FISH COMMERCE.
Early Fish Commerce—Sale of Fresh-water Fish—Cured Fish—Influence
of Rapid Transit on the Fisheries—Fish-ponds—The Logan Pond—Ancient
Fishing Industries—The Dutch Herring Fishing—Comacchio—the Art
of Breeding Eels—Progress of Fishing in Scotland—A Scottish
Buss—Newfoundland Fisheries—The Greenland Whale Fishing—Speciality of
different Fishing Towns—The General Sea Fisheries of France—French
Fish Commerce—Statistics of the British Fisheries.
There was a time when man only killed the denizens of the deep in order
to supply his own immediate wants, and it is very much to be regretted,
in the face of the extensive fish commerce now carried on, that no
reliable documents exist from which to write a consecutive history of
the rise and progress of fishing.
In the absence of precise information, it may be allowed us to guess
that even during the far back ages fish was esteemed as an article of
diet, and formed an important contribution to the food resources of
such peoples as had access to the sea, or who could obtain the finny
inhabitants of the deep by purchase or barter. In the Old and New
Testaments, and in various ancient profane histories, fish and fishing
are mentioned very frequently; and in what may be called modern times a
few scattered dates, indicating the progress of the sea fisheries, may,
by the exercise of great industry and research, be collected; but these
are not in any sense consecutive, or indeed very reliable, so that we
are, as it were, compelled to imagine the progress of fish commerce,
and to picture in our mind’s eye its transition from the period when
the mere satisfaction of individual wants was all that was cared for,
to a time when fish began to be bartered for land goods—such as farm,
dairy, and garden produce—and to trace, as we best can, that commerce
through these obscure periods to the present time, when the fisheries
form a prominent outlet for capital, are a large source of national
revenue, and are attracting, because of these qualities, an amount of
attention never before bestowed upon them.
Fish commerce being an industry naturally arising out of the immediate
wants of mankind, has unfortunately, as regards the article dealt in,
been invested with an amount of exaggeration that has no parallel
in other branches of industry. Blunders perpetrated long ago in
Encyclopædias and other works, when the life and habits of all kinds
of fish, from the want of investigation, were but little understood,
have been, with those additions which under such circumstances always
accumulate, handed down to the present day, so that even now we are
carrying on some of our fisheries on altogether false assumptions, and
in many cases evidently killing the goose for the sake of the golden
egg: in other words, never dreaming that there will be a fishing
to-morrow, which must be as important, or even more important, than the
fishing of to-day, beyond which the fisher class as a rule never look.
It is curious to note that there was in most countries a commerce
in fresh-water fish long before the food treasures of the sea were
broken upon. This is particularly noticeable in our own country, and
is vouched for by many authorities both at home and abroad. We can all
imagine also, that in the prehistoric or very early ages, when the
land was untilled and virgin, and the earth was undrained, there were
sources for the supply of fresh-water fish that do not now exist in
consequence of the enhanced value of land. At the period to which I
have been alluding there was a much greater water surface than there
is now—rivers were broader and deeper, and so also were our lakes and
marshes. In those early days, although not so early as the remote
uncultivated age of which I have spoken, there were great inland stews
populous with fish, especially in connection with monasteries and other
religious houses, many examples of which, in their remains, are still
to be seen in England or on the Continent. In fact, fish commerce, in
despite of many curious industries connected with the productiveness
of the fisheries, was not really developed till a few years ago, when
the railway system of carriage began. Even up to the time of George
Stephenson commerce in fish was generally speaking a purely local
business, except in so far as the fishwives could extend the trade by
carrying the contents of their husbands’ boats away inland, in order,
as in the still more primitive times, to barter the fish for other
produce. The fishermen of Comacchio, for instance, still cure their
eels, because they have not the means of sending them so rapidly into
the interior of Italy as would admit of their being eaten fresh. Scotch
salmon in the beginning of the present century was nearly all kippered
or cured as soon as caught, because the demand for the fresh fish was
only local, and therefore limited. With the discovery that salmon by
being packed in ice could be kept a long time fresh, the trade began to
extend and the price to rise. This discovery, which exercised a very
important influence on the value of our salmon-fisheries, was made by a
country gentleman of Scotland, Mr. Dempster of Dunnichen, in the year
1780. Steamboat and railway transit, when they became general, at once
converted salmon into a valuable commodity; and such is now the demand,
from facility of transport, that this particular fish, from its great
individual value, has been lately in some danger of being exterminated
through the greed of the fishery tenants; indeed, it cannot be said
that it is yet safe, for every tenant thinks it legitimate to kill all
the fish he can see.
