_The Kearsarge--Preparations--The iron-clad--State of the Alabama--Out
of the harbour--The Deerhound--The Captain's address--Armaments of the
combatants--Plan of action--The engagement--Rapid fire--Badly
wounded--Sinking--The end of the Alabama--In the water--Gallant
conduct--Surgeon Llewellyn--The Deerhound to the rescue--The enemy's
boats--Not a wrack--The informing spirit_.
It was written that the Alabama was never to behold the ports of her
country!
The latest entries in the diary of Captain Semmes are of an interest too
great to permit us to exclude them, prior to the narration of the
memorable duel which closes the history of a vessel whose renown, short
as her career has been, may challenge that of any ship that has spread a
sail upon the waters, and casts a lustre even upon the heroic history of
the Confederate States.
On Tuesday, June 14th, Captain Semmes writes:--
"Great excitement on board, the Kearsarge having made her appearance off
the eastern entrance of the breakwater, at about 11 A.M. Sent an order
on shore immediately for coal (one hundred tons), and sent down the
yards on the mizen-mast, and the topgallant yards, and otherwise
preparing the ship for action.
"_Wednesday, June 15th._--The Admiral sent off his _aide_ to say that he
considered my application for repairs withdrawn upon my making
application for coal, to which I assented. We commenced coaling this
afternoon. The Kearsarge is still in the offing; she has not been
permitted to receive on board the prisoners landed by me, to which I had
objected in a letter to the Admiral. Mailed a note yesterday afternoon
for Flagofficer Barrow, informing him of my intention to go out to
engage the enemy as soon as I could make my preparations, and sent a
written notice to the U.S. consul, through Mr. Bonfils, to the same
effect. My crew seems to be in the right spirit, a quiet spirit of
determination pervading both officers and men. The combat will no doubt
be contested and obstinate; but the two ships are so equally matched, I
do not feel at liberty to decline it. God defend the right, and have
mercy upon the souls of those who fall, as many of us must!"
* * * * *
It has been denied that the captain of the Kearsarge sent a challenge to
the Alabama. Captain Semmes, indeed, says nothing of it himself. What
the Kearsarge did--and with a particular object, there cannot be a
doubt--was, as recorded, to enter the breakwater at the east end, and
"at about 11 A.M., on Tuesday, she _passed through the west end without
anchoring_." These are the words of a French naval captain, who speaks
of what he saw. Few will deny that among brave men this would be
considered something equivalent to a challenge. It was more than a
challenge--it was a defiance. The officer we have quoted adds, that
"anyone could then see her outside protection." It is easy to see
everything after the event. The Kearsarge looked bulky in her middle
section to an inspecting eye; but she was very low in the water, and
that she was _armed_ to resist shot and shell it was impossible to
discern. It is distinctly averred by the officers of the Alabama that
from their vessel the armour of the Kearsarge could not be
distinguished. There were many reports abroad that she was protected on
her sides in some peculiar way; but all were various and indistinct, and
to a practical judgment untrustworthy. Moreover, a year previous to this
meeting, the Kearsarge had lain at anchor close under the critical eye
of Captain Semmes. He had on that occasion seen that his enemy was not
artificially defended. He believes now that the reports of her plating
and armour were so much harbour-gossip, of which during his cruises he
had experienced enough.
Now the Kearsarge was an old enemy, constantly in pursuit, and her
appearance produced, as Captain Semmes has written, great excitement on
board the Alabama. And let us here call attention to what the officers
and men of the illustrious Confederate ship had been enduring for the
space of two years. During all this time they had been homeless, and
without a prospect of reaching home. They had been constantly crowded
with prisoners, who devoured their provender--of which they never had
any but a precarious supply. Their stay in any neutral harbour was
necessarily short as the perching of a hawk on a bough. Like the hawk's
in upper air, the Alabama's safety as well as her business was on the
high seas. Miserably fed, hunted, eluding, preying, destroying--is this
a life that brave men would willingly have to be continuous? They were
fortified by the assurance of a mighty service done to their country.
They knew that they inflicted tremendous damage upon their giant foe.
They were, perhaps, supported by the sense that their captain's
unrivalled audacity had done more harm to the United States than the
operations of many thousand men. But their days were wretched; their
task was sickening; it demands an imagination that can fix its eye upon
stern, barren duty as a planet never darkened, always visible, for such
a life as this to be carried on uncomplainingly and without a passionate
longing for the bare exercise of hard blows. In addition, they read of
the reproaches heaped upon them by comfortable shore-men. They were
called pirates, and other gloomy titles. The execrations of certain of
the French and English, and of all the United States press, sounded in
their ears across the ocean; but from their own country they heard
little. The South was a sealed land in comparison with the rest of the
world. Opinion spoke loudest in Europe, and though they knew that they
were faithfully, gallantly, and marvellously serving their country in
her sore need, the absence of any immediate comfort, either physical or
moral, helped to make them keenly sensitive to virulent criticism, even
to that of avowed and clamorous enemies.
It was this state of mind through the whole crew which caused the
excitement on board the Alabama when the Kearsarge steamed in and out of
the breakwater. Now, and at last, our day of action has come! was the
thought of every man on board. The chivalrous give and take of battle
was glorious to men who had alternately hunted and fled for so dreary a
term. They trusted for victory; but defeat itself was to be a
vindication of their whole career, and they welcomed the chances gladly.
The application for coal at a neutral port was in itself a renunciation
of any further hospitality from the harbour, as Captain Semmes was
aware. The Port-admiral contented himself with pointing it out to him. A
duel is not an unpopular thing in France. The prospective combat of two
apparently equally-matched ships of war would have been sufficient to
have melted any scruples entertained by Frenchmen in authority; they
were only too happy to assist towards an engagement between Federals and
Confederates, the latter being as popular in France as in England, to
say nothing for the sympathy excited for the Alabama. French officers
agreed with Captain Semmes in thinking that there was marked offence and
defiance in the manoeuvres of the Kearsarge, and that he could hardly do
less than go out and meet her. We have done our best to show that the
Captain, whether in his heart he felt the mere chances to be equal or
not, was anxious to persuade himself that they were so. He knew his
opponent to be the heavier in ship, battery, and crew, but "I did not
know that she was also iron-clad," he says. Personally he desired the
battle; the instigations of an enthusiastic crew, unanimous for action,
as also of friendly foreign officers, are to be taken into account.
Those who venture, now that we are enabled to measure by results, to
cast blame upon him, should first, in justice, throw themselves into his
position. President Davis may deplore the loss of a vessel that did a
mighty service, but we doubt not that he will endorse the honourable
words of Mr. Mason in his justification of Captain Semmes, and rejoice
that the man who was the ship, is saved for further service to the
Confederacy.
On Sunday, in the morning, being the 19th June, the Alabama steamed out
of Cherbourg harbour by the opening to the west, and steered straight to
meet the Kearsarge, accompanied by the French iron-clad La Couronne. The
late foul weather had given way to a gentle breeze, and the subsiding
swell of the Atlantic wave under a clear sky made the day eminently
favourable for the work in hand. All Cherbourg was on the heights above
the town and along the bastions and the mole. Never did knightly
tournament boast a more eager multitude of spectators. It chanced
fortunately that an English steam-yacht, the Deerhound, with its owner,
Mr. John Lancaster, and his family, on board, was in harbour at the
time. The Deerhound followed the Alabama at a respectful distance, and
was the closest witness of the fight. Some French pilot-boats hung as
near as they considered prudent. At the limit of neutral waters the
Alabama parted company with her, escort, and the Couronne returned to
within a league of the shore.
Left to herself at last, the Alabama made her final preparations for the
coming struggle. Mustering all his ship's company upon the deck, Captain
Semmes addressed them as follows;--
"OFFICERS AND SEAMEN OF THE ALABAMA:"
"You have, at length, another opportunity of meeting the enemy--the
first that has been presented to you since you sunk the Hatteras! In the
meantime, you have been all over the world, and it is not too much to
say that you have destroyed, and driven for protection under neutral
flags, one-half of the enemy's commerce, which, at the beginning of the
war, covered every sea. This is an achievement of which you may well be
proud; and a grateful country will not be unmindful of it. The name of
your ship has become a household word wherever civilization extends.
Shall that name be tarnished by defeat? The thing is impossible!
Remember that you are in the English Channel, the theatre of so much of
the naval glory of our race, and that the eyes of all Europe are at this
moment upon you. The flag that floats over you is that of a young
republic, which bids defiance to her enemy's, whenever and wherever
found. Show the world that you know how to uphold it. Go to your
quarters."[16]
[Footnote 16: The above is a correct report of Captain Semmes' address
on this occasion. Various statements have appeared as to the way in
which it was continued: received. Captain Semmes states, "The only
replies that were made were shouts from the seamen of 'Never! never!'
when I spoke of the name of their ship being tarnished by defeat."]
It took three-quarters of an hour for the Alabama to come within range
of the Kearsarge. At the distance of one mile, the Alabama opened fire
with solid shot. The Kearsarge took time to reply. After ten minutes the
firing was sharp on both sides.
According to the statement of the Captain of the Kearsarge, her battery
consisted of seven guns--to wit, two 11-inch Dahlgrens--very powerful
pieces of ordnance; four 32 pounders, one light rifle 28 pounder. She
went into action with a crew of 162 officers and men.
