And except despair drive the Prince [of ORANGE], I do not think that
ever he will yield that to [the Duke of ANJOU, the] Monsieur [of
France] which he hath in his power; being now in better case since
these late troubles than ever he was before: having Zierikzee and
Haarlem again; and Tergoes also, which he never had before.
There are in the Spaniards' possession, Antwerp; Lierre, 8 English
miles from thence; [Den]dermonde, 18 miles distant; and Maestricht, 50
miles distant; and more they have not in their power....
The States, so far as I can understand, have none other intention, but
that the Spaniards may be sent out of the country; and then they offer
to live in all obedience to their King and Sovereign. The Spaniards
will not depart except the King expressly command them. In the mean
season, they do mind nothing but spoil and ravin.]
(_Continued at page 164._)
[The following Preface occurs in the Bodleian copy of this Tract.]
_To the Reader._
I shall earnestly require thee, gentle Reader, to correct the errors
passed and escaped in printing of this pamphlet according to this
Table.[2]
And furthermore to understand that this victory was obtained with
loss of but five hundred Spaniards, or six [hundred] at the most; of
whom I heard no man of name recounted [as killed] saving only Don
EMANUEL.
Thus much, for haste, I had forgotten in this treaty [_treatise_];
and therefore thought meet to place it here in the beginning. And
therewithal to advertise thee, that these outrages and disordered
cruelties done to our Nation proceeded but from the common soldiers:
neither was there any of the Twelve which entered the English House
[_see pp._ 161, 164], a man of any charge or reputation. So that I
hope, these extremities notwithstanding, the King their master will
take such good order for redress thereof as our countrymen, in the
end, shall rest satisfied with reason; and the amity between our most
gracious Sovereign and him shall remain also firm and unviolate: the
which I pray GOD speedily to grant for the benefit of this realm. Amen.
_The Spoil of Antwerp._
SINCE my hap was to be present at so piteous a spectacle as the Sacking
and Spoil of Antwerp, a lamentable example which hath already filled
all Europe with dreadful news of great calamity, I have thought good,
for the benefit of my country, to publish a true report thereof. The
which may as well serve for profitable example unto all estates of
such condition[s] as suffered in the same: as also answer all honest
expectations with a mean truth set down between the extreme surmises
of sundry doubtful minds; and increased by the manifold light tales
which have been engendered by fearful or affectionate [_prejudiced_]
rehearsals.
And therewithal if the wickedness used in the said town do seem unto
the well disposed Reader, a sufficient cause of GOD's so just a scourge
and plague; and yet the fury of the vanquishers do also seem more
barbarous and cruel than may become a good Christian conqueror: let
these my few words become a forewarning on both hands; and let them
stand as a lantern of light between two perilous rocks; that both
amending the one, and detesting the other, we may gather fire out of
the flint and honey out of the thistle.
To that end, all stories and Chronicles are written; and to that end
I presume to publish this Pamphlet; protesting that neither malice to
the one side, nor partial affection to the other, shall make my pen to
swerve any iote [_jot_ or _iota_] from truth of that which I will set
down, and saw executed.
For if I were disposed to write maliciously against the vanquishers:
their former barbarous cruelty, insolences, rapes, spoils, incests, and
sacrileges committed in sundry other places, might yield me sufficient
matter without the lawful remembrance of this their late Stratagem. Or
if I would undertake to move a general compassion by blazing abroad
the miseries and calamities of the vanquished: their long sustained
injuries and yokes of untollerable bondage, their continual broils in
war, their doubtful dreads in peace, their accusations without cause,
and condemnations without proof, might enable a dumb stone to talk of
their troubles, and fetch brinish tears out of the most craggy rock to
lament and bewail the burning houses of so near neighbours.
But as I said before, mine only intent is to set down a plain truth,
for the satisfying of such as have hitherto been carried about with
doubtful reports; and for a profitable example unto all such as,
being subject to like imperfections, might fall thereby into the like
calamities.
* * * * *
And to make the matter more perspicuous; I must derive the beginning of
this Discourse a little beyond the beginning of the Massacre: that the
cause being partially opened, the effect may be the more plainly seen.
* * * * *
It is then to be understood that the Sacking and Spoil of Antwerp hath
been, by all likelihood, long pretended [_designed_] by the Spaniards:
and that they have done nothing else but lie in wait continually,
to find any least quarrel to put the same in execution. For proof
whereof, their notable Rebellion and Mutiny began in the same [city,
on 26th April 1574]; when their watch-word was _Fuora villiacco_!
[This is apparently old Spanish for _Out with the townsfolk!_] might
sufficiently bewray their malicious and cruel intent. And though it
were then smoothly coloured over [_explained away_] and subtilly
appeased by the crafty devisers of the same: yet the coals of the
choler, being but raked up in the embers of false semblance, have
now found out the wicked winds of wiliness and wrath; which meeting
together have kindled such a flame as gave open way to their detestable
devices.