The network of railways which now encircles the land has conferred
upon our inland towns, so far as fish is concerned, all the advantages
of the coast. For instance, the fishermen of Prestonpans send more
of their fish to Manchester than to Edinburgh, which is only nine
miles distant: indeed our most landward cities are comparatively
well supplied with fresh fish and crustacea, while at the seaside
these delicacies are not at all plentiful. The Newhaven fishwife is
a common visitant in many of our larger Scottish inland towns, being
able by means of the railway to take a profitable journey; indeed,
one consequence of the extension of our railways has undoubtedly been
to add enormously to the demand for sea produce, and to excite the
ingenuity of our seafaring population to still greater cunning and
industry in the capture of all kinds of fish. In former years, when a
large haul of fish was taken there was no means of despatching them to
a distance, neither was there a resident population to consume what was
caught. Railways not being then in existence, the conveyance inland
was too slow for a perishable commodity like fish, and visitors to the
seaside were also rarer than at present. The want of a population to
eat the fish no doubt aided the comfortable delusion of our supplies
being inexhaustible. But it is now an undoubted fact, that with
railways branching out to every pier and quay, our densely-populated
inland towns are better supplied with fish than the villages where
they are caught—a result of that keen competition which has at length
become so noticeable where fish, oysters, or other sea delicacies are
concerned. The high prices now obtained form an inducement to the
fishermen to take from the water all they can get, whether the fish
be ripe for food or not. A practical fisherman, whom I have often
consulted on these topics, says that forty years ago the slow system of
carriage was a sure preventive of overfishing, as fish, to be valuable
for table purposes, require to be fresh. “It’s the railways that has
done all the mischief, sir, depend on that; and as for the fishing,
sir, it’s going on at such a rate that there will very soon be a
complete famine. I’ve seen more fish caught in a day, sir, with a score
of hooks on a line than can now be got with eight thousand!”
[Illustration]
As to fish-ponds: at the time indicated it was quite usual for noblemen
and other country gentlemen to have fish-ponds; in fact, a fish-pond
was as necessary an adjunct of a large country house as its vegetable
or fruit garden. These ponds, as the foregoing sketch will show, were
of the most simple kind, and were often enough constructed by merely
stopping a little stream at some suitable place, and so forming a
couple of artificial lakes, in which were placed a few large stones,
or two or three bits of artificial rock-work, so constructed as to
afford shelter to the fish. There being in those days no railways or
other speedy conveyance, there arose a necessity for fish-ponds to
persons who were in the habit of entertaining guests or giving great
dinner-parties; hence also the multiplicity of recipes in our older
cookery-books for the dressing of all kinds of fresh-water fishes;
besides, in the very ancient times, that is before the Reformation,
when Roman Catholicism required a rigorous observance of the various
church fasts, a fish-pond near every cathedral city, and in the
precincts of every monastery, was a _sine qua non_. The varieties of
fish bred in these ponds were necessarily very limited, being usually
carp, some of which, however, grew to a very large size. There are
traces also of some of our curious and valuable fishes having been
introduced into this country during those old monastic times. Thus it
is thought, as has been already stated, that the celebrated trout of
Lochleven may have been introduced from foreign parts by some of the
ancient monks who had a taste for gastronomy. The celebrated vendace of
Lochmaben is likewise supposed to have been introduced in the same way
from some continental fishery.
As I have already shown, most of the fish-ponds of these remote times
were quite primitive in their construction—very similar, in fact, to
the beautiful trout-pond that may any day be seen at Wolfsbrunnen, near
Heidelberg. There were no doubt ponds of large extent and of elaborate
construction, but these were comparatively rare; and even on the very
sea-coast we used to have ponds or storing-places for sea fish. One of
these is still in existence: I allude to Logan Pond in Galloway. This
is only used as a place for keeping fish so as to have them attainable
for table uses without the family having to depend on the state of the
weather. This particular pond is not an artificially-constructed one,
but has been improved out of the natural surrounding of the place. It
is a basin, formed in the solid rock, ten yards in depth, and having
a circumference of one hundred and sixty feet. It is used chiefly as a
preserve to ensure a constant supply of fish, which are taken in the
neighbouring bay when the weather is fine, and transferred to the pond,
which communicates with the sea by a narrow passage. It is generally
well stocked with cod, haddock, and flat fish, which in the course
of time become very tame; and I regret to say, from want of proper
shelter, most of the animals become blind. The fish have of course to
be fed, and they partake greedily, even from the hand of their keeper,
of the mass of boiled mussels, limpets, whelks, etc., with which they
are fed, and their flavour is really unexceptionable.
Coming back, however, to the subject of fresh-water fish-ponds, it
may be stated that at one time some very large but simply-constructed
fish-ponds, or stews as they were then called, existed in various parts
of England, but that, as the commerce in sea fish gradually extended,
these were given up, except as adjuncts to the amenities of gentlemen’s
pleasure-grounds. Ornamental canals and fish-ponds are not at all
uncommon in the parks of our country gentlemen, although they are not
required for fish-breeding purposes, as the fast London or provincial
trains carry baskets of fish to a distance of one hundred miles in a
very few hours, so that a turbot or whiting is in excellent condition
for a late dinner.
