PREFATORY.

There is a true and a false Imperialism. There is the Imperialism of

the vulgar braggart, who thinks that one Englishman can fight ten men

of any other nationality under the sun; and there is the Imperialism

of the man of thought, who believes in the destiny of the English

race, who does not shrink from the responsibilities of power from

"craven fear of being great," and who holds that an Englishman ought

to be ready to face _twenty_ men if need be, of any nationality,

including his own, rather than surrender a trust or sacrifice a

principle. The first would base empire on vanity and brute force,

inspired by the vulgar reflection--

"We've got the men, we've got the ships, we've got the money too."

The second does not seek empire, but will not shrink from the

responsibilities of its growth, and in all matters of international

dispute believes with Solomon, that "He that is slow to wrath is of

great understanding," and in all matters of international

relationship that "Righteousness exalteth a nation."

The rapid and solid growth of the British Empire has been due largely

to two characteristics of its rule--the integrity of its justice and

the soundness of its finance. Native races everywhere appeal with

confidence to the justice of our courts, and find in the integrity of

our fiscal system relief from the oppressive taxation of barbarous

governments.

These blessings we owe, and with them the strength of our empire, not

to the force of our arms in the field, but to the subordination of

the military to the civil spirit, both in peace and war.

Other nations fail in their attempts at colonisation because they

proceed on military lines. With them it is the soldier first and the

civilian where he can. England succeeds because she proceeds on

_industrial_ lines. With her it is the plough where it may be and the

sword where it must.

The military spirit never yet built up an enduring empire, and the

danger of military success is that it is apt to confuse means and

ends in the public mind, and to encourage the subordination of the

civil to the military spirit in national institutions. Such a result

could only be disastrous to the British Empire, and so, while

rejoicing in the success of the British arms, it behoves us to oppose

with all our strength the growth of the military spirit.

The seventh decade of the nineteenth century saw the realisation of

one of the greatest facts of our time, the federation of the German

states in one great military empire. The tenth decade has realised a

greater fact, the federation of the British colonies in a great

social and commercial empire. The German Empire must fall to pieces

if it continues to subordinate the civil to the military Spirit in

its national policy. The British Empire can never perish while it is

true to the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man.

Signs of the growth of a military spirit are to be seen in the

advocacy of some form of conscription or compulsory service for home

defence; and this, too, at a time when the ends of the earth have

been sending us _volunteers_ in abundance to espouse a foreign

quarrel.

Such advocates neither understand the national history nor the

English character. Were England in any real danger there would be no

need for forced service, and service forced without need would breed

revolution. The nation that cannot depend upon its volunteers for

its home defence is not worth defending.

ALFRED H. MILES.

_October 1, 1900_.

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