The armament of the Alabama consisted of one 7-inch Blakeley rifled gun,
one 8-inch smooth-bore pivot gun, six 32 pounders, smooth-bore, in
broadside. The Alabama's crew numbered not more than 120. On this head
Captain Winslow speaks erroneously. He sets down the Alabama's crew at
150 officers and men. The Alabama had a formidable piece in the Blakeley
rifled gun, but she was destitute of steel shot.
It will thus be seen that there was inequality between the antagonists.
Captain Winslow speaks of the Alabama having "one gun more" than the
Kearsarge. His two great Dahlgrens gave the balance altogether in his
favour. But in an estimate of the rival capabilities of the two vessels,
the deteriorated speed of the Alabama should be considered as her
principal weakness. Cherbourg had done little to repair the copper of
her bottom, which spread out in broad fans and seriously impeded her
cutting of the water; and it had been found impossible to do more than
to patch up the boilers for the day's business. They were not in a state
to inspire the engineers with confidence. The Kearsarge, on the other
hand, was in first rate condition and well in hand. She speedily showed
that she could overhaul the Alabama. In fact, the Alabama entered the
lists when she should have been lying in dock. She fought with an
exhausted frame. She had the heroism to decide upon the conflict,
without the strength to choose the form of it. After some little
manoeuvring this became painfully evident to Captain Semmes. The
Kearsarge selected her distance at a range of five hundred yards, and
being well protected she deliberately took time and fired with sure
effect.
Captain Semmes had great confidence in the power of his Blakeley rifled
gun, and we believe it is a confidence not shaken by its failure to win
the day for him. He wished to get within easy range of his enemy, that
he might try this weapon effectively; but any attempt on his part to
come to closer quarters was construed by the Kearsarge as a design to
bring the engagement between the ships to a hand-to-hand conflict
between the men. Having the speed, she chose her distance, and made all
thought of boarding hopeless.
It was part of the plan of Captain Semmes to board, if possible, at some
period of the day, supposing that he could not quickly decide the battle
with artillery. It was evidently Captain Winslow's determination to
avoid the old-fashioned form of a naval encounter, and to fight
altogether in the new style; his superior steam power gave him the
option. When the Alabama took her death-wound she was helpless. We must
interpret the respectful distance maintained by the Kearsarge up to the
very last, and the persistent plying of her guns while the side of the
sinking ship was visible, as a settled resolution on Captain Winslow's
part to trust to guns alone, and throughout, so that a dangerous
proximity might be shunned. That much homage was paid by him to the
hostile crew, and that his manoeuvre was creditably discreet, few will
deny.
The crew of the Alabama, seamen and officers, were in high spirits
throughout the engagement, though very early the slaughter set in and
the decks were covered with blood. Their fire was rapid and admirable.
It has been said in the House of Lords by no less a person than the Duke
of Somerset, that her firing was positively bad; and that she hit the
Kearsarge only three times during the action. By Captain Winslow's own
admission the Kearsarge was hit twenty-eight times by shot and shell--or
once to every fifth discharge. No seaman knowing anything of an actual
engagement on the deep will object to the accuracy of such an aim. Had
the Kearsarge shown the same blank sides as the Alabama, another tale
might have been told. Captain Semmes, however, perceived that his shell
rebounded after striking her, and exploded harmlessly. This led him to
rely upon solid shot. The Alabama, not being thus or in any way
shielded, was pierced with shell, and soon showed vast rents in her
after-part. Her pivot-gun was a distinct mark for the enemy, and a
single shell exploding near it killed and wounded half the number of men
by whom it was worked. Each ship fought her starboard broadside, and
steamed in a circle to keep that side to the enemy. So, for an hour,
this, to a distant spectator, monotonous manoeuvre continued, without
perceptibly narrowing the range. Captain Semmes was standing on the
quarter-deck when the chief engineer sent word to say that the ship was
endangered by leakage. The first lieutenant, Mr. Kell, was sent below to
inspect the damage. He returned with word that the ship was sinking.
Captain Semmes at once ordered the ship to be put about and steered
towards shore. But the water was rising in her: the fires were speedily
extinguished. The Alabama's shot from slackening had now ceased. It was
evident to all on board that she was doomed. To have continued firing
would have been to indulge a stupid rancour, and to act in such a manner
is not in the nature of a seaman like Captain Semmes. On the contrary,
his thoughts were directed towards saving the lives of his crew. He gave
command for the Confederate flag to be hauled down.
Many wild stories are being told of something like a mutiny of the crew
at this desecration of the Southern banner; of how they implored the
Captain to spare them the disgrace of it; and of a certain quartermaster
drawing his cutlass, daring any hand on board to haul down the flag, and
being dramatically threatened with a loaded pistol by Mr. Kell, the
First Lieutenant, and so brought to his senses. The fact is, that the
flag came down quietly and decorously. All on board perceived that there
was no help for it, and that it would be a shocking breach of humanity
to imperil the lives of the wounded men.
The general detestation of the Yankee was yet more strongly instanced
when the men were struggling for life in the water. The head of every
man was pointed away, as if instinctively, from the vessel that stood
nearest to rescue him. One who was hailed from the Kearsarge with the
offer of a rescue, declined it civilly, and made his way for the neutral
flag. The men swam as if they had still an enemy behind them, and not
one that was ready to save. Tardy as were the boats of the Kearsarge in
descending to perform this office, they found many of the poor fellows
still painfully supporting themselves above the surface. Of these, both
men and officers, when, after being hauled into the boats, they had
dashed the blinding salt water from their eyes and discovered among whom
they were, many sprang overboard again, preferring any risk to the
shelter of the Federalists. Hatred to the flag of the old Union and love
of their Captain appear to have been their chief active passions. When
taken on board the Deerhound, the question as to the safety of Captain
Semmes was foremost in every mouth.
Captain Semmes asserts that shots were fired at the Alabama after the
signal of surrender. We will not attempt to substantiate a charge like
this: but French officers maintain it to be an undeniable fact that,
after the Confederate flag had been lowered, the Kearsarge fired no less
than five shots into her. We believe that Captain Winslow does not deny
the charge; but asserts that he was unaware of the act of surrender. In
his letter to the _Daily News_, he declares the accusation that he had
been guilty of this act to be "twaddle" (we quote his own phrase).
The master's mate of the Alabama, Mr. Fullam, was despatched in the
dingey to the Kearsarge with a request that assistance might immediately
be given in rescuing the lives of the wounded men. It was promised, but
the fulfilment of the promise, owing, as we trust it may be proved, to
circumstances incidental to the fight, was, as we have said, tardy.
Captain Winslow expressed himself in kindly terms with regard to his old
shipmate in the days when the Union was not a mockery of its name;
Captain Semmes having served with him in the same vessel many years
back. During Mr. Fullam's absence the Alabama had gone down stern
foremost. All the wounded had been stretched in the whale-boat for
transmission to the Kearsarge. The surgeon of the Alabama, an
Englishman, Mr. David Herbert Llewellyn, son of an incumbent of a
Wiltshire parsonage, and godson of the late Lord Herbert of Lea, was
offered a place in this boat. He refused it, saying that he would not
peril the wounded men, and he sank with the Alabama. The rest of the
crew, with their captain, were already in the waves. Mr. Lancaster
meantime had steamed up to the Kearsarge, requesting permission to
assist in saving life, and he was soon among them, throwing lines from
the yacht, and picking up many exhausted men in his boats. The loss of
men by drowning was nineteen, including an officer (Mr. Llewellyn),
carpenter, and assistant-engineer. The loss in killed and wounded was
twenty-eight, of whom seven were killed. Not a wrack of the Alabama was
secured by the victors in this memorable sea-fight. The captain and his
officers dropped their swords into the deep; the men drove their oars
into the bottoms of the boats. One spirit--the spirit of the
unconquerable Confederation of the Southern States--animated all. Not a
man who was able to support himself in the water, swam towards the
Kearsarge.
So sank the Alabama. It would have been glorious for her to have won,
but it was not disgraceful that the day went against her. She fought
against odds such as brave commanders are not in the habit of declining;
she fought to the water's edge. An end like this, and the splendid
antecedents she points to, have made her name and that of her captain
household words. Her flag has been indeed a "meteor flag," and that it
shall "yet terrific burn" we may reckon to be probable, when it is
remembered that the informing spirit, of which the good vessel was but
the gross body, is alive, and prepared once more to offer himself to the
land of his choice for service upon the seas.
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
No. I.
CAPTURES OF THE SUMTER.
_Ably Bradford_--Of New York, from New York to Puerto Caballo. Captured
25th July, 1861, N.E. of Laguayra, Venezuela.
Sent to New Orleans. Recaptured by enemy.
_Albert Adams_--Of Massachusetts. Captured 5th July, 1861, four leagues
off Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Arcade_--Of Maine, from Portland, Maine, to Guadaloupe. Captured 26th
November, 1861, in lat. 20° 27' N., long. 57° 15' W.
Burned.
_Ben Dunning_--Of Maine. Captured 5th July, 1861, four leagues off
Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Cuba_--Of Maine, from Trinidad to English ports. Captured 4th July,
1861, in lat. 21° 29' N., long. 84° 06' W.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Retaken by enemy.
_Daniel Trowbridge_--Of Connecticut, from New York to Demerara. Captured
27th October, 1861, in lat. 17° 54' N., long. 56° 30' W.
Burned.