For the Estates of the Low Countries, being over-wearied with the
intolerable burden of their tyrannies; and having taken arms to
withstand their malice and rebellious mutinies: the town of Antwerp,
being left open and subject unto the Citadel, did yet remain quiet; and
entered not into any martial action.
Whereat the Spaniards (being much moved; and having not yet opportunity
to work their will so colourably [_with a sufficient pretence_] as they
wished) bestowed certain cannon shot out of the said Castle, and slew
certain innocent souls; with some other small harm and damage done
to the edifices: thinking thereby to harden the hearts of the poor
Flemings, and to make them take arms for their just defence; whiles
they thereby might take occasion to execute their unjust pretence. And
this was done on the 19th, or 20th, of October [1576] last.
* * * * *
Now to answer all objections; I doubt not but it will be alleged that
the Castle bestowed the said cannon shot at the town; because they of
the town did not shoot at the Prince of ORANGE's ships, which
lay within sight thereof: but alas it is easy to find a staff when a
man would beat a dog.
For the truth is, that those ships did no greater hurt either to the
town or Castle than friendly to waft up [_convoy_] all manner of grain
and victuals for the sustenance of the said town: which even then began
to want such provisions by reason that the said Spaniards had built a
Fort on [the] Flanders side upon the same river [_the Scheldt_]; and
thereby stopped all such as brought victual to the said town; burning
and destroying the country near adjoining, and using all terror to the
poor people, to the intent that Antwerp might lack provision[s].
* * * * *
And about the same time also, the Spaniards cut off a bridge, which
was the open passage between Antwerp and Machlen [_Malines_], at a
village called Walem [_Waelhem_], a manifest proof of their plain
intent to distress the said town, and to shut up the same from the rest
of Brabant: since they were walled in with the river on the one side;
and on that other the Spanish horsemen occupied all the country, and so
terrified the poor people as they durst not bring their commodities to
the same.
All this notwithstanding, the chief rulers of the said town of Antwerp
appeased the people; and put up [with] these injuries until they might
be better able to redress them.
* * * * *
Soon after, the Spaniards, assisted by the treason of certain High
Duches [_Germans_], entered the town of Maestricht upon a sudden; and
put the same to sack: killing and destroying great numbers of innocent
people therein. A thing to be noted. For that Maestricht had never
revolted; but stood quiet under their garrisons, as faithful subjects
to their King [PHILIP II]: and the one half thereof pertained
also unto the Bishop of LIEGE, who had yet meddled nothing at
all in these actions.
* * * * *
The chief rulers and people of Antwerp (perceiving thereby the
cruel intent of the Spaniards; and doubting [_fearing_] their Duche
[_German_] garrison, which was of the Count OBERSTEIN's
Regiment, as they were also which betrayed Maestricht) began to abandon
the town, leaving their houses and goods behind them; and sought to
withdraw themselves into some place of safer abode.
Whereat the Estates, being moved with compassion, and doubting that
the town would shortly be left desolate, levied a Power of 3,000
Footmen and 800 or 1,000 Horsemen [_mostly Walloons and Germans_]; and
sent the same, under the conduct of the Marquis D'HAVRÉ, the young
Count [PHILIP] D'EGMONT, Monsieur DE CAPRES, Monsieur DE BERSELLE [or
BERSELEN], Monsieur _de Gogines_, and other Nobles and Gentlemen, to
succour and defend the town of Antwerp against the cruel pretence
[_designs_] of the said Spaniards.
And they came before the Gates thereof, on Friday the 2nd of this
instant [November 1576], at a Port on the east or south-east side
thereof, called Kipdorp Port. Whereat the Spaniards, being enraged,
discharged sundry shot of great artillery from the Castle; but to small
purpose.
At last, Monsieur [FRÉDÉRIC PERRENOT, Sieur] DE
CHAMPAGNEY, who was Governor of the town, and the Count
OBERSTEIN, which was Colonel of the garrison, demanded of the
States' [troops], Wherefore they approached the town in such order?
Who answered, That they came to enter the same as friends, and to
entrench and defend it from the Spaniards: protesting further, That
they would offer no manner of violent damage or injury to the persons
or goods of any such as inhabited the same.
Hereupon the said Monsieur [the Sieur] DE CHAMPAGNEY and Count
OBERSTEIN went out unto them, and conferred more privately together by
the space of one hour: and returned into the town, leaving the Estates'
Power at a village called Borgherhout.
* * * * *
On the morrow, being the 3rd of this instant [November 1576], they were
permitted to enter, and came into the town: 21 Ensigns of Footmen and 6
Cornets of Horsemen.