All the ancient fishing industries, whether those that still exist or
those that are extinct, except in their remains, bear traces of the
times in which they originated. Pisciculture (which I shall describe at
some length by and by) arose at a very ancient period, and was chiefly
resorted to in connection with fresh-water fishes—the ova of such being
the most readily obtainable; or with the mollusca, as these could
bear a long transport, having a reservoir of water in their shell.
The sea fishers of the olden time dealt with the fish for the purpose
of their being cured with salt or otherwise, simply, as has already
been stated, because of the scarcity of rapid land carriage and a
comparatively scanty local population.
[Illustration: PACKING HERRINGS.]
The particular fishing industry which has bulked largest in literature,
and which was pursued after a systematic fashion, is, or rather was,
that of the Dutch, for Holland does not at present make her mark so
largely on the waters as she was wont to do, being at present far
surpassed in fishing enterprise by Scotland and other countries. The
particular fish coveted by the Dutch people was the herring, and I have
recently had the pleasure of examining a set of engravings procured in
Amsterdam, that convey a graphic idea of the great importance that was
attached by the Dutch themselves to their herring-fishery. This series
of sixteen peculiarly Dutch plates begins at the beginning of the
fishery, as is indeed proper it should, by showing us a party busy at a
seaside cottage knitting the herring nets; one or two busses are seen
in the distance busy at work. We are then shown, on the banks of one
of the numerous Dutch canals, a lot of quaint-looking coopers engaged
in preparing the barrels, while next in order comes a representation
of the preparing and victualing of the buss, which is surrounded by
small boats, and crowded with an active population all engaged in
getting the vessel ready for sea—barrels of provisions, breadths of
netting, and various necessaries, are being got on board. Then follow
plates, of which the foregoing is a specimen, showing us the equipment
of various other kinds of boats, which again are succeeded by a view
of the busses among the shoals of herring, the big mast struck, most
of the sails furled, and the men busy hauling in the nets, which are
of course, as is fitting in a picture, laden with fish. Various other
boats are also shown at work, as the great hoy, a one-masted vessel,
that is apparently furnished with a seine-net, and the great double
shore or sea-boar, which is an open boat. Then we have the herring-buss
coming gallantly into the harbour, with its sails all set and its flags
all flying—its hull deep in the water, which seems to frolic lovingly
round its prow as if glad at its safe return. Next, of course, there is
a scene on the shore, where the pompous-looking curer and his servants
are seen congratulating each other amid the bustle of surrounding
commerce and labour; dealers, too, are figured in these engravings,
with their wheelbarrows drawn by dogs of unmistakable Dutch build, and
there are also to be seen in the picture many other elements of that
industry peculiar to all fishing towns, whether ancient or modern.
The next scene of this fishing panorama is the herring banquet or
feast, where the king, or mayhap the rich owner of a fleet of busses,
sits grandly at table, with his wife and daughter, attended by a butler
and a black footman, partaking of the first fruits of the fishery.
After this follows a view of the fishmarket, with portraits of the
fishwives, and altogether thoroughly indicative of their peculiar
way of doing business, which is always the same, whether the scene
be laid in ancient Holland or in modern Billingsgate. Next comes a
picture of the various buyers of the commodity on their way home,
of course by the side of a canal, with their purchases of deep-sea,
shore, state, and red herrings. The next scene of the series is a
smoking-house, partially obscured by wreaths of smoke, where the
herrings are being red-ed; and the series is appropriately wound up
with a tableau representing the important process of repairing the
damaged nets—the whole conveying a really graphic, although not very
artistic, delineation of this highly characteristic Dutch industry. A
few plates illustrative of the whale-fisheries of Holland are appended
to the series I have been describing—for whale-fishing in the seas
of Greenland was also in those days one of the industries of the
hardworking Dutch.
The old saying that Amsterdam was built on herring bones frequently
used to symbolise the fishing power of Holland. It is thought that
the industry of the Dutch people was first drawn to the value of
the sea fisheries by the settlement of some Scottish fishermen in
their country. I cannot vouch for the truth of this statement as to
the Scottish emigration, but I believe it was a Fleming who first
discovered the virtues of pickled herrings, and it is also known that
the capture of the herring was a chief industry on the sea-board of
all the Low Countries, and it is likewise instructive to learn that
at a time when our own fisheries were very much undeveloped the Dutch
people found our seas to be a mine of gold, so productive were they in
fish, and so famous did the Dutch cure of herrings become. We are not
called on, however, to credit all the stories of miraculous draughts
taken, and store of wealth garnered up, by the plodding Hollanders.