_Ebenezer Dodge_--Of Massachusetts, from New Bedford to South Pacific
(whaling). Captured 8th December, 1861, in lat. 30° 57' N., long. 51°
49' W.
Burned.
_Golden Rocket_--Of Bangor, Maine. Captured 3d July, 1861, in lat. 21°
29' N., long. 84° 06' W. Valued at $35,000.
Burned.
_Investigator_--Of Maine, from Spain to Newport, Wales. Captured 18th
January, 1862, in Straits of Gibraltar. Valued at $15,000,
Released on ransom bond.
_Joseph Maxwell_--Of Pennsylvania. Captured 27th July, 1861, seven miles
from Puerto Caballo.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Governor-General of Cuba.
_Joseph Parkes_--Of Massachusetts, from Pernambuco to Boston. Captured
25th September, 1861, in lat. 6° 20' N., long. 42° 24'W.
Burned.
_Louisa Kilham_--Of Massachusetts. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles
from Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Machias_--Of Maine, from Trinidad to an English port. Captured 4th
July, 1861, in lat. 21° 29' N., long. 84° 06' W.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Montmorency_--Of Maine, from Newport, Wales, to St. Thomas. Captured
25th November, 1861, in lat. 18° 30' N., long. 58° 40' W. Valued at
$20,000.
Released under ransom bond.
_Naiad_--Of New York. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles from
Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Neapolitan_--Of Massachusetts, from Messina to Boston. Captured 18th
January, 1862, in Straits of Gibraltar.
Burned.
_Vigilans_--Of Maine, from New York to Island of Sombrero. Captured 3d
December, 1861, in lat. 29° 10' N., long. 57° 22' W. Valued at $40,000.
Burned.
_West Wind_--Of Rhode Island. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles off
Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
* * * * *
CAPTURES OF THE ALABAMA.
_Alert_--Of New London, from New London to the Indian Ocean (whaling).
Captured 9th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $20,000.
Burned.
_Altamaha_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured 13th
September, 1862, in lat. 40° 34' N., 25° 24' W. Valued at $3,000.
Burned.
_Amanda_--Of United States, from Manilla to Queenstown. Captured 6th
November, 1863, in lat. 7° 00' S., long. 103° 19' E. Valued at $104,442.
Burned.
_Amazonian_--Of New York, from New York to Monte Video. Captured 2d
June, 1863, in lat. 15° 09', long. 55° 04'. Valued at $97,665.
Burned.
_Anna F. Schmidt_--Of Maine, from Boston (_via_ St. Thomas) to San
Francisco. Captured 2d July, 1863, in lat. 26° 14', long. 37° 51'.
Valued at $350,000.
Burned.
_Ariel_--Of New York, from New York to Aspinwall. Captured 7th Dec.,
1862, off Cape Maize. Valued at $261,000.
Released on bond.
_Baron de Castine_--Of Castine, from Bangor to Cardenas. Captured 29th
October, 1862, in lat. about 39° 18' N., long. about 69° 12' W. Valued
at $6,000.,
Released on bond.
_Benjamin Tucker_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured
14th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued. at $18,000.
Burned.
_Bethia Thayer_--Of Maine. Captured 1st March, 1863, in lat. 29° 50' N.,
long. 38° 31' W. Valued at $40,000.
Released on bond.
_Brilliant_--Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 3d
October, 1862, in lat. 39° 58' N., long. 50° 00' W. Valued at $164,000.
Burned.
_Charles Hill_--Of Boston, from Liverpool to Monte Video. Captured 25th
March, 1863, in lat. 1° 22', long. 26° 08'. Valued at $28,450.
Burned.
_Chastelaine_--Of Boston, from Martinique to Cienfuegos. Captured 27th
January, 1863, in lat. 17° 19' N., long. 72° 21' W. Valued at $10,000.
Burned.
_Contest_--Of the United States, from Yokohama, Japan, to New York.
Captured 11th November, 1863, in lat. 4° 48' S., long. 106° 49' E.
Valued at $122,815.
Burned.
_Courser_--Of Province Town, from Province Town (whaling). Captured 16th
September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $7,000.
Burned.
_Crenshaw_--Of New York, from New York to Glasgow. Captured 26th
October, 1862, in lat. 40° 11' N., long. 64° 32' W. Valued at $33,869.
Burned.
_Dorcas Prince_--Of New York, from New York to Shanghai. Captured 26th
April, 1862, in lat. 7° 36', long. 31° 57'. Valued at $44,108.
Burned.
_Dunkirk_--Of New York, from New York to Lisbon. Captured 7th October,
1862, in lat. about 41° 00' N., long. 53°. Valued at $25,000.
Burned.
_Elisha Dunbar_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured
18th September, 1862, in lat. 39° 50' N., long. 35° 25' W. Valued at
$25,000.
Burned.
_Emily Farnum_--Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 3d
October, 1862, in lat. 39° 58' N., long. 50° 00' W.
Neutral cargo, Released and made a Cartel.
_Emma Jane_--Of Maine, from Bombay to Amherst (in ballast). Captured
14th January, 1864, in lat. 7° 57' S., long. 76° 09' W. Valued at
$40,000.
Burned.
_Express_--Of Callao, from Callao to Antwerp. Captured 6th July, 1863,
in lat. 28° 28', long. 30° 20. Valued at $121,300.
Burned.
_Gildersliene_--Of London, from Sunderland to Calcutta. Captured 25th
May, 1863, in lat. 12° 04', long. 35° 10'. Valued at $62,783.
Burned.
_Golden Eagle_--Of United States, from San Francisco (_via_ Howland's
Island) to Cork. Captured 21st February, 1863, in lat. 29° 28' N., long.
44° 58' W. Valued at $61,000.
Burned.
_Golden Rule_--Of New York, from New York to Aspinwall. Captured 26th
January, 1863, off Jamaica. Valued at $112,000.
Burned.
_Hatteras_--Of United States Navy, gunboat. Sunk 11th January, 1863, off
Galveston. Valued at $160,000.
Sunk.
_Highlander_--Of the United States, from Singapore to Aycaab (in
ballast). Captured 26th December, 1863. Valued at $75,965.
Burned.
_Jabez Snow_--Of Cardiff, from Cardiff to Monte Video. Captured 29th
May, 1863, in lat. 12° 54', long. 35° 18'. Valued at $72,881.
Burned.
_John A. Parks_--Of Maine, from New York to Monte Video. Captured 2d
March, 1863, in lat. 29° 25' N., long. 37° 47' W. Valued at $66,157.
Burned.
_Justina_--Of the United States. Captured 25th May, 1863, in lat. 12°
04', long. 35° 10'. Valued at $7,000.
Ransomed.
_Kate Cory_--Of Westport (whaler). Captured 15th April, 1863, in lat. 4°
08', long. 32° 01'. Valued at $10,568.
Burned.
_Kingfisher_--Of Massachusetts, from Fair Haven (on whaling expedition).
Captured 23d March, 1863, in lat. 2° 08' N., long. 26° 08' W. Valued at
$2,400.
Burned.
_Lafayette_ (1)--Of New York, from New York to Belfast. Captured 23d
October, 1862, in lat. 39° 34' N., long. 63° 26' W. Valued at $110,337.
Burned.
_Lafayette_ (2)--Of New Bedford (whaler). Captured 15th April, 1863, in
lat. 4° 08', long. 32° 01. Valued at $20,908.
Burned.
_Lamplighter_--Of Boston, from New York to Gibraltar. Captured 15th
October, 1862, in lat. 41° 32' N., long. 54° 17' W. Valued at $117,600.
Burned.
_Lauretta_--Of Boston, from New York to Madeira and Mediterranean.
Captured 28th. October. 1862, in lat. 39° 18' N., long. 67° 35' W.
Valued at $32,880.
Burned.
_Levi Starbuck_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford to the Pacific
(whaling). Captured 2d November, 1862, in lat. 36° 13' N., long. 66° 01'
W. Valued at $25,000.
Burned.
_Louisa Hatch_--Of Rockland, from Cardiff to Point de Galle. Captured
4th April, 1863, in lat. 3° 12', long. 26° 9'. Valued at $38,315.
Burned.
_Manchester_--Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 11th
October, 1862, in lat. 41° 08' N., long. 55° 26' W. Valued at $164,000.
Burned.
_Morning Star_--Of Boston, from Calcutta to London. Captured 23d March,
1863, in lat. 2° 08' N., long. 26° 08' W. Valued at $61,750.
Released on bond.
_Nora_--Of Boston, from Boston to Calcutta. Captured 25th March, 1863,
in lat. 1° 22', long. 26° 08'. Valued at $76,-636.
Burned.
_Nye_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling barque). Captured 24th
April, 1863, in lat. 5° 45', long. 31° 53'. Valued at $31,127.
Burned.
_Ocean Rover_--Of Massachusetts, from Massachusetts (out whaling).
Captured 8th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $70,000.
Burned.
_Ocmulgee_--Of Edgartown. Captured 5th September, 1862, in about lat. 37°
20' N., long. 28° 08' W. Valued at $50,000.
Burned.
_Olive Jane_--Of the United States, from Bordeaux to New York. Captured
21st February, 1863, in lat., 29° 28' N., long. 44° 58' W. Valued at
$43,208.
Burned.
_Palmetto_--Of New York, from New York to St. John's, Porto Rico.