Immediately after their entry, the inhabitants brought them sacks of
wool and other such provision; wherewith they approached the Yard or
plain ground which lieth before the Castle: and, placing the same at
the ends of five streets which lie open unto the said Castle Yard
[_Esplanade_], entrenched under them with such expedition that in less
than five hours those streets' ends were all reasonably well fortified
from the Castle, for any sudden [attack].
* * * * *
At this time and twelve days before [_i.e. from 22nd October_ 1576], I
was in the said town of Antwerp, upon certain private affairs of mine
own; so that I was enforced to become an eyed-witness [see page 142] of
their Entry [_i.e. of the States' troops_] and all that they did: as
also afterwards--for all the Gates were kept fast shut, and I could not
depart--to behold the pitiful Stratagem which followed.
* * * * *
The Castle thundered with shot at the town: but it was a very misty
day; so that they could neither find their marks very well, not yet see
how the streets' ends were entrenched.
It was a strange thing to see the willingness of the inhabitants, and
how soon many hands had despatched a very great piece of work. For,
before midnight, they had made the trenches as high as the length of
a pike; and had begun one trench for a Counterskarf [_Counterscarp_]
between all those streets and the Castle Yard: the which they perfected
unto the half way from St George's Churchyard unto the water's side by
St Michael's; and there left from work, meaning to have perfected it
the next day.
That Counterscarf had been to much purpose, if it had been finished:
as shall appear by a Model [_Plan_] of the whole place which I have
annexed to this treaty [_treatise_]; by view whereof the skillful
Reader may plainly perceive the execution of every particularity.[3]
* * * * *
These things thus begun and set in forwardness; it is to be noted that
the Spaniards (having intelligence of the States' Power, when it set
forward from Brussels; and perceiving that it bent towards Antwerp) had
sent to Maestricht, Lierre, and Alost to draw all the Power that could
be made, unto the Castle of Antwerp. So that on Sunday, the 4th of
this instant [November 1576], in the morning, they all met at the said
Castle. And their Powers, as far as I could gather, were these:
There came from Maestricht, very near to 1,000 Horsemen, led by
ALONZO DE VARGAS who is the General of the Horsemen; and
500 Footmen or more, governed by the Camp Master, FRANCESCO DE
VALDEZ.
There came from Lierre, 500 Footmen or more, governed by the Camp
Master, JULIANO DE ROMERO.
There came from Alost, 2,000 Footmen, which were the same that rebelled
for their pay and other unreasonable demands, immediately after the
Winning of Zierikzee [_J. DE RODAS, at page 168, states that these
2,000 soldiers were_ "desperate men."] These had none other conductor
than their _Electo_ [or _Eletto, i.e., their elected Chief; at this
time a man named NAVARETTE_], after the manner of such as mutiny and
rebel: but were of sundry Companies, as Don EMANUEL's, and others.
Nevertheless I have been so bold in the Model [_Plan_] as to set down
the said Don EMANUEL, for their leader: both because I think that,
their mutiny notwithstanding, he led them at the exploit; and also
because he was slain amongst them at their entry.
Thus the number of [the] Spaniards was 4,000 or thereabouts; besides
some help that they had of the garrison within the Castle. And besides,
1,000 High Almains [_Germans_] or more; which came from Maestricht,
Lierre, and those parts. And they were of three sundry Regiments:
CHARLES FUGGER's, POLWILLER's, and FRONDSBERGER's: but they were led
all by CHARLES FUGGER. So that the whole force of the Spaniards and
their complices was 5,000 and upwards.
The which assembled and met at the Castle, on the said 4th day [of
November 1576], about ten of the clock before dinner: and, as I have
heard credibly reported, would neither stay to refresh themselves,
having marched all night and the day before; nor yet to confer of
anything but only of the order how they should issue and assail:
protesting and vowing neither to eat nor drink until they might eat and
drink at liberty and pleasure in Antwerp: the which vow they performed,
contrary to all men's reason and expectation.
* * * * *
Their order of entry into the Castle Yard [_Esplanade_], and their
approach to the trenches I did not see: for I could not get out of
the town; neither did I think it reasonable to be _Hospes in aliena
republica curiosus_.
Yet, as I heard it rehearsed by sundry of themselves, I will also here
rehearse it for a truth:
The Horsemen and Footmen which came from Maestricht and Lierre, came
through a village on the east side of the town called Borgerhout about
ten of the clock before noon, as beforesaid. The Governor and Estates,
being thereof advertised, sent out presently part of their Horsemen and
Footmen to discover and take knowledge of them. But before they could
issue out of the Gates, the Spaniards were passed on the south-east
side of the town ditch, and entered at a Gate which standeth on the
Counterscarf of the Castle Yard [_Esplanade_], called the Windmill
Port. There entered the Horsemen and all the Footmen; saving the High
Almains [_Germans_] who marched round about the Castle, by a village
called Kiel; and, trailing their pikes on the ground after them, came
in at a small Postern on the Brayes by the river, and on the west side
of the Castle.