We must bear in mind that when the Dutch began to fish the seas as
a field of industry were nearly virgin, and that that people had
at one time this great source of wealth all to themselves. At that
particular period, likewise, there was no limit to the supply, the
fishermen having but to dip their nets in the water in order to have
them filled. No wonder, therefore, that the fisheries of Holland grew
into a prominent industry, and became at one time the one absorbing
hobby of the nation. Busses in large fleets were fitted out and
manned, till in time the Dutch came to be reputed as the greatest
fishers in the world. But great as was the fishing industry of those
days in Holland, and industrious as the Dutch undoubtedly were, it is
evident that there has been a considerable amount of exaggeration as
to the results, more especially in regard to the enormous quantities
of fish that are said to have been captured and cured. But whatever
this total might be was not of great consequence. The mere quantity of
fish caught is perhaps, although a considerable one, the smallest of
the many benefits conferred on a nation by an energetic pursuit of its
fisheries. The fishermen must have boats, and these must be fitted with
sails, rigging, etc.; and, moreover, the boats must be manned by an
efficient crew; then the curing and sale of the fish give employment to
a large number of people as well; whilst the articles of cure—as salt,
barrels, etc.—must of necessity be largely provided, and are all of
them the result of some kind of trained industry: and all these varied
circumstances of demand combine to feed the particular industrial
pursuit I am describing. And the fisheries provide, besides, a grand
nursery for seamen, which is, perhaps, in a country like ours, having a
powerful navy, the greatest of all the benefits conferred.
I have taken the pains to collate as many of the figures of the Dutch
fishery as I could collect during an industrious search, and I find
that, in the zenith of its prosperity, after the proclamation of the
independence of the States of Holland, three thousand boats were
employed in her own bays, while sixteen hundred herring busses fished
industriously in British waters, while eight hundred larger vessels
prosecuted the cod and whale fisheries at remote distances. In the
year 1603 we are informed that the Dutch sold herrings to the amount
of £4,759,000, besides what they themselves consumed. We are also told
that in 1618 they had twelve thousand vessels engaged in this branch of
the fishery, and that these ships employed about two hundred thousand
men. It must have been a splendid sight, on every 24th of June, to
witness the departure of the great fleet from the Texel; and as most of
the Dutch people were more or less interested in the prosperity of the
fishery, either as labourers or employers of labour, there would be no
lack of spectators on these occasions. The Wick herring drave of twelve
hundred boats is, as I will by and by endeavour to show, an industrial
sight of no common kind, but it must give way before the picturesque
fleet of Holland, as it sailed away from the Texel about three hundred
years ago.
Long before the organisation of the Dutch fisheries there existed a
quaint colony of Italian fisher people on the borders of a more poetic
water than the Zuyder Zee. I allude to the eel-breeders of Comacchio on
the Adriatic. This particular fishing industry is of very considerable
antiquity, as we have well-authenticated statistics of its produce,
extending back over three centuries. The lagoons of Comacchio afford
a curious example of what may be done by design and labour. This
place was at one time a great unproductive swamp, about one hundred
and forty miles in circumference, accessible to the waves of the sea,
where eels, leeches, and the other inhabitants of such watery regions,
sported about unmolested by the hand of man; and its inhabitants—the
descendants of those who first populated its various islands—isolated
from the surrounding civilisation, and devoid of ambition, have long
been contented with their obscure lot, and have even remained to this
day without establishing any direct communication with surrounding
countries.
The precise date at which the great lagoon of Comacchio was formed into
a fish-pond is not known, but so early as the year 1229 the inhabitants
of the place—a community of fishers as quaint, superstitious, and
peculiar as those of Buckie on the Moray Firth, or any other ancient
Scottish fishing port—proclaimed Prince Azzo d’Este Lord of Comacchio;
and from the time of this appointment the place grew in prosperity, and
the fisheries from that date began to assume an organisation and design
which had not before that time been their characteristic. The waters
of the lagoon were dyked out from those of the Adriatic, and a series
of canals and pools were formed suitable for the requirements of the
peculiar fishery carried on at the place, all of which operations were
greatly facilitated by the Reno and Volano mouths of the Po forming
the side boundaries of the great swamp; and, as a chief feature of the
place, the marvellous fish labyrinth celebrated by Tasso still exists.