Captured 3d February, 1863, in lat. 27° 18' N., long. 6° 16' W. Valued
at $18,430.
Burned.
_Parker Cook_--Of Boston, from Boston to Aux Cayes. Captured 30th
November, 1862, in lat. 18° 59' N., long. 68° 45' W. Valued at $10,000.
Burned.
_Punjaub_--Of Boston, from Calcutta to London. Captured 15th March,
1863, in lat. 8° 36' N., long. 31° 43' W. Valued at $55,000.
Released on bond.
_Rockingham_--Of the United States, from Callao to Cork. Captured 23d
April, 1864, in lat. 15° 52' S., long. 31° 44' W. Valued at $97,878.
Burned.
_Sea Lark_--Of New York, from New York to San Francisco. Captured 3d
May, 1863, in lat. 9° 39' S., long. 32° 44' W. Valued at $550,000.
Burned.
_Sonora_--Of the United States, from Singapore to Aycaab (in ballast).
Captured 26th December, 1863, off Malacca. Valued at $46,545.
Burned.
_Starlight_--Of Boston, from Fayal to Boston. Captured 7th September,
1862, off Flores. Valued at $4,000.
Burned.
_Talisman_--Of New York, from New York to Shanghai. Captured 5th June,
1863, in lat. 14° 35', long. 36° 26'. Valued at $139,195.
Burned.
_Texan Star_--Of the United States, from Maulmein to Singapore. Captured
24th December, 1863, off Malacca. Valued at $97,628.
Burned.
_Tonawanda_--Of Philadelphia, from Philadelphia to Liverpool. Captured
9th October, 1862, in lat. 40° 03' N., long. 54° 38' W. Valued at
$80,000.
Released on ransom bond.
_Tycoon_--Of the United States, from New York to San Francisco. Captured
27th April, 1864. in lat. 11° 16', long. 32° 6'.
Burned.
_Union_--Of Baltimore, from Baltimore to Jamaica. Captured 5th December,
1862, off Cape Maise. Valued at $15,000.
Released on bond.
_Union Jack_--Of Boston, from Boston to Shanghai. Captured 3d May, 1863,
in lat. 9° 39', long. 32° 44'. Valued at $77,000.
Burned.
_Virginia_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured 17th
September, 1862, in lat. 40° 03' N., long. 32° 46' W. Valued at $25,000.
Burned.
_T.B. Wales_--Of Boston, from Calcutta to Boston. Captured 8th November,
1862, in lat. 29° 15' N., long. 57° 57' W. Valued at $245,625.
Burned.
_Washington_--Of New York, from Chincha Islands to Antwerp. Captured
27th February, 1863, in lat. 30° 19' N., long. 40° 01' W. Valued at
$50,000.
Released on bond.
_Wave Crest_--Of New York, from New York to Cardiff. Captured 7th
October, 1862, in lat. about 41° 00' N., long. 53°. Valued at $44,000.
Burned.
_Weather Gauge_--Of Province Town, from Province Town (whaling).
Captured 9th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $10,000.
Burned.
_Winged Racer_--Of the United States, from Manilla to New York. Captured
10th November, 1863, in Strait of Sunda. Valued at $150,000.
Burned.
No. II.
COURSE OF THE SUMTER.
FROM NEW ORLEANS, 30TH JUNE, 1861, TO GIBRALTAR, 18TH JANUARY, 1862.
1861.
July 1 Lat. 26.18 N. Long. 87.23 W.
2 23.04 86.13
3 21.29 84.06
4 No observation.
5 Off the Jardinelles.
6 At Cienfuegos, Cuba.
7 do do
8 Off the Caymans.
9 Off Jamaica.
10 to 15 No observation.
16 to 24 At St. Anne's, Curaçao.
25 to 27 At and off Puerto Caballo.
28 Off Tortuga.
29 to
Aug. 5 At Port of Spain.
6 9.14 59.10
7 8.31 56.12
8 7.19 53.34
9 6.10 50.48
10 4.29 48.25
Aug. 11 Lat. 2.38 N. Long. 47.48 W.
12 4.10 49.37
13 4.56 50.55
14 4.49 51.19
15 16 At Cayenne.
17 5.56
18 Off the mouth of the Surinam.
19 to 31 At Paramaribo.
Sept. 1 No observation.
2 4.50 50.20
3 3.05 48.44
4 00.44 47.12
5 1.03 44.48
6 to 15 At Maranham.
16 00.17 S. 42.59
17 2.19 N. 41.29
18 3.38 40.57
19 4.33 40.41
20 4.46 41.00
21 5.12 41.59
22 5.37 42.12
23 5.25 42.19
24 5.35 41.27
25 6.20 42.27
27 6.24 43.10
28 6.10 44.20
29 6.55 45.08
30 7.33 45.28
Oct. 1 7.39 45.55
2 8.19 46.23
3 8.30 46.21
4 8.55 46.58
5 9.13 47.21
6 8.31 47.08
7 8.13 47.13
8 8.52 46.44
9 7.21 46.30
10 6.22 45.48
Oct. 11 Lat. 6.38 N. Long. 45.13 W.
12 6.56 44.41
13 7.04 44.47
14 8.31 45.46
15 9.36 48.11
16 10.22 50.05
17 11.37 51.49
18 13.01 53.12
19 13.33 53.46
20 13.46 54.06
21 14.00 54.07
22 14.21 54.16
23 14.36 54.37
24 15.20 54.51
25 16.54 55.30
26 18.13 56.04
27 17.54 56.30
28 17.03 57.07
29 16.54 57.33
30 16.40 58.16
31 16.54 57.59
Nov. 1 16.52 57.25
2 16.32 56.55
3 16.35 57.38
4 16.43 57.45
5 17.10 59.06
6 16.39 59.54
7 16.00 60.46
8
9 15.08 61.54
10 to 23 At Martinique.
24 16.12
25 18.11 58.48
26 20.07 57.12
27 22.22 56.27
28 24.22 57.12
29 25.51 57.36
30 27.16 58.29
Dec. 1 27.38 58.20
2 28.12 58.09
3 29.10 57.22
Dec. 4 Lat. 30.03 N. Long. 55.09 W.
5 30.19 53.02
6 29.35 52.02
7 29.27 51.35
8 30.57 51.49
9 31.35 51.14
10 32.39 49.47
11 32.48 49.32
12\
13/ 33.28 47.03
14 33.49 44.47
15 34.00 42.05
16 33.24 40.43
17 33.24 40.00
18 33.53 38.43
19 34.30 36.40
20 34.17 35.31
21 35.17 33.05
22 No observation.
23 36.29 32.32
24 27.31 31.30
25 36.08 28.42
26 35.09 25.56
27 35.00 22.49
28 35.17 20.53
29 35.43 18.59
30 35.39 17.33
31 35.22 16.27
1862.
Jan. 1 35.53 13.14
2 35.52 9.36
3 35.49 7.00
On the 4th of January the Sumter reached Cadiz, and on the 17th left for
Gibraltar. She entered that port on the following day, where she was
finally put out of commission.
* * * * *
COURSE OF THE ALABAMA.
1862.
Aug. 25 Lat. 39.15 N. Long. 26.30 W.
26 39.39 26.07
27 39.59 24.34
Aug. 28 Lat. 39.58 N. Long. 21.30 W.
29 38.56 19.23
30 37.23 19.06
31 Lat. by acc. 36.23 21.54
Sept. 1 Lat. 35.33 22.17
2 35.29 24.22
3 36.16 25.56
4 37.22 28.08
5 No observation.
6\
to | Off Flores.
11/
12 40.17 34.05
13 40.34 35.24
14 40.12 33.02
15 40.03 32.46
16 Off Flores.
17 40.03 32.46
18 39.50 35.25
19 38.32 35.03
20 37.20 36.26
21 36.35 36.58
22 35.21 37.26
23 34.43 38.38
24 34.52 48.28
25 34.59 41.10
26 35.35 41.36
27 37.12 43.13
28 37.40 42.00
29 37.09 43.13
30 38.87 45.03
Oct. 1 40.27 46.31
2 40 to 40.30 48 to 48.20
3 39.58 50.00
4 39.52 50.41
5 40.19 51.14
6 41.02 53.50
7 No observation.
8 Lat. (D.R.) 41.00 Long. (D.R.) 55.43
Long. Chro. 54.37
9 Lat. 40.03 Long. 54.38
10 41.13 53.45
11 41.08 55.26
Oct. 12 Lat. 41.42 N. Long. 56.48 W.
13 Assumed 40.30 59.28
14 41.21 59.31
15 41.32 59.17
16 (D.R.)42.16 59.18
17 (D.R.)42.06 59.46
18 Supposed 41.25 59.10
19 40.21 62.08
20 40.28 62.40
21 40.18 62.40
22 By acct. 40.16 64.17
23 39.34 63.26
24 40.04 62.05
25 39.57 63.18
26 40.11 64.32
27 39.47 68.06
28 39.18 67.35
29 No observation.
30 39.18 69.12
31 37.51 67.34
Nov. 1 36.15 65.55
2 36.13 66.01
3 35.17 67.11
4 34.27 63.30
5 31.34 61.27
6 29.05 61.22
7 29.03 59.22
8 29.15 57.57
9 27.51 58.24
10 25.40 57.50
11 24.05 57.36
12 22.58 57.37
13 22.08 57.43
14 21.11 57.49
15 20.40 58.24
16 18.00 59.27
17 15.51 60.20
18 13.15 63.01
21 12.10 64.35
22\
to | At Island of Blanquilla.