Those which came from Alost, came through the said village called Kiel,
and so, through the Castle, [and] issued out of the same at the Fore
Gate, which standeth towards the town.
Being thus passed, and entered into the Castle Yard, about eleven of
the clock; they of Alost and of the Castle cast themselves into four
Squadrons; they of Maestricht and Lierre into two Squadrons, and their
Horsemen into a Troop behind them; and the High Almains [_Germans_]
into a Squadron or Battalion by the river's side.
* * * * *
Being thus ordered, and appointment given where every Squadron should
charge and endure; they cast off certain Loose Shot [_Skirmishers_]
from every Squadron, and attacked the Scarmouch [? _Piquet_]. The which
continued not one hour; before they drew their Squadrons so near unto
the Counterscarf and Trenches, that they brake and charged _pell mell_.
The Castle had, all this while, played at the town and trenches with
thundering shot: but now, upon a signal given, ceased to shoot any
more, for fear to hurt their own men; wherein I noted their good order,
which wanted no direction, in their greatest fury.
The Walloons and Almains [_Germans_] which served in the Trenches,
defended all this while very stoutly. And the Spaniards with their
Almains continued the charge with such valour, that in fine they won
the Counterscarf, and presently scaled the Trenches with great fury.
The Walloons and Almains, having long resisted without any fresh relief
or supply, many of them in this meanwhile being slain and hurt, were
not able any longer to repulse the Spaniards: so that they entered the
Trenches about twelve of the clock, and presently pursued their victory
down every street.
In their chase, as fast as they gained any cross street, they flanked
the same with their Musquet[eer]s until they saw no longer resistance
of any Power; and they proceeded in chase, executing all such as they
overtook. In this good order they charged and entered; in this good
order they proceeded; and in as good order, their lackays and pages
followed with firebrands and wild fire, setting the houses on fire in
every place where their masters had entered.
The Walloons and Almains which were to defend the town [_being chiefly
those commanded by the Marquis d'HAVRÉ_] being grown into
some security by reason that their Trenches were so high as seemed
invincible; and, lacking sufficient generals or directors, were found
as far out of order as the Spaniards were to be honoured for the good
order and direction which they kept.
For those which came to supply and relieve the Trenches came straggling
and loose. Some came from the furthest side of the town. Some, that
were nearer, came very fearfully! and many, out of their lodgings, from
drinking and carousing; who would scarcely believe that any conflict
was begun, when the Spaniards now met them in the streets to put them
out of doubt that they dallied not.
To conclude, their carelessness and lack of foresight was such that
they never had a _Corps du Gard_ [Block House] to supply and relieve
their Trenches; but only one in the Market Place of the town, which was
a good quarter of a mile from their fortifications: and that also was
of Almains [_Germans commanded by that double-dyed traitor CORNELIS VAN
EINDEN, or VAN ENDE_]; who, when they spied the Spaniards, did gently
kneel down, letting their pikes fall, and crying, _O liebe Spaniarden!
O liebe Spaniarden!_ ["O dear Spaniards!" _That is, VAN EINDEN
traitorously joined with the invading Spaniards._]
* * * * *
Now I have set down the order of their entry, approach, charge, and
assault, together with their proceeding in victory; and that by
credible report, both of the Spaniards themselves and of others who
served in their company: let me also say a little of that which I saw
executed.
* * * * *
I was lodged in the English House, _ut supra_: and had not gone abroad
that morning by reason of weighty business which I had in hand the same
day. At dinner time [_which was then about 11 a.m._], the Merchantmen
of my country, which came out of the town and dined in my chamber, told
me, That a hot scarmouch [_skirmish_] was begun in the Castle Yard, and
that the fury thereof still increased. About the midst of dinner, news
came, That the shot was so thick, as neither ground, houses, nor people
could be discerned for the smoke thereof: and before dinner were fully
ended, That the Spaniards were like[ly] to win the Trenches.
Whereat I stept from the table, and went hastily up into a high tower
of the said English House: from whence I might discover fire in four or
five places of the town towards the Castle Yard; and thereby I was well
assured that the Spaniards indeed were entered within the Trenches.
So that I came down, and took my cloak and sword, to see the certainty
thereof: and as I passed towards the Bourse [_Exchange_] I met many;
but I overtook none. And those which I met were no townsmen, but
soldiers: nether walked they as men which use traffic, but ran as men
which are in fear.
Whereat, being somewhat grieved, and seeing the townsmen stand every
man before his door with such weapons as they had; I demanded of one of
them, What it meant?
Who answered me in these words, _Helas, Monsieur, il n'y a point
d'ordre; et voilà la ruine de cette ville!_ [Alas, Sir, there is no
order; and behold the ruin of this town!]