Without being technical, we may state that the principal entrances to
the various divisions of the great pond—and it is divided into a great
many stations—are from the two rivers. A number of these entrances have
been constructed in the natural embankments which dyke out the waters
of the lagoon. Bridges have also been built over all these trenches by
the munificence of various Popes, and very strong flood-gates, worked
by a crank and screw, are attached to each, so as to regulate the
migration of the fish and the entrance and exit of the waters. A very
minute account of all the varied hydraulic apparatus of Comacchio would
only weary the reader; but I may state generally, and I speak on the
authority of M. Coste, that these flood-gates place at the service of
the fish-cultivators about twenty currents, which allow the salt waters
of the lagoon to mingle with the fresh waters of the river. Then,
again, the waters of the Adriatic are admitted to the lagoon by means
of the Grand Palotta Canal, which extends from the port of Magnavacca
right through the great body of the waters, with branches stretching to
the chief fishing stations which dot the surface of this inland sea, so
that there are about a hundred mouths always ready to vomit into the
lagoon the salt water of the Adriatic.
The entire industry of this unique place is founded on a knowledge
of the natural history of the particular fish which is so largely
cultivated there—viz. the eel. Being a migratory fish, the eel is
admirably adapted for cultivation, and being also very prolific and
of tolerably rapid growth it can be speedily turned into a source of
great profit. About the end of the sixteenth century we know that the
annual income derived from eel-breeding in the lagoons was close upon
£12,000—a very large sum of money at that period. No recent statistics
have been made public as to the money derived from the eels of
Comacchio, but I have reason to know that the sum has not in any sense
diminished during late years.
[Illustration: A DIVISION OF COMACCHIO.
A. Canal Palotta.
B. Entrance from the canal.
C. Canal for the passage of boats.
C´. Sluices for closing canal.
D. First compartment of the labyrinth.
E. Outer basin.
F. Antechamber of the first compartment.
G. Chamber of the first compartment.
H. Second compartment.
I. Chamber of second compartment.
K. Third compartment.
L L L. Chambers of third compartment.
M. Wickerwork baskets for keeping fish alive.
N. Boat with instruments of fishing.
O. Dwelling-house.
P. Storehouse.
]
The inhabitants of Comacchio seem to have a very correct idea of the
natural history of this rather mysterious fish. They know exactly the
time when the animal breeds, which, as well as the question how it
breeds, has in Britain been long a source of controversy, as I have
already shown; and these shrewd people know very well when the fry
may be expected to leave the sea and perform their _montee_. They can
measure the numbers, or rather estimate the quantity, of young fish
as they ascend into the lagoon, and consequently are in a position
to know what the produce will eventually be, as also the amount of
food necessary to be provided, for the fish-farmers of Comacchio do
not expect to fatten their animals out of nothing. However, they go
about this in a very economic way, for the same water that grows
the fish also grows the food on which they are fed. This is chiefly
the aquadelle, a tiny little fish which is contained in the lakes
in great numbers, and which, in its turn, finds food in the insect
and vegetable world of the lagoons. Other fish are bred as well as
the eel—viz. mullet, plaice, etc. On the 2d day of February the year
of Comacchio may be said to begin, for at that time the _montee_
commences, when may be seen ascending up the Reno and Volano mouths
of the Po from the Adriatic a great series of wisps, apparently
composed of threads, but in reality young eels; and as soon as one
lot enters, the rest, with a sheeplike instinct, follow their leader,
and hundreds of thousands pass annually from the sea to the waters of
the lagoon, which can be so regulated as in places to be either salt
or fresh as required. Various operations connected with the working
of the fisheries keep the people in employment from the time the
entrance-sluices are closed, at the end of April, till the commencement
of the great harvest of eel-culture, which lasts from the beginning of
August till December. The manner of life of the people of Comacchio
will be found detailed under the title of “The Fisher Folks” in another
part of this volume. The engraving represents one of the fishing-places
of the lagoon.
No country has, taking into account size and population, been more
industrious on the seas than Scotland—the most productive fishery
of that country having been the herring. There is no consecutive
historical account of the progress of the herring-fishery. The first
really authentic notice we have of a trade in herrings is nine hundred
years old, when it is recorded that the Scots sold herrings to the
people of the Netherlands, and we have some indications that even
at that early period a considerable fishery for herrings existed in
Scotland; and even prior to this time Boethius alludes to Inverlochy
as an important seat of commerce, and persons of intelligence consider
that town to have been a resort of the French and Spaniards for the
purchase of herring and other fishes. The pickling and drying of
herrings for commerce were first carried on by the Flemings. This mode
of curing fish is said to have been discovered by William Benkelen of
Biervlet, near Sluys, who died in 1397, and whose memory was held in
such veneration for that service that the Emperor Charles V. and the
Queen of Hungary made a pilgrimage to his tomb. We have also incidental
notices of the herring-fishery in the records of the monastery of
Evesham, so far back as the year 709, and the tax levied on the capture
of herrings is noticed in the annals of the monastery of Barking as
herring-silver. The great fishery for herrings at Yarmouth dates
from the earliest Anglo-Saxon times, and at so early a period as the
reign of Henry I. it paid a tax of 10,000 fish to the king. We are
told that the most ancient records of the French herring-fishery are
not earlier than the year 1020, and we know that in 1088 the Duke of
Normandy allowed a fair to be held at Fecamp during the time of this
fishery, the right of holding it being granted to the Abbey of the Holy
Trinity. The Yarmouth fishery, even in these early times, was a great
success—as success was then understood. Edward III. did all he could to
encourage the fishery at that place. In 1357 he got his Parliament to
lay down a body of laws for the better regulation of the fisheries, and
the following year sixty lasts of herring were shipped at Portsmouth
for the use of his army and fleet in France. In 1635 a patent was
granted to Mr. Davis for gauging red-herrings, for which Yarmouth
was famed thus early, at a certain price per last; his duty was, in
fact, to denote the quality of the fish by affixing a certain seal;
this, so far as we know, is the first indication of the brand system.