25/
26 13.12 65.30
Nov. 28 Lat. 16.19 N. Long. 66.06 W.
29 17.45 67.15
30 18.59 68.45
Dec. 1 19.40 69.49
2 20.04 71.50
3 20.12 72.58
4 \
to | Off Cape Maise, Jamaica, and Cuba.
12 /
13 18.47 78.28
14 18.16 80.43
15 18.39 83.06
16 19.16 84.10
17 19.18 84.25
18 19.47 85.46
19 20.00 85.31
20 21.20 86.32
21 22.06 88.40
22 21.26 91.15
23 20.18 91.50
24 \
to | At the Arcas.
31 /
1863.
n. 1 \
to | At the Arcas.
5 /
6 21.11 93.13
7 22.35 94.26
8 24.36 94.45
9 26.19 94.11
10 27.45 94.42
11 28.51 94.55
12 28.03 93.08
13 27.05 90.37
14 25.58 88.58
15 26.16 88.35
16 23.43 87.35
17 21.45 85.34
18 19.50 82.51
19 18.30 80.34
20 \
to | At Port Royal.
25 /
Jan.26 Lat. 17.50 N. Long. 74.52 W
27 17.19 72.21
28 17.56 70.28
29 At San Domingo.
30 19.31 67.38
31 21.45 68.06
Feb. 1 24.08 68.18
2 26.17 68.06
3 27.18 66.10
4 28.00 64.11
5 27.10 61.30
6 25.44 60.32
7 26.36 60.15
8 25.41 58.48
9 24.51 57.55
10 24.32 56.53
11 24.52 56.34
12 25.15 56.36
13 26.08 55.32
14 27.09 53.17
15 28.29 50.07
16 28.45 46.57
17 28.11 45.01
18 28.15 44.37
19 28.04 44.29
20 28.32 45.05
21 29.28 44.58
22 29.33 44.57
23 30.21 43.55
24 30.32 42.50
25 30.22 41.03
26 30.23 40.42
27 30.19 40.01
28 30.07 39.38
March 1 29.50 38.31
2 29.25 37.47
3 28.42 36.59
4 27.02 35.44
5 26.04 35.23
6 24.09 32.20
7 24.30 35.12
8 22.36 34.32
9 20.22 33.53
Mar. 10 Lat. 18.26 N. Long. 33.17 W.
11 16.18 32.36
12 13.57 31.47
13 11.31 31.25
14 9.24 31.48
15 8.36 31.43
16 7.46 30.21
17 7.53 30.34
18 7.14 29.26
19 5.59 28.01
20 4.32 27.00
21 2.47 26.23
22 2.11 26.24
23 2.08 26.08
24 1.41 26.13
25 1.22 26.08
26 1.12 26.32
27 No observation.
28 00.46 26.19
29 00.18 26.10
30 00.34 S. 25.35
31 00.39 25.19
April 1 1.00 25.20
2 2.10 26.02
3 2.52 25.58
4 3.12 26.09
5 3.25 27.04
6 3.46 28.00
7 3.57 30.07
8 4.01 Long. (D.R.) 31.17
9 4.08 32.01
10 \
to | At Fernando de Noronha.
22 /
23 4.42 31.49
24 5.45 31.53
25 6.22 31.44
26 7.36 31.57
27 8.16 32.18
28 8.19 31.40
29 8.22 31.07
30 9.02 31.39
May 1 9.17 32.17
May 2 Lat. 9.37 S Long. 32.34 W
3 9.39 32.44
4 8.48 32.34
5 10.06 32.45
6 10.24 32.30
7 12.08 33.07
8 12.30 33.52
9 12.55 34.49
10 13.29 36.07
11 \
to |At Bahia.
21 /
22 13.04 37.36
23 12.33 36.39
24 11.34 34.54
25 12.04 35.10
26 11.39 34.47
27 12.15 35.05
28 12.54 35.18
29 13.31 35.38
30 14.19 35.36
31
June 1 14.44 35.15
2 15.01 34.56
3 15.09 35.04
4 14.46 34.57
5 14.35 36.26
6 15.17 35.26
7 16.07 35.37
8 15.55 35.28
9 16.55 35.36
10 16.17 34.35
11 15.32 33.46
12 17.25 34.24
13 19.21 35.37
14 19.54 35.18
15 22.38 35.11
16 23.41 35.36
17 23.54 35.53
18 24.16 37.15
19 24.57 39.01
20 25.48 40.18
21 25.46 40.16
June 22 Lat. 25.55 S. Long. 40.21 W.
23 25.24 38.40
24 25.19 36.36
25 25.56 33.44
26 Lat.(D.R.) 26.40 30.16
27 26.01 28.29
28 25.57 30.31
29 26.35 32.59
30 25.56 35.12
July 1 25.38 36.38
2 26.14 37.51
3 26.31 37.33
4 27.27 34.37
5 27.58 31.43
6 28.28 30.20
7 29.45 27.36
8 30.00 24.20
9 29.57 21.16
10 29.29 17.47
11 28.00 15.12
12 26.44 13.32
13 28.13 13.27
14 29.21 11.31
15 30.07 8.06
16 Lat.(D.R.)30.39 4.05
17 30.16 00.20
18 29.54 3.04 E.
19 at.(D.R.)29.47 5.32
20 29.57 7.23
21 30.43 10.19
22 31.33 12.37
23 31.59 14.12
24 33.24 14.51
25 33.56 15.34
26 33.26 16.37
27 33.46 17.17
28 33.46 17.31
29 \
to | At Saldanha Bay, and the Cape.
Aug. 16 /
17 34.03 17.11
18 33.24 16.56
19 32.52 17.09
Aug. 20 Lat. 32.45 S. Long. 16.55 E.
21 33.14 15.41
22 32.13 16.08
23 31.43 15.30
24 31.24 14.34
25 31.18 13.37
26 27.57 14.12
27 No observation.
28 \
to | At Angra Pequena.
30 /
31 26.51 14.40
Sept. 1 No observation.
2 28.37 10.13
3 29.43 8.59
4 30.04 8.46
5 30.24 9.28
6 30.35 11.16
7 31.17 11.07
8 31.41 11.16
9 32.30 12.49
10 33.16 15.20
11 33.10 16.37
12 33.43 16.03
13 33.51 17.34
14 34.28 17.43
15 34.26 17.30
16 \
to | At Simon's Town.
24 /
25 35.26 18.15
26 37.28 17.58
27 37.52 19.03
28 39.02 23.07
29 39.02 27.20
30 39.12 31.59
Oct. 1 39.15 35.46
2 38.27 39.02
3 38.46 42.49
4 38.43 46.56
5 38.47 49.20
6 38.44 53.33
7 37.51 57.30
Oct. 8 Lat. 38.04 S. Long. 60.23 E.
9 38.16 64.15
10 38.26 68.57
11 38.28 72.40
12 38.46 77.12
13 38.15 80.29
14 37.47 83.42
15 35.23 89.55
16 35.23 89.55
17 32.59 93.28
18 30.59 96.17
19 28.26 98.43
20 25.33 99.42
21 22.41 100.12
22 21.13 100.10
23 18.52 100.10
24 15.45 101.25
25 Lat. (D.R.) 12.26 Long. (D.R.) 102.00
26 10.27 102.13
27 9.55 Long. 101.50
28 9.38 101.51
29 9.20 101.53
30 9.09 102.14
31 8.53 102.50
1 8.55 103.51
2 9.30 103.28
3 9.17 103.31
4 8.31 103.06
5 7.22 103.15
6 7.00 103.19
7 6.59 103.27
8 \
to | Off Flat Point.
10 /
11 4.48 106.49
12 4.19 108.00
13 3.59 107.25
14 3.44 109.05
15 3.03 109.27
16 2.44 109.16
17 \
to | Off the Malays.
23 /
Nov. 24 Lat. 3.40 N Long. 109.45 E.
25 Supposed Lat. 3.50 Supposed Long. 110.30
26 4.36 111.42
27 4.51 111.54
28 4.51 111.54
29 5.01 111.47
30 6.14 110.31
Dec. 1 7.30 108.42
2 8.30 107.15
3 \
to | At Cindore.
14 /
15 8.24 106.48
16 7.18 107.27
17 (D.R.) 6.11 106.12
18 4.48 105.10
19 \
and | At Island of Aor.
20 /
21 \
to | At and off Singapore.
26 /
27 4.08 100.11
28 Supposed 4.46 99.40
29 Supposed 5.29 98.16
30 5.39 96.40
31 Off N. end of Sumatra.
1864.
Jan. 1 6.23 93.35
2 5.39 93.08
3 5.29 92.33
4 6.05 Long. (D.R.) 91.40
5 6.29 90.37
6 6.07 88.40
7 5.39 87.22
8 5.22 84.53
9 5.05 82.09
10 5.14 79.50
11 5.49 78.25
12 7.26 76.02
13 7.33 76.01
14 7.57 76.09
15 8.25 76.08
Jan. 16 At Quilon.