_Ayez courage, mon ami!_ [Have courage, my friend!], quoth I; and so
went onwards yet towards the Bourse: meeting all the way more and more
[of those] which mended their pace.
At last, a Walloon Trumpeter on horseback, who seemed to be but a boy
of years, drew his sword, and laid about him, crying _Où est ce que
vous enfuyez, canaille? Faisons tête, pour l'honeur de la patrie!_
[Where are you flying to, rascals? Make head, for the honour of our
country!] Wherewith fifty or threescore of them turned head, and went
backwards towards the Bourse.
The which encouraged me, _par compagnie_, to proceed.
But alas, this comfort endured but a while. For by that time I came on
the farther side of the Bourse, I might see a great troop coming in
greater haste, with their heads as close together as a school of young
fry or a flock of sheep; who met me, on the farther side of the Bourse,
towards the Market Place: and, having their leaders foremost (for I
knew them by their javelins, boar spears, and staves), [they] bare me
over backwards; and ran over my belly and my face, [a] long time before
I could recover on foot.
At last, when I was up, I looked on every side, and seeing them run so
fast, began thus to bethink me, "What, in God's name, do I hear? which
have no interest in this action; since they who came to defend this
town are content to leave it at large, and shift for themselves."
And whilst I stood thus musing, another flock of flyers came so fast
that they bare me on my nose, and ran as many over my back, as erst
had marched over my stomach. In fine, I got up like a tall fellow; and
went with them for company: but their haste was such as I could never
overtake them until I came at a broad cross street, which lieth between
the English House and the said Bourse.
There I overtook some of them grovelling on the ground, and groaning
for the last gasp; and some others which turned backwards to avoid the
tickling of the Spanish Musquets [_Musketeers_]: who had gotten the
ends of the said broad cross street, and flanked it both ways. And
there I stayed a while till, hearing the shot increase and fearing to
be surprised with such as might follow in tail of us; I gave adventure
to pass through the said cross street: and, without vaunt be it spoken,
passed through five hundred shots before I could recover the English
House.
* * * * *
At my coming thither, I found many of the Merchants standing before
the gate: whom I would not discomfort nor dismay but said, That the
Spaniards had once entered the town, and that I hoped they were gone
back again.
Nevertheless I went to the Governor: and privily persuaded him to draw
in the company; and to shut up the gates.
The which he consented unto: and desired me, because I was somewhat
better acquainted with such matters than the Merchants, to take charge
of the key.
I took it willingly, but before I could well shut and bar the gate, the
Spaniards were now come forwards into the same street; and passing by
the door, called to come in; bestowing five or six musquet shot at the
gate, where I answered them; whereof one came very near my nose, and
piercing through the gate, strake one of the Merchants on the head,
without any great or dangerous hurt. But the heat of the pursuit was
yet such, that they could not attend the spoil; but passed on in chase
to the New Town, where they slew infinite numbers of people: and, by
three of the clock, or before, returned victors; having slain, or put
to flight, all their enemies.
* * * * *
And now, to keep promise and to speak without partiality, I must needs
confess that it was the greatest victory, and the roundliest executed,
that hath been seen, read, or heard of, in our Age: and that it was a
thing miraculous to consider how Trenches of such a height should be
entered, passed over, and won, both by Footmen and Horsemen.
For immediately after that the Footmen were gotten in, the Horsemen
found means to follow: and being, many of them, Harquebussiers on
horseback, did pass by their own Footmen in the streets; and much
hastened both the flight of the Walloons, and made the way opener unto
speedy executioners.
But whosoever will therein most extoll the Spaniards for their valour
and order, must therewith confess that it was the very ordinance of GOD
for a just plague and scourge unto the town. For otherwise it passeth
all men's capacity to conceive how it should be possible.
And yet the disorder and lack of foresight in the Walloons did
great[ly] help to augment the Spanish glory and boast.
* * * * *
To conclude. The Count D'OBERSTEIN was drowned in the
New Town. The Marquis D'HAVRÉ and [Sieur DE]
CHAMPAGNEY escaped out of the said New Town, and recovered the
Prince of ORANGE's ships.
Only the young Count [PHILIP] of EGMONT was taken,
fighting by St Michael's. Monsieur DE CAPRES and Monsieur
DE GOGINES were also taken. But I heard of none that fought
stoutly, saving only the said Count of EGMONT; whom the
Colonel VERDUGO, a Spaniard of an honourable compassion and
good mind, did save: with great danger to himself in defending the
Count.
In this conflict there were slain 600 Spaniards, or thereabouts. And
on the Thursday next following [8th November 1576], a view of the
dead bodies in the town being taken, it was esteemed at 17,000 men,
women, and children. [_This would be apart from those drowned in the
Scheldt._] A pitiful massacre, though GOD gave victory to the Spaniards.
