groups whose freedom of

action no one can call in question.

In illustration of the limitations of a general body of the size and scope

of our Association, I may perhaps be allowed to adduce the recent

disagreement among librarians regarding the copyright question, or rather

regarding the proper course to be followed in connection with the

conference on that question called by the Librarian of Congress. It will

be remembered that this conference was semi-official and was due to the

desire of members of Congress to frame a bill that should be satisfactory

to the large number of conflicting interests involved. To this conference

our Association was invited to send, and did send, delegates. It is

obvious that if these and all the other delegates to the conference had

simply held out for the provisions most favorable to themselves no

agreement would have been possible and the objects of the conference would

have been defeated. Recognizing this, all the bodies and interests

represented worked from the beginning to secure an agreement, striving

only that it should be such as would represent a minimum of concession on

all sides. This view was shared by the delegates of this Association. The

law as it stood was, it is true, most favorable to libraries in its

provisions regarding importation, and the retention of these provisions

might have been facilitated by withdrawal from the conference and

subsequent opposition to whatever new bill might have been framed. But the

delegates assumed that they were appointed to confer, not to withdraw, and

that if the Association had desired to hold aloof from the conference that

result would have been best attained by appointing no delegates at all.

The Association's delegates accordingly joined with their fellows in the

spirit of compromise to agree on such a bill as might be least

unacceptable to all, and the result was a measure slightly, but only

slightly, less favorable to libraries than the existing law. With the

presentation of this bill to the proper committees of Congress, and a

formal statement that they approved it on behalf of the Association, the

duties of the delegates ended. And here begins to appear the applicability

of this chapter from library history to what has preceded. The action of

the delegates was officially that of the Association. But it was

disapproved by very many members of the Association on the ground that it

seemed likely to result in lessening the importation privilege of

libraries. Whether these dissidents were in a majority or not it seemed

impossible to say. The Association's legislative body, the Council, twice

refused to disapprove or instruct the delegates, thus tacitly approving

their action, but the dissidents asserted that the Council, in this

respect, did not rightly reflect the opinion of the Association. The whole

situation was an instructive illustration of the difficulty of getting a

large body of general scope to act on a definite, circumscribed question,

or even of ascertaining its opinion or its wishes regarding such action.

Recognizing this, the dissidents properly and wisely formed a separate

association with a single end in view--the retention of present library

importation privileges, and especially the defeat of the part of the bill

affecting such privileges as drafted in the conference. The efforts of

this body have been crowned with success in that the bill as reported by

the committee contains a modified provision acceptable to the dissidents.

Thus a relatively small body formed for a definite purpose has quickly

accomplished that purpose, while the objects of the larger body have been

expressed but vaguely, and so far as they have been definitely formulated

have failed of accomplishment. There is a lesson in this both for our own

association and for others.

It must not be assumed, however, that limitation of action along the lines

I have indicated means weakness of organization. On the contrary, foreign

observers have generally testified to the exceptional strength and

efficiency of societies and groups of all kinds in this country. It may be

interesting to quote here what a recent French writer on the United States

has to say of the part played by associations of all kinds in our national

life. And, in passing, he who is proud of his country nowadays should read

what is said of her by French and German, and even English writers. The

muck-raking is all on this side of the water. The writer from whom I

quote, M. Paul de Rousiers, author of "La Vie Américaine," does not

commend without discrimination, which makes what he has to say of more

value. He notes at the outset that "the spirit of free association is

widely extended in the United States, and it produces results of

surprising efficiency." There are two motives for association, he thinks,

the consciousness of weakness, which is generally operative abroad, and

the consciousness of strength, which is our motive here. He says:

The need of association comes generally from the conscience of

one's own feebleness or indolence.... When such people join they

add together their incapacities; hence the failure of many

societies formed with great eclat. On the contrary, when men

accustomed to help themselves without depending on their neighbors

form an association, it is because they really find themselves

facing a common difficulty ... such persons add their capacities;

they form a powerful union of capables, the only one that has

force. Hence the general success of American associations.

The radical difference in the motives for association here and in the old

world was noted long ago by De Tocqueville, who says:

European societies are naturally led to introduce into their midst

military customs and formulas.... The members of such associations

respond to a word of command like soldiers in a campaign; they

profess the dogma of passive obedience, or rather, by uniting,

they sacrifice entirely, at a single stroke, their judgment and

free will.... In American associations, on the other hand,

individual independence finds its part; as in society every man

moves at the same time toward the same goal, but all are not

forced to go by the same road. No one sacrifices his will or his

reason, but applies them both toward the success of the common

enterprise.