17 Lat. 8.40 N. Long. 76.32 E.
18 8.31 76.30
19 8.05 75.05
20 7.29 74.28
21 No observation.
22 7.52 70.22
23 7.04 67.17
24 7.03 64.28
25 6.27 61.49
26 5.33 59.19
27 5.01 56.36
28 4.02 53.46
29 2.43 51.00
30 00.50 48.42
31 1.31 S. 47.20
Feb. 1 3.15 46.13
2 4.48 45.40
3 6.47 44.44
4 8.24 44.26
5 10.18 43.47
6 10.42 44.00
7 10.44 43.50
8 10.45 43.42
9 \
to | At Islands of Johanna and Mohilla.
16 /
17 13.41 43.04
18 14.15 42.45
19 15.03 42.24
20 16.00 41.45
21 17.02 41.31
22 18.43 41.20
23 19.49 41.23
24 20.29 41.19
25 21.18 41.44
26 23.36 41.15
27 25.31 40.00
28 27.11 37.51
29 29.16 36.17
March 1 31.32 34.37
2 33.20 32.22
3 35.05 29.49
March 4 Lat. 35.11 S. Long. 23.28 E.
5 35.51 26.43
6 39.09 24.58
7 35.10 24.03
8 35.49 21.39
9 35.46 20.29
10 35.42 20.13
11 35.08 18.21
12 33.57 17.06
13 33.35 16.10
14 34. 3 15.20
15 33.48 15.23
16 32.50 16.31
17 33.10 16.22
18 No observation.
19 32.57 15.55
20 33.51 17.31
21 \
to | At the Cape.
24 /
25 34.02 18.10
26 33.41 15.52
27 31.50 12.39
28 31.36 10.09
29 30.25 8.25
30 28.53 6.55
31 28.00 4.50
April 1 26.13 2.40
2 24.17 0.24
3 22.35 1.29 W.
4 21.01 3.13
5 19.37 4.44
6 18.41 4.22
7 17.15 3.44
8 17.42 5.50
9 18.00 8.53
10 18.12 11.47
11 18.25 14.42
12 18.47 17.13
13 18.55 19.43
14 18.58 22.33
15 19. 9 25.--
16 19.17 26.42
April 17 Lat. 19.12 S. Long. 27.33 W.
18 19.22 28.57
19 19.13 29.36
20 18.49 30.01
21 18.18 30.26
22 17.23 30.56
23 15.52 31.44
24 15.19 32. 6
25 13.59 32. 4
26 13. 5 32.22
27 11.16 32. 6
28 10. 5 31.46
29 8. 9 31.29
30 5.26 30.12
May 1 2.25 30.38
2 00.13 30.41
3 1.43 N. 31.28
4 3.30 32.38
5 5. 6 34.19
6 7.15 36. 7
7 9.40 37.36
8 11.54 38.43
9 14.13 39.43
10 16.43 40.33
11 18.37 41.09
12 20.10 41.25
13 20.33 41.19
14 20.53 41.09
15 21.12 40.55
16 22.05 41.16
17 22.57 41.50
18 24.33 41.57
19 26.32 41.50
20 28.04 41.33
21 29.24 40.42
22 30.25 39.54
23 31.39 38.39
24 33.13 36.49
25 35.51 35.41
26 37.43 33.53
27 38.42 32.50
28 39.23 32.31
29 39.51 (D.R.) 32.25
May 30 Lat. 40.25 N. Long. 30.22 W.
31 40.54 27.15
June 1 41.35 24.15
2 42.07 22.15
3 42.18 20.30
4 42.10 18.04
5 41.58 16.31
6 42.31 15.42
7 43.47 14.12
8 45.45 (D.R.) 12.06
9 47.34 9.07
10 49.18 6.03
11 On this day the Alabama entered Cherbourg harbour.
No. III.
Mr. LAIRD'S SPEECH ON THE ALABAMA.
The following is a full report of Mr. Laird's speech in the
House of Commons on Friday night:--After the discussion that
has taken place about the Alabama, I shall not trouble the
house with many remarks. I can only say, from all I know
and all I have heard, that from the day the vessel was laid down
to her completion everything was open and above-board in this
country. (Cheers.) I also further say that the officers of the
Government had every facility afforded them for inspecting the
ship during the progress of building. When the officers came
to the builders they were shown the ship, and day after day the
customs officers were on board, as they were when she finally
left, and they declared there was nothing wrong. ("Hear,"
from Mr. Bright.) They only left her when the tug left, and
they were obliged to declare that she left Liverpool a perfectly
legitimate transaction. (Hear, hear.) One point has been
overlooked in this discussion. If a ship without guns and without
arms is a dangerous article, surely rifled guns and ammunition
of all sorts are equally--(cheers)--and even more dangerous. (Cheers.)
I have referred to the bills of entry in the custom houses of London
and Liverpool, and I find there have been vast shipments of implements
of war to the Northern States through the celebrated houses of Baring
and Co.--(loud cheers and laughter)--Brown, Shipley and Co., of Liverpool,
and a variety of other names, which I need not more particularly
mention, but whose Northern tendencies are well known to
this house. (Hear, hear.) If the member for Rochdale, or the
honourable member for Bradford, wishes to ascertain the extent
to which the Northern States of America have had supplies of
arms from this country, they have only to go to a gentleman
who, I am sure, will be ready to afford them every information,
and much more readily than he would to me or to any one else
calling upon him--the American consul in Liverpool. Before
that gentleman the manifest of every ship is laid, he has to give
an American pass to each vessel; he is consequently able to
tell the exact number of rifles which have been shipped from this
country for the United States--information, I doubt not, which
would be very generally desired by this house. (Loud cries of
"Hear.") I have obtained from the official custom house returns
some details of the sundries exported from the United Kingdom to the
Northern States of America from the 1st of May, 1861, to the 31st
of December, 1862. There were--muskets, 41,500 (hear, hear); rifles,
341,000 (cheers); gun flints, 26,500; percussion caps, 49,982,000
(cheers and laughter); and swords, 2,250. The best information I could
obtain leads me to believe that from one-third to a half may be added
to these numbers for items which have been shipped to the Northern
States as hardware. (Hear, hear.) I have very good reason
for saying that a vessel of 2,000 tons was chartered six weeks
ago for the express purpose of taking out a cargo of "hardware"
to the United States. (Cheers.) The exportation has not
ceased yet. From the 1st of January to the 17th March, 1863,
the custom bills of entry show that 23,870 gun-barrels, 30,802
rifles, and 3,105,800 percussion caps were shipped to the United
States. (Hear, hear). So that if the Southern States have
got two ships, unarmed, unfit for any purpose of warfare--for
they procured their armaments somewhere else--the Northern
States have been well supplied from this country through the
agency of some most influential persons. (Hear, hear.) Now,
it has been stated--and by way of comparison treated as matter
of complaint--that during the Crimean war the Americans behaved
so well that the honourable member for Bradford and the
member for Birmingham both lauded their action as compared
with that of our own Government. Now, I have heard that a
vessel sailed from the United States to Petropaulovski. (Cries
of "Name.") If honourable members will allow me I will go
on, and first I propose to read an extract from the _Times_, written
by their correspondent at San Francisco, dated the 29th of
January, 1863:--
"Now, this case of the Alabama illustrates the saying that
a certain class should have a good memory. During the Crimean war,
a man-of-war (called the America, if I remember) was built in America
for the Russian Government, and brought out to the Pacific, filled with
arms and munitions, by an officer in the United States navy. This
gentleman took her to Petropaulovski, where she did service against
the allied squadron, and she is still in the Russian navy. (Cries of 'No,'
and 'Hear, hear.') We made no such childish fuss about this act
of 'hostility' by a friendly Power, which we could not prevent,
as our friends are now making about the Alabama, whose departure
from England our Government could not stop."
The America was commanded by a Lieutenant Hudson, who--if
my information be correct, and I have no doubt that it is--was
then, or had been just previously, a lieutenant in the American
navy; he was the son of a most distinguished officer in the
same service, Captain Hudson. I am further informed that
some doubts having arisen about the character of this ship, the
American men-of-war in the different ports she called at protected
her; and, on her arrival in Russia, the captain who took
her out was, I know, very handsomely rewarded for his services.
(Hear, hear.) Now, I will go a step further about the Northern
States. In 1861, just after the war broke out, a friend of
mine, whom I have known for many years, was over here, and
came to me with a view of getting vessels built in this country
for the American Government--the Northern Government. (Hear, hear.)
Its agents in this country made inquiries; plans and estimates were
given to my friend, and transmitted to the Secretary of the American
Navy. I will read an abstract from this gentleman's letter, dated the
30th of July, 1861. It is written from Washington, and states--
"Since my arrival here I have had frequent interviews with
our 'Department of Naval Affairs,' and am happy to say that
the Minister of the Navy is inclined to have an iron-plated ship
built out of the country. (Hear, hear.) This ship is designed
for a specific purpose, to accomplish a definite object. I send
you herewith a memorandum handed me last evening from the
department, with the request that I would send it to you by
steamer's mail of to-morrow, and to ask your immediate reply,
stating if you will agree to build such a ship as desired, how
soon, and for how much, with such plans and specifications as
you may deem it best to send me."