And surely, as their valiance was to be much commended; so yet I can
much discommend their barbarous cruelty in many respects. For methinks
that as when GOD giveth abundance of wealth, the owner ought yet to
have regard on whom he bestow it: even so, when GOD giveth a great and
miraculous victory, the conquerors ought to have great regard unto
their execution. And though some, which favour the Spanish faction,
will alledge sundry reasons to the contrary: yet, when the blood is
cold and the fury over, methinks that a true Christian heart should
stand content with victory; and refrain to provoke GOD's wrath by [the]
shedding of innocent blood.
These things I rehearse the rather, because they neither spared _Age
nor Sex, Time nor Place, Person nor Country, Profession nor Religion,
Young nor Old, Rich nor Poor, Strong nor Feeble_: but, without any
mercy, did tyrannously triumph, when there was neither man nor means to
resist them.
For _Age and Sex, Young and Old_; they slew great numbers of young
children; but many more women more than four score years of age.
For _Time and Place_; their fury was as great ten days after the
victory, as at the time of their entry; and as great respect they had
to the Church and Churchyard, for all their hypocritical boasting of
the Catholic Religion, as the butcher had to his shambles or slaughter
house.
For _Person and Country_, they spared neither friend nor foe, Portugese
nor Turk.
For _Profession and Religion_, the Jesuits must give their ready coin;
and all other Religious Houses, both coin and plate: with all short
ends that were good and portable.
The _Rich_ was spoiled because he had; and the _Poor_ were hanged
because they had nothing. Neither _Strength_ could prevail to make
resistance, nor _Weakness_ move pity for to refrain their horrible
cruelty.
And this was not only done when the chase was hot; but, as I erst
said, when the blood was cold; and they [were] now victors without
resistance.
* * * * *
I refrain to rehearse the heaps of dead carcases which lay at every
Trench where they entered; the thickness whereof did in many places
exceed the height of a man.
I forbear also to recount the huge numbers drowned in the New Town:
where a man might behold as many sundry shapes and forms of man's
motion at [the] time of death as ever MICHAEL ANGELO did
portray in his Tables of Doomsday [_Picture of the Last Judgment_].
I list not to reckon the infinite number of poor Almains [_Germans_],
who lay burned in their armour. Some [with] the entrails scorched out,
and all the rest of the body free. Some [with] their head and shoulders
burnt off; so that you might look down into the bulk and breast, and
there take an anatomy of the secrets of Nature. Some [were] standing
upon their waist; being burnt off by the thighs. And some no more but
the very top of the brain taken off with fire; whiles the rest of the
body did abide unspeakable torments.
I set not down the ugly and filthy polluting of every street with the
gore and carcases of horses; neither do I complain that the one lacked
burial, and the other flaying, until the air, corrupted with their
carion, infected all that yet remained alive in the town.
And why should I describe the particularity of every such annoyance
as commonly happens both in camps and castles where martial feats are
managed?
But I may not pass over with silence the wilful burning and destroying
of the stately Town House, and all the muniments and records of the
city: neither can I refrain to tell their shameful rapes and outrageous
forces presented unto sundry honest dames and virgins.
It is also a ruthful remembrance, that a poor English Merchant, who
was but a servant, having once redeemed his master's goods for 300
crowns, was yet hanged until he were half dead, because he had not
200 more to give them. And the halter being cut down, and he come to
himself again; [he] besought them on knees, with bitter tears, to give
him leave to seek and try his credit and friends in the town, for the
rest of their unreasonable demand. At his return, because he sped not,
as indeed no money was then to be had, they hung him again outright:
and afterwards, of exceeding courtesy, procured the Friars Minor to
bury him.
To conclude. Of the 17,000 carcases which were viewed on the Thursday:
I think, in conscience, 5,000, or few less, were massacred after their
victory; because they had not ready money wherewith to ransom their
goods at such prices as they pleased to set on them. At least, all
the World will bear me witness, that ten days after, whosoever was
but pointed at, and named to be a Walloon, was immediately massacred
without further audience or trial.
For mine own part, it is well known that I did often escape very
narrowly; because I was taken for a Walloon. And on Sunday, the 11th
of this instant [November 1576], which was the day before I gat out of
the town, I saw three poor souls murdered in my presence, because they
were pointed [at] to be Walloons: and it was well proved, immediately
[after], that one of them was a poor artificer, who had dwelt in the
town eight years before, and [had] never managed arms, but truly
followed his occupation.
Furthermore, the seed of these and other barbarous facts brought forth
this crop and fruit, That, within three days, Antwerp, which was one
of the richest towns in Europe, had now no money nor treasure to be
found therein, but only in the hands of murderers and strumpets. For
every Don DIEGO must walk, jetting up and down the streets, with his
harlot by him, in her chain and bracelets of gold. And the notable
Bourse, which was wont to be a safe assembly for merchants and men of
all honest trades, had now none other merchandise therein but as many
dicing tables as might be placed round about it, all the day long.