Commenting on this, De Rousiers goes on:

This is not to say that the discipline necessary to the pursuit of

the common end is less exact than with us. As far as I can judge,

the members of an American association, on the contrary, take

their obligations more seriously than we, and precisely because

they have undertaken them very freely, without being forced into

them by environment or fashion, and also because the heads of the

association have not sought to make it serve their own interests.

In fine, their discipline is strong, but it is applied only to one

precise object; it may thus subsist intact and without tyranny,

despite the most serious divergences of view among the members

regarding objects foreign to its aim. These happy conditions--this

large and concrete mind, joined to the effective activity of the

Americans, have given rise to a multitude of groups that are

rendering the greatest service.

De Rousiers enlarges on this point at great length and gives many

illustrations. He returns to it even when he appears to have gone on to

other subjects. In an account of a visit to a militia encampment in

Massachusetts, where he was inclined at the outset to scoff at the lack of

formal military training, but finally became enthusiastic over the

individual efficiency and interest of the militiamen, he ends by saying:

What I have seen here resembles what I have seen everywhere

throughout the United States; each organism, each individual,

preserves all its freedom, as far as it can; hence the limited and

special character of the public authorities, to whom little is

left to do. This doubtless detracts from the massed effects that

we are in the habit of producing; we are apt to think that this

kind of liberty is only disorder; but individual efforts are more

energetic and when they converge toward a single end, by

spontaneous choice of each will, their power is incalculable. This

it is that makes the strength of America.

An interesting and satisfactory summary. There is, however, another way of

looking at it. A well-known scientific man recently expressed to me his

conviction that an "American" association of any kind is destined to

failure, whether it be of scientific men, commercial travellers or

plumbers. By "American" here he meant continental in extent. There may

thus be, according to this view, a successful Maine hotel-keeper's

association, a New York bar association, or a Pennsylvania academy of fine

arts, but no such body truly representative of the whole United States.

Many such organizations are "American" or "National" in name only; for

instance, the "American" Academy of Sciences, which is a Boston

institution, or the "National" Academy of Fine Arts, which belongs to New

York City. Many bodies have attempted to obviate this trouble by the

creation of local sections in different parts of the country, and the

newly-formed Society of Illuminating Engineers has, I understand, in mind

the organization of perfectly co-ordinate bodies in various parts of the

country, without any attempt to create a central body having headquarters

at a definite place. This is somewhat as if the American Library

Association should consist of the federated state associations, perhaps

with a council consisting of a single representative from each. It would

seem to be a workable and rather attractive plan. We may remind ourselves

again that the United States itself is the classic example of an American

association, and that it has been fairly successful by adopting this very

system. Our recognition of the necessity of local divisions in our own

association and of close affiliation with the various state bodies is

shown by the recent resolution of the council providing for sectional

meetings and by the presence at this and several other state meetings in

the present month of an official representative of the American Library

Association. That these, or similar means of making our national body

continental in something more than name are necessary we may freely admit.

Possibly it may take some years of experimentation, ending perhaps in

appropriate constitutional revision, to hit upon the best arrangement. Too

much centralization is bad; but there must be some centralization. We must

have our capital and our legislative and administrative machinery, as the

United States has at Washington. For legislative purposes our Washington

is a shifting one. It is wherever the Association may hold its annual

meeting and wherever the Council may convene in the interim. For such

administrative and executive purposes as require a fixed location, our

Washington is for the present in Boston. Next year it may be elsewhere;

but whether it shall remain there or move to some other place would seem

to be a matter of small importance. Wherever it may be, it will be

inaccessible to a large majority of American librarians. If immediate

accessibility is a requisite, therefore, some of its functions may and

should be divided. It may not be too much to look forward to a sectional

headquarters in every state in the Union, related perhaps to the general

headquarters somewhat as branch libraries to a central library, or,

perhaps, carried on under the auspices of the state associations. At any

rate, it is encouraging to reflect that we are not insensible to the

obstacles in the way of making our own, or any other association truly

American in scope, and are experimenting toward obviating them.

All these considerations appear to me to lead to one conclusion--the duty

of every librarian to become and remain a member of the American Library

Association. I do not desire to dwell on the direct advantages that

membership offers--these are not few, and they are sufficiently obvious.

Possibly most of those who are likely to be affected by them are already

members of the Association. I would recommend for consideration higher

grounds than these. Instead of asking the question, "What is there in it

for me?" I should inquire, "What is there in it for other people?" How

will it benefit the general status of library work, the general standing

of librarians in the community, the influence of libraries on those who

use or ought to use them--these and a hundred other elements of progress

that are closely bound up with the success of library effort, but that may

not add to the welfare of any one individual.

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