(Loud cheers.) The extract from the memorandum states
that "the ship is to be finished complete, with guns and everything
appertaining." (Renewed cheering and laughter.) On the 14th of August
I received another letter from the same gentleman, from which the
following is an extract:
"I have this morning a note from the Assistant-Secretary
of the Navy, in which he says, 'I hope your friends will tender
for the two-iron plated steamers.'" (Hear, hear.) After this,
the firm with which I was lately connected, having made contracts
to a large extent with other persons, stated that they were
not in a position to undertake any orders to be done in so short
a time. This was the reply:
"I sent your last letter, received yesterday, to the Secretary
of the Navy, who was very desirous to have you build the iron-plated
or bomb-proof batteries, and I trust that he may yet decide
to have you build one or more of the gunboats."
(Loud cheers.) I think, perhaps, in the present state of the
law in America, I shall not be asked to give the name of my
correspondent (hear), but he is a gentleman of the highest respectability.
If any honourable member wishes, I should have no hesitation in handing
the whole correspondence, with the original letters, into the hands of
you, sir, or the First Minister of the Crown, in strict confidence,
because there are communications in these letters respecting the views
of the American Government which I certainly should not divulge, which
I have not mentioned or alluded to before. But seeing that the American
Government are making so much work about other parties,
whom they charge with violating or evading the law, though in
reality they have not done so, I think it only fair to state those
facts. (Cheers.) As I said before, they are facts. (Hear,
hear.) I do not feel at liberty to state those points to which I
have referred, as being of a confidential character, but, if any
honourable gentleman feels a doubt regarding the accuracy of
what I have stated, I shall feel happy to place the documents in
the hands of the Speaker, or of the First Minister of the Crown,
when he will see that they substantiate much more than I have
stated. (Cheers.) I do not wish to occupy the House longer;
but I must say this, that to talk of freedom in a land like the
Northern States of America is an absurdity. Almost every
detective that can be got hold of in this country is employed.
(Hear, hear.) I believe there are spies in my son's works in
Birkenhead, and in all the great establishments in the country.
A friend of mine had detectives regularly on his track in consequence
of some circumstances connected with his vessels. If that be freedom,
I think we had better remain in the position in which we now are.
(Cheers and laughter.) In conclusion, I will allude to a remark which
was made elsewhere last night--a remark, I presume, applying to me or
to somebody else, which was utterly uncalled for. (Hear.) I have only
to say that I would rather be handed down to posterity as the builder of a
dozen Alabamas than as the man who applies himself deliberately
to set class against class (loud cheers), and to cry up the institutions
of another country, which, when they come to be tested, are of no value
whatever, and which reduce liberty to an utter absurdity. (Cheers.)
No. IV.
THE ENGAGEMENT WITH THE HATTERAS.
_From the Journal of an Officer of the_ ALABAMA.
_Sunday, 11th._--Fine moderate breeze from the eastward.
Read Articles of War. Noon: Eighteen miles from Galveston.
As I write this some are discussing the probability of a fight
before morning. 2.25 P.M.: Light breeze; sail discovered by
the look-out on the bow. Shortly after, three, and at last five,
vessels were seen; two of which were reported to be steamers.
Every one delighted at the prospect of a fight, no doubt whatever
existing as to their being war-vessels--blockaders we supposed.
The watch below came on deck, and of their own accord began preparing
the guns, &c., for action. Those whose watch it was on deck were engaged
in getting the propeller ready for lowering; others were bending a cable
to a kedge and putting it over the bow--the engineers firing up for steam,
officers looking to their side-arms, &c., and discussing the size of
their expected adversary or adversaries. At 2.30 shortened sail
and tacked to the southward. 4 P.M.: A steamer reported
standing out from the fleet toward us. Backed maintopsail and
lowered propeller. 4.50: Every thing reported ready for action.
Chase bearing N.N.E., distant ten miles. Twilight set in about
5.45. Took in all sail. At 6.20 beat up to quarters, manned
the starboard battery, and loaded with five second shell; turned
round, stood for the steamer, having previously made her out to
be a two-masted side-wheel, of apparent 1,200 tons, though at
the distance she was before dark we could not form any correct
estimate of her size, &c.
At 6.30 the strange steamer hailed and asked, "What
steamer is that?" We replied (in order to be certain who he
was), "Her Majesty's ship Petrel! What steamer is that?"
Two or three times we asked the question, until we heard,
"This is the United States steamer----," not hearing the
name. However, United States steamer was sufficient. As no
doubt existed as to her character, we said, at 6.35, that this was
the "Confederate States steamer, Alabama," accompanying the
last syllable of our name with a shell fired over him. The signal
being given, the other guns took up the refrain, and a tremendous
volley from our whole broadside given to him, every shell striking
his side, the shot striking being distinctly heard on board our vessel,
and thus found that she was iron.
The enemy replied, and the action became general. A most
sharp spirited firing was kept up on both sides, our fellows peppering
away as though the action depended on each individual. And so it did.
Pistols and rifles were continually pouring from our quarter-deck
messengers most deadly, the distance during the hottest of the fight
not being more than forty yards! It was a grand, though fearful sight,
to see the guns belching forth, in the darkness of the night, sheets of
living flame, the deadly missiles striking the enemy with a force that
we could _feel_. Then, when the shells struck her sides, especially the
percussion ones, her whole side was lit up, and showing rents of five or
six feet in length. One shot had just struck our smoke-stack, and wounding
one man in the cheek, when the enemy ceased his firing, and
fired a lee gun; then a second, and a third. The order was
given to "Cease firing." This was at 6.52. A tremendous
cheering commenced, and it was not till everybody had cleared
his throat to his own satisfaction, that silence could be obtained.
We then hailed him, and in reply he stated that he had surrendered,
was on fire, and also that he was in a sinking condition. He
then sent a boat on board, and surrendered the U.S. gunboat,
Hatteras, nine guns, Lieutenant-Commander Blake, 140 men.
Boats were immediately lowered and sent to his assistance, when
an alarm was given that another steamer was bearing down for
us. The boats were recalled and hoisted up, when it was found
to be a false alarm. The order was given, and the boatswain
and his mates piped "All hands out boats to save life;" and soon
the prisoners were transferred to our ship--the officers under
guard on the quarter deck, and the men in single irons. The
boats were then hoisted up, the battery run in and secured, and
the main brace spliced. All hands piped down, the enemy's
vessel sunk, and we steaming quietly away by 8.30, all having
been done in less than two hours. In fact, had it not been for
our having the prisoners on board, we would have sworn nothing
unusual had taken place--the watch below quietly sleeping in
their hammocks. The conduct of our men was truly commendable.
No flurry, no noise--all calm and determined. The coolness
displayed by them could not be surpassed by any old veterans--our
chief boatswain's mate apparently in his glory. "Sponge!"--"Load
with cartridge!"--"Shell-fire seconds!"--"Runout!"--"Well,
down compressors!"--"Left, traverse!"--"Well!"--"Ready!"--"Fire!"--"That's
into you!"--"Damn you! that kills your pig!"--"That stops your wind!"
&c., &c., was uttered as each shot was heard to strike with a crash that
nearly deafened you. The other boatswain's mate seemed equally to
enjoy the affair. As he got his gun to bear upon the enemy, he
would take aim, and banging away, would plug her, exclaiming,
as each shot told--"That's from the scum of England!"--"That's
a British pill for you to swallow!" the New York papers
having once stated that our men were the "scum of England."
All other guns were served with equal precision. We were
struck seven times; only one man being hurt during the engagement,
and he only received a flesh-wound in the cheek. One shot
struck under the counter, penetrating as far as a timber, then
glancing off; a second struck the funnel; a third going through
the side across the berth-deck, and into the opposite side; another
raising the deuce in the lamp room; the others lodging in the
coal-bunkers. Taking a shell up and examining it, we found it
filled with sand instead of powder. The enemy's fire was directed
chiefly towards our stern, the shots flying pretty quick over
the quarter-deck, near to where our Captain was standing. As
they came whizzing over him, he, with his usual coolness, would
exclaim--"Give it to the rascals!"--"Aim low, men!"--"Don't
be all night sinking that fellow!" when for all or anything we knew,
she might have been an iron-clad or a ram.
On Commander Blake surrendering his sword, he said that
"it was with deep regret he did it." Captain Semmes smacked
his lips and invited him down to his cabin. On Blake giving his
rank to Captain Semmes, he gave up his state-room for Blake's
special use, the rest of the officers being accommodated according
to their rank in the wardroom and steerages, all having previously
been paroled, the crew being placed on the berth-deck, our
men sleeping anywhere, so that the prisoners might take their
places. Of the enemy's loss we could obtain no correct accounts,
a difference of seventeen being in their number of killed, the
Hatteras having on board men she was going to transfer to other
ships. Their acknowledged loss was only two killed and seven
wounded. A boat had been lowered just before the action to
board us; as we anticipated, and learnt afterwards, it pulled in
for the fleet and reached Galveston. From conversation with
her First-Lieutenant, I learnt that as soon as we gave our name
and our first broadside, the whole after division on board her left
the guns, apparently paralyzed; it was some time before they
recovered themselves. The conduct of one of her officers was
cowardly and disgraceful in the extreme. Some of our shells
went completely through her before exploding, others burst inside
her, and set her on fire in three places. One went through
her engines, completely disabling her; another exploding in her
steam chest, scalding all within reach. Thus was fought, twenty-eight
miles from Galveston, a battle, though small, yet the first
yard-arm action between two steamers at sea. She was only
inferior in weight of metal--her guns being nine in number, viz.,
four thirty-two pounders, two rifled thirty pounders, carrying
60lb. shot (conical), one rifled twenty pounder, and a couple of
small twelve pounders. On account of the conflicting statements
made by her officers, we could never arrive at a correct estimate
of her crew. Our prisoners numbered seventeen officers, one
hundred and one seamen. We further learnt that the Hatteras
was one of seven vessels sent to recapture Galveston, it being
(although unknown to us) in the possession of our troops. We
also found that the flag-ship Brooklyn, twenty-two guns, and the
Oneida, nine guns, sailed in search of us. By their account of
the course they steered they could not fail to have seen us.