His Majesty Charles II., being interested in the fisheries, visited
Yarmouth in company with the Duke of York and others of the nobility,
when he was handsomely entertained, and presented with four golden
herrings and a chain of considerable value.
Several of the kings of Scotland were zealous in aiding the fisheries,
but the death of James V. and the subsequent religious and civil
commotions put a stop for a time to the progress of this particular
branch of trade, as well as to every other industrial project of
his time. In 1602 his successor on the throne, James VI., resumed
the plans which had been chalked out by his grandfather. Practical
experiments were made in the art of fishing, fishing-towns were built
in the different parts of the Highlands, and persons well versed in
the practice were brought to teach the ignorant natives; but as the
Highlanders were jealous of these “interlopers,” very slow progress
was made; and, again, the course of improvement was interrupted by the
king’s accession to the throne of England and the union of the two
Crowns. During the remainder of James’s reign little progress was made
in the art of fishing, and we have to pass over the reign of Charles I.
and wait through the troublous times of the Protectorate till we have
Charles II. seated on the throne, before much further encouragement
is decreed to the fisheries. Charles II. aided the advancement of
this industrial pursuit by appointing a Royal Council of Fishery, in
order to the establishment of proper laws and regulations for the
encouragement of those engaged in this branch of our commerce.
After this period the British trade in fish and the knowledge of the
arts of capture expanded rapidly. It is said, as I have already stated,
that during our early pursuit of the fishery the Dutch learned much
from us, and that, in fact, while we were away founding the Greenland
whale-fishery, the people of Holland came upon our seas and robbed
us of our fish, and so obtained a supremacy in the art that lasted
for many years. At any rate, whatever the Dutch accomplished, we were
particularly industrious in fishing. Our seas were covered with busses
of considerable tonnage—the average being vessels of fifty tons, with a
complement of fourteen men and a master. The mode of fishing then was
to sail with the ship into the deep sea, and then, leaving the vessel
as a rendezvous, take to the small boats, and fish with them, returning
to the large vessel to carry on the cure. The same mode of fishing,
with slight modifications, is still pursued at Yarmouth and some other
places in England.
The following note of the cost of building and sailing one of the
old Scottish herring-busses will illustrate the fishery of the last
century:—
_Expenses of a Vessel of 60 Tons Burden fitted out for the
Herring-Fishery._
To shipbuilder’s account for hull £345 0 0
To joiners’ account 21 10 0
To blockmaker’s account (paint, etc.) 18 0 0
To rope-work account (sails, etc.) 160 0 0
To smith’s account (anchors, etc.) 22 10 0
To spars, 3 fishing-boats, compasses, etc. 56 0 0
—————-—————-
Cost of Vessel (forward) £623 0 0
_Outfit._
To 462 bushels of salt 45 0 0
To 32 lasts herring barrels 80 0 0
To 15,000 square yards netting 78 5 0
To buoys, etc. 8 4 0
To provisions for 14 men for 3 months 42 10 0
To spirits for men when at work 5 0 0
To wages, 13 men at 27s. per month 52 13 0
To shipmaster’s wages 10 0 0
To custom-house clearing 0 15 0
—————-—————-
Cost of Outfit £945 7 0
============
Supposing the above vessel to make one-half of her cargo of herrings
yearly, which has not been the case for seven years back on an average,
the state of account will stand as under:—
_Voyage to Herring Fishers and Owners._ _Dr._
To one-half of salt carried out £22 10 0
To one-half of barrels used 48 0 0
To tear and wear on nets (one-third worn) 26 1 3
To provisions and spirits 47 10 0
To wages, including skipper 62 13 0
To tear and wear of rigging and vessel,
5 per cent per month 30 11 2
To insurance on £957 for 3 months at 2½ per cent 27 16 0
To interest on £957 for 3 months 11 18 0
To waste on salt, etc., at 10 per cent 3 10 0
To freight of herrings to Cork, at 2s. per barrel,
192 barrels 19 4 0
To duty on herrings in Ireland, at 1s. per barrel 9 12 0
—————-—————
£305 5 5
Brought forward £305 5 5
_Contra._ _Cr._
By 192 barrels herrings at 20s. £192 0 0
By debenture on herrings at 2s. 8d. 25 12 0
By bounty on 60 tons 90 0 0
—————————— 307 12 0
——————————