Men will boast of the Spaniards, that they are the best and most
orderly soldiers in the World: but, sure[ly], if this be their order, I
had rather be accounted a _Besoigner_ [French for _an indigent beggar_]
than a brave soldier in such a Band: neither must we think, although
it hath pleased GOD (for some secret cause only known to his divine
Majesty) to yield Antwerp and Maestricht thus into their hands; that he
will spare to punish this their outrageous cruelty, when his good will
and pleasure shall be to do the same. For surely their boasting and
bragging of iniquity is over great to escape long unscourged.
* * * * *
I have talked with sundry of them; and demanded, Why they would command
that the Town House should be burned?
And their answer was, Because it was the place of assembly where all
evil counsels were contrived.
As though it were just that the stocks and stones should suffer for the
offence of men. But such is their obstinate mind and arrogancy that, if
they might have their will, they would altogether raze and destroy the
towns, until no one stone were left upon another. Neither doth their
stubborn blindness suffer them to perceive that in so doing they should
much endamage the King their Master; whom they boast so faithfully to
honour, serve, and obey.
* * * * *
As for the injuries done by them unto our own Nation particularly; I
will thus set down as much as I know.
We were quiet in the House appointed for the Mansion of
English Merchants, under safe Conduct, Protection, and Placard
[_Placcaet=Proclamation_] of their King: having neither meddled any way
in these actions; nor by any means assisted the Estates of the country
with money, munition, or any kind of aid. Yea, the Governor [THOMAS
HETON] and Merchants, foreseeing the danger of the time, had often
demanded passport[s] of the King's Governors and Officers to depart.
And all these, with sundry other allegations, we propounded and
protested unto them before they entered the English House; desiring to
be there protected, according to our Privileges and Grants from the
King their Master; and that they would suffer us there to remain, free
from all outrage spoil or ransom, until we might make our estate known
unto [SANCHO D'AVILA] the Castellan [of Antwerp Castle] and
other Head Officers which served there for the said King.
All which notwithstanding; they threatened to fire the House unless
we would open the doors: and, being once suffered to enter, demanded
presently the ransom of 12,000 crowns of the Governor. Which sum, being
not indeed in the House, neither yet one-third part of the same; they
spared not with naked swords and daggers to menace the Governor, and
violently to present him death; because he had not wherewith to content
their greedy minds.
I will not boast of any help afforded by me in that distress: but I
thank the Lord GOD! who made me an instrument to appease their devilish
furies. And I think that the Governor and all the Company will confess
that I used mine uttermost skill and aid for the safeguard of their
lives, as well as [of] mine own.
But in the end, all eloquence notwithstanding; the Governor [THOMAS
HETON], being a comely aged man and a person whose hoary hairs
might move pity and procure reverence in any good mind; especially the
uprightness of his dealing considered: they enforced him, with great
danger, to bring forth all the money, plate, and jewels which were in
the House; and to prepare the remnant of 12,000 crowns at such days and
times as they pleased to appoint.
And of the rest of our Nation, which had their goods remaining in their
several pack-houses and lodgings elsewhere in the town; they took such
pity that four they slew, and divers others they most cruelly and
dangerously hurt: spoiling and ransoming them to the uttermost value
that might be made, or esteemed, of all their goods. Yea, a certain
one, they enforced to ransom his goods twice; yea, thrice: and, all
that notwithstanding, took the said goods violently from them at the
last.
And all these injuries being opened unto their chief Governors in time
convenient; and whiles yet the whole sum, set for [the] several ransoms
of our countrymen and the English House in general, were not half paid;
so that justice and good order might partly have qualified the former
rigours proferred by the soldiers: the said Governors were as slow and
deaf, as the others were quick and light, of hearing to find the bottom
of every bag in the town. So that it seemeth they were fully agreed in
all things: or, if any contention were, the same was but [a] strife
who, or which, of them might do greatest wrongs. Keeping the said
Governor and Merchants there still, without grant of passport or safe
conduct, when there are scarcely any victuals to be had for any money
in the town; nor yet the said Merchants have any money to buy it, where
it is. And as for credit; neither credit nor pawn can now find coin in
Antwerp.
In these distresses, I left them the 12th of this instant November
1576; when I parted from them: not as one who was hasty to leave and
abandon them in such misery; but to solicit their rueful causes here,
and to deliver the same unto Her Majesty and [the Privy] Council in
such sort as I beheld it there.
* * * * *
And this is, in effect, the whole truth of the Sacking and Spoil of so
famous a town. Wherein is to be noted--that the Spaniards and their
faction being but 5,000; the Trenches made against them of such height
as seemed invincible; the Power within the town, 15,000 or 16,000
able fighting men well armed, I mean the townsmen ready armed being
counted: it was charged, entered, and won in three hours; and before
six hours passed over, every house therein sacked, or ransomed at the
uttermost value.