No. V.
THE ALABAMA IN TABLE BAY.
[From the _Cape Argus._]
_August 6th, 1863._
Yesterday, at almost noon, a steamer from the northward
was made down from the signal-post, Lion's-hill. The Governor
had, on the previous day, received a letter from Captain
Semmes, dated Saldanha Bay, informing his Excellency that the
gallant captain had put his ship into Saldanha Bay for repairs.
This letter had been made public in the morning, and had caused
no little excitement. Cape Town, that has been more than
dull--that has been dismal for months, thinking and talking of
nothing but bankruptcies--bankruptcies fraudulent and bankruptcies
unavoidable--was now all astir, full of life and motion.
The stoop of the Commercial Exchange was crowded with merchants,
knots of citizens were collected at the corner of every
street; business was almost, if not altogether suspended. All
that could be gleaned, in addition to the information in Captain
Semmes' letter to the Governor, a copy of which was sent to the
United States Consul immediately it was received, was that the
schooner Atlas had just returned from Malagas Island, where
she had been with water and vegetables for men collecting guanos
there. Captain Boyce, the master of the Atlas, reported that he
had himself actually seen the steamer Alabama; a boat from
the steamer had boarded his vessel, and he had been on board
her. His report of Captain Semmes corroborated that given by
every one else. He said the captain was most courteous and
gentlemanly. He asked Captain Boyce to land thirty prisoners
for him in Table Bay, with which request Captain Boyce was
unable to comply. Captain Semmes said that the Florida was
also a short distance off the Cape, and that the Alabama, when
she had completed her repairs, and was cleaned and painted,
would pay Table Bay a visit. He expected to be there, he said,
very nearly as soon as the Atlas.
Shortly after the Atlas arrived, a boat brought up some of
the prisoners from Saldanha Bay, and amongst them one of the
crew of the Alabama, who said he had left the ship. All these
waited on the United States Consul, but were unable to give
much information beyond what we had already received. The
news that the Alabama was coming into Table Bay, and would
probably arrive about four o'clock this afternoon, added to the
excitement. About noon a steamer from the north-west was
made known by the signal-man on the hill. Could this be the
Alabama? or was it the Hydaspes, from India, or the Lady
Jocelyn, from England? All three were now hourly expected,
and the city was in doubt. Just after one it was made down,
"CONFEDERATE STEAMER ALABAMA, FROM THE N.W., AND FEDERAL BARQUE
FROM THE S.E." Here was to be a capture by the celebrated Confederate
craft, close to the entrance of Table Bay. The inhabitants rushed off
to get a sight. Crowds of people ran up the Lion's-hill, and to the
Kloof-road. All the cabs were chartered--every one of them; there was
no cavilling about fares; the cabs were taken and no questions asked,
but orders were given to drive as hard as possible. The barque
coming in from the south-east, and, as the signal-man made
down, five miles off; the steamer, coming in from the north-west,
eight miles off, led us to think that the Kloof-road was the best
place for a full view. To that place we directed our Jehu to
drive furiously. We did the first mile in a short time; but the
Kloof-hill for the next two and-a-half miles is up-hill work.
The horse jibbed, so we pushed on, on foot, as fast as possible,
and left the cab to come on. When we reached the summit, we
could only make out a steamer on the horizon, from eighteen to
twenty miles off. This could not be the Alabama, unless she
was making off to sea again. There was no barque. As soon
as our cab reached the crown of the hill, we set off at a breakneck
pace down the hill, on past the Roundhouse, till we came
near Brighton, and as we reached the corner, there lay the Alabama
within fifty yards of the unfortunate Yankee. As the Yankee came round
from the south-east, and about five miles from the bay, the steamer
came down upon her. The Yankee was evidently taken by surprise. The
Alabama fired a gun, and brought her to. When first we got sight of the
Alabama, it was difficult to make out what she was doing; the barque's
head had been put about, and the Alabama lay off quite immovable, as if
she were taking a sight at the "varmint!" The weather was
beautifully calm and clear, and the sea was as smooth and transparent
as a sheet of glass. The barque was making her way slowly from the steamer,
with every bit of her canvas spread. The Alabama, with her steam off,
appeared to be letting the barque get clear off. What could this mean?
no one understood. It must be the Alabama. "There," said the spectators,
"is the Confederate flag at her peak; it must be a Federal
barque, too, for there are the Stars and the Stripes of the States
flying at her main." What could the Alabama mean lying there--
"As idly as a painted ship
Upon a painted ocean."
What it meant was soon seen. Like a cat watching and playing with a
victimized mouse, Captain Semmes permitted his prize to draw off a few
yards, and he then up steam again, and pounced upon her. She first
sailed round the Yankee from stem to stern, and stern to stem again. The
way that fine, saucy, rakish craft was handled was worth riding a
hundred miles to see. She went round the bark like a toy, making a
complete circle, and leaving an even margin of water between herself and
her prize of not more than twenty yards. From the hill it appeared as if
there were no water at all between the two vessels. This done, she sent
a boat with the prize crew off, took possession in the name of the
Confederate States, and sent the barque off to sea. The Alabama then
made for the port.
We came round the Kloof to visit Captain Semmes on board. As we came we
found the heights overlooking Table Bay covered with people; the road to
Green Point lined with cabs. The windows of the villas at the bottom of
the hill were all thrown up, and ladies waved their handkerchiefs, and
one and all joined in the general enthusiasm; over the quarries, along
the Malay burying-ground, the Gallows Hill, and the beach, there were
masses of people--nothing but a sea of heads as far as the eye could
reach. Along Strand Street and Adderley Street the roofs of all the
houses from which Table Bay is overlooked, were made available as
standing-places for the people who could not get boats to go off to her.
The central, the north, the south, and the coaling jetties, were all
crowded. At the central jetty it was almost impossible to force one's
way through to get a boat. However, all in good time, we did get a boat,
and went off in the midst of dingies, cargo-boats, gigs and wherries,
all as full as they could hold. Nearly all the city was upon the bay;
the rowing clubs in uniform pulled off with favoured members of their
respective clubs on board. The crews feathered their oars in
double-quick time, and their pulling, our "stroke" declared, was "a
caution, and no mistake." Just before getting alongside, we passed
Captain Wilson in the port-boat, who told us that the prize taken was
the Sea Bride, and that there was no difficulty in hearing from Captain
Semmes himself the whole story of the capture. We passed the Federal
barque Urania at her anchorage, and that ship, disregardful of the
privateer, sported all her bunting with becoming pluck. The Stars and
Stripes floated defiantly from her-mizen peak, and her name from her
main. On getting alongside the Alabama, we found about a dozen boats
before us, and we had not been on board five minutes before she was
surrounded by nearly every boat in Table Bay, and as boat after boat
arrived, three hearty cheers were given for Captain Semmes and his
gallant privateer. This, upon the part of a neutral people, is,
perchance, wrong; but we are not arguing a case--we are recording facts.
They did cheer, and cheer with a will, too. It was not, perhaps, taking
the view of either side, Federal or Confederate, but in admiration of
the skill, pluck, and daring of the Alabama, her captain, and her crew,
who now afford a general theme of admiration for the world all over.
Visitors were received by the officers of the ship most courteously, and
without distinction, and the officers conversed freely and unreservedly
of their exploits. There was nothing like brag in their manner of
answering questions put to them. They are as fine and gentlemanly a set
of fellows as ever we saw; most of them young men. The ship has been so
frequently described, that most people know what she is like, as we do
who have seen her. We should have known her to be the Alabama if we had
boarded her in the midst of the ocean, with no one to introduce us to
each other. Her guns alone are worth going off to see, and everything
about her speaks highly for the seamanship and discipline of the
commander and his officers. She has a very large crew, fine,
lithe-looking fellows, the very picture of English men-of-war's men.
The second officer told us that it was the Sea Bride they had captured,
and pointed out her captain, who stood aft conversing with a number of
people who had gathered round him. "This, sir," said the officer, "is
our fifty-sixth capture; we have sent her off with about ten of our men
as a crew, and we left a few of her own men on board of her." We asked
him how he liked Saldanha Bay, and his answer was, "It is a very
charming place. Why did you not build Cape Town there?" Our answer was,
"Because we never do anything properly at the Cape." "Ah, sir!" he said;
"that is a great mistake to leave so fine a bay without harbor
conveniences. It is a great deal better than Table Bay. We enjoyed
ourselves capitally there, had some good shooting; one of us shot an
ostrich, a fine fellow, but he got away. Unfortunately, we lost one of
our officers there--one whom we all respected--as fine an officer as
ever trod this ship's deck. He was in a boat in the bay, shooting wild
fowl; he drew his gun towards him, the barrel in his hand; the trigger
caught, the charge passed through his lung, and his only dying words
were, 'Oh, me!' and he fell back a corpse. But for that circumstance, we
should always remember Saldanha Bay with pleasure. The gun was within an
inch of his breast when it went off."