Gain on home fishery £2 6 7
Extra Expenses on such Busses as go to the Irish
Fishery—
To duty of 17¾ tons salt in Ireland £10 19 11
To duty on barrels 4 16 0
To fees on 3 boats at 42s. 6 6 0
—————————— 22 1 11
——————————
Loss if upon Irish fishery £19 15 4
Much has also been written from time to time about the great
cod-fishery of Newfoundland: it has been the subject of innumerable
treatises, Acts of Parliament, and other negotiations, and various
travellers have illustrated the natural products and industrial
capabilities of these North American seas. The cod-fishery of
Newfoundland is undoubtedly one of the greatest fishing industries the
world has ever seen, and has been more or less worked for three hundred
and sixty years. Occasionally there is a whisper of the cod grounds of
Newfoundland being exhausted, and it would be no wonder if they were,
considering the enormous capture of that fish that has constantly been
going on during the period indicated, not only by means of various
shore fisheries, but by the active American and French crews that are
always on the grounds capturing and curing. Since the time when the Red
Indian lay over the rocks and transfixed the codfish with his spear,
till now, when thousands of ships are spreading their sails in the bays
and surrounding seas, taking the fish with ingenious instruments of
capture, myriads upon myriads of valuable cod have been taken from the
waters, although to the ordinary eye the supply seems as abundant as
it was a century ago. When my readers learn that the great bank from
whence is obtained the chief supply of codfish is nearly six hundred
miles long and over two hundred miles in breadth, it will afford a
slight index to the vast total of our sea wealth and to the enormous
numbers of the finny population of this part of our seas, and the
population of which, before it was discovered, must have been growing
and gathering for centuries; but when it is further stated—and this
by way of index to the extent of this great food-wealth—that Catholic
countries alone give something like half a million sterling every year
for the produce of these North American seas, the enormous money value
of a well-regulated fishery must become apparent even to the most
superficial observer of facts and figures.
It is much to be regretted that we are not in possession of reliable
annual statistics of the fisheries of Newfoundland, but there are so
many conflicting interests connected with these fisheries as to render
it difficult to obtain accurate statistics. Mr. Hind, in his recent
work on Labrador, gives us a few figures about the fisheries of Nova
Scotia and Canada, for which we are thankful. From this work we learn
that the fish exported from Nova Scotia in 1860 reached the large sum
of $2,956,788, and that 3258 vessels were engaged in the fishery; and
Mr. Hind thinks that if we include the fish and fish-oil consumed by
the inhabitants, the present annual value of the fisheries to British
America must be above $15,000,000, and this estimate even does not
include much of the fish that goes directly to Britain. The value of
the Labrador fisheries alone has been estimated at one million sterling
per annum, and the total value of the fisheries of the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and the coast of Labrador may be set down as four millions
sterling per annum, and the Canadian fisheries, Mr. Hind informs us,
are yet in their infancy!
Another fishing industry which has bulked large in the annals of
the sea is the whale-fishery. At one time a goodly number of British
vessels were fitted out in order to follow this dangerous pursuit in
the Arctic Seas, and many a thrilling narrative has been founded on
the adventures of enterprising whalers. This fishery has fallen off
very much of late years, both as regards the pursuit of the right or
the Greenland whale, and also in the case of the sperm whale, the
capture of which used to be an “enterprise of great pith and moment”
in America, the head-quarters of the fishery being situated at New
Bedford. It is a good thing that the invention of gas has superseded in
a great measure our dependence on the whale; and the discovery of other
lubricants, vegetable and mineral, suitable for machinery, has rendered
us altogether independent of the Leviathan of the deep. Although this
particular fishing industry may almost be said to be extinct, it was at
one time of considerable importance, at least to Scottish commerce.