The which victory (being miraculous and past man's capacity to
comprehend how it should be possible) I must needs attribute unto
GOD's just wrath poured upon the inhabitants for their iniquity, more
than to the manhood and force of the Spaniards. And yet I mean not to
rob them of their deserved glory; but to confess that both their order
and valour in charging and entering was famous: and had they kept half
so good order, or shewed the tenth part of such manly courage, in
using their victory and parting of their spoil; I must then needs have
said that CÆSAR had never any such soldiers. And this must I
needs say for them that, as their continual training in service doth
make them expert in all warlike stratagem[s]; so their daily trade
in spoiling hath made them the cunningest ransackers of houses, and
the best able to bring a spoil unto a quick market, of any soldiers or
master thieves that ever I heard of.
But I leave the scanning of their deeds unto GOD, who will bridle their
insolency when he thinketh good and convenient. And let us also learn,
out of this rueful tragedy, to detest and avoid those sins and proud
enormities which caused the wrath of GOD to be so furiously kindled and
bent against the town of Antwerp.
Let us also, if ever we should be driven to like occasion, which GOD
forbid! learn to look better about us for good order and direction; the
lack whereof was their overthrow. For surely the inhabitants lacked but
good guides and leaders: for (having none other order appointed, but to
stand every man armed in readiness before his door) they died there,
many of them, fighting manfully; when the Wallooners and High Duches
[_Germans_] fled beastly.
Let us also learn to detest the horrible cruelties of the Spaniards,
in all executions of warlike stratagems; lest the dishonour of such
beastly deeds might bedim the honour wherewith English soldiers have
always been endowed in their victories.
And finally let us pray to GOD for grace to amend our lives, and
for power and foresight to withstand the malice of our enemies:
that remaining and continuing in the peaceable protection of our
most gracious Sovereign, we may give Him the glory; and all due and
loyal obedience unto Her Majesty, whom GOD now and ever prospect and
preserve. Amen.
Written the 25th day of November 1576,
by a true Englishman, who was
present at this piteous Massacre,
_ut supra_.
* * * * *
(Continued from page 143.)
5. The following illustrative documents, now in the State
Paper Office, London, carry on the story of the Spanish
Fury to a somewhat later date.
The spelling of the word GASCON is so important, that we
took the opinion of several experts at the State Paper
Office upon it. They were all unanimous that the word is
written GASCON, and not GASTON as printed in Volume 140
of the _Calendar_ of those _Foreign State Papers_. That
being so and the Christian name being given as GEORGE:
it is clear that THOMAS HETON, in the flurry in which
he wrote the _Memorial_ from the Company, wrote GEORGE
GASCON phonetically for GEORGE GASCOIGNE.
6. The next two documents are the letters which the
Soldier-Poet brought to England, when he got out of
Antwerp on 12th November 1576, as stated at page 162.
S. P. _Foreign. Eliz._ Vol. 140.
1,009. _THOMAS HETON to Sir FRANCIS WALSINGHAM_.
From Antwerp, 10 November 1576.
Right Honourable, the 3rd of this month the States' men, Horsemen and
Footmen, entered this town with consent: and on the morrow, which was
Sunday the 4th of this present, the Spaniards with certain Almains, out
of the Castle, entered the town and drave away the States' Power and
they fled as they could: the town [being] put to sack, with a pitiful
slaughter and a miserable spoil.
Our House [was] entered by Twelve Spaniards, soldiers, who put me and
the rest of the Company in great fear. We were put to ransom first at
12,000 crowns; and since it is grown one way and [an]other to 3,000
more: and what the Company have lost, that had their chambers and
pack-houses in the town in burghers' houses, at this present, I know
not; but they are spoiled of all.
In the name of the Company there is a letter written to the honourable
[Privy] Council of our state [_See next document_] most humbly
beseeching that their Honours would be a mean[s] for us to Her Majesty,
as to their Honours in this case they shall think good.
If we might have had passport[s] when I required it, first of the
States, then of Monsieur [DE] CHAMPAGNEY Governor of this town, and
after of the Lords of this town, as both by the Intercourse [of 1507]
and Privileges we ought in right to have had; then had we avoided this
great peril of life and miserable spoil which we have sustained.
And now I most humbly beseech you to move my good Lords that some
[persons and money] may be sent over for our comfort, that we may be
permitted to pass out of this town in person, and [also] such goods
as we have remaining. For in this town we shall lack both victuals
and fuel; and also be daily in fear of the like spoil that we have
sustained.
And thus, what for the great peril that I have sustained, and the
burden and charge of my Office; I must crave pardon though my writing
be not as it should be.
I do perceive they [_the Spaniards_] stand here in doubt how Her
Majesty will take this doing to us.
The Lord send me and my wife into England, if it be his good will.
At Antwerp, the 10th of November 1576.