To come down to the present time, it is pleasant to think that the
seas of Britain are crowded with many thousand boats, all gleaning
wealth from the bosom of the waters. As one particular branch of sea
industry becomes exhausted for the season another one begins. In
spring we have our white fisheries; in summer we have our mackerel;
in autumn we have the great herring-fishery; then in winter we deal
in pilchards and sprats and oysters; and all the year round we trawl
for flat fish or set pots for lobsters, or do some other work of the
fishing—in fact, we are continually day by day despoiling the waters of
their food treasures. When we exhaust the inshore fisheries we proceed
straightway to the deep waters. Hale and strong fishermen sail hundreds
of miles to the white-fishing grounds, whilst old men potter about
the shore, setting nets with which to catch crabs, or ploughing the
sand for prawns. At different places we can note the specialities of
the British fisheries. In Caithness-shire we can follow the greatest
herring-fleet in the world; at Cornwall, again, we can view the
pilchard-fishery; at Barking we can see the cod-fleet; at Hull there is
a wealth of trawlers; at Whitstable we can make acquaintance with the
oyster-dredgers; and at the quaint fishing-ports on the Moray Firth,
to be afterwards described, we can witness the manufacture of “Finnan
haddies,” as at Yarmouth we can take part in the making of bloaters;
and all round our coasts we can see women and children industriously
gathering shell-fish for bait, or performing other functions connected
with the industry of the sea—repairing nets, baiting the lines, or
hawking the fish, for the fisherwomen are true helpmates to their
husbands. At certain seasons everything that can float in the water is
called into requisition—little cobbles, gigantic yawls, trig schooners,
are all required to aid in the gathering of the sea harvest. Thousands
of people are employed in this great industry; betokening that a vast
population have chosen to seek bread on the bosom of the great deep.
Crossing the Channel we can see that the general sea fisheries of
France are also being prosecuted with great vigour, and at those
places which have railways to bear away the produce with considerable
profit. I am in possession of notes and statistics pertaining to a
large portion of the French seabord, giving plentiful details of the
modern fishing industry of that country; and the fisheries of France
are greatly noticed just now, in the hope of their forming a splendid
nursery for seamen, the improvement of the navy being at present one
of the dominant objects of the Emperor of the French. The Marine
Department, having this object in view, have sagaciously broken through
all the old protective laws incidental to the fisheries, and now
allow the fishermen to carry on their trade very much as they please;
trawling has therefore become pretty general at all those ports which
maintain railway communication with the interior: thus at Dunkerque
there are 60 trawlers; at Boulogne, 100; at Tourville, 109; at
Treport, 53; at Calais, 84; with lesser numbers at smaller ports, most
of them being engaged in supplying the wants of Paris with deep-sea
fish; and as the coasts are provided with excellent harbours of refuge,
the trawlers follow their avocations with regularity and success.
The modes of sea-fishing are so much alike in every country that it
is unnecessary for us to do more than just mention that the French
method of trawling is very similar to our own, about which I will by
and by have something to say. But there are details of fishing industry
connected with that pursuit on the French coasts that we are not
familiar with in Britain. The neighbouring peasantry, for instance,
come to the seaside and fish with nets which are called _bas parc_; and
these are spread out before the tide is full in order to retain all
the fish which are brought within their meshes. The children of these
land-fishers also work, although with smaller nets, at these foreshore
fisheries, while the wives poke about the sand for shrimps and the
smaller crustacea. These people thus not only ensure a supply of food
for themselves during winter, but also contrive during summer to take
as much fish as brings them in a little store of money.
The perpetual industry carried on by the coast people on the French
foreshores is quite a sight, although it is a fish commerce of a
humble and primitive kind. Even the little children contrive to make
money by building fish-ponds, or erecting trenches, in which to gather
salt, or in some other little industry incidental to sea-shore life.
One occasionally encounters some abject creature groping about the
rocks to obtain the wherewithal to sustain life. To these people all
is fish that comes to hand; no creature, however slimy, that creeps
about is allowed to escape, so long as it can be disguised by cookery
into any kind of food for human beings. Some of the people have old
rickety boats patched up with still older pieces of wood or leather,
sails mended here and there, till it is difficult to distinguish the
original portion from those that have been added to it; nets torn and
darned till they are scarce able to hold a fish; and yet that boat
and that crippled machinery are the stock in trade of perhaps two or
three generations of a family, and the concern may have been founded
half a century ago by the grandfather, who now sees around him a
legion of hungry gamins that it would take a fleet of boats to keep in
food and raiment. The moment the tide flows back, the foreshore is at
once overrun with an army of hungry people, who are eager to clutch
whatever fishy _debris_ the receding water may have left; the little
pools are eagerly, nay hungrily, explored, and their contents grabbed
with an anxiety that pertains only to poverty. At some places of the
coast, however, a happier life is dawning on the people—the discovery
of pisciculture has led to a traffic in oysters that, as I will by and
by show, is surprising; indeed a new life has in consequence dawned
on some districts, and where at one time there was poverty and its
attendant squalor, there is now wealth and its handmaid prosperity.
On some parts of the French coasts, and it is proper to mention this,
the fishery is not of importance, although the fish are plentiful
enough. At Cancale, for instance, the fishermen have imposed on
themselves the restriction of only fishing twice a week. In Brittany,
at some of the fishing places, the people seem very poor and miserable,
and their boats look to be almost valueless, reminding one of the state
of matters at Fittie in the outskirts of Aberdeen. At the isle of
Groix, however, there is to be found a tolerably well-off maritime and
fishing community; at this place, where the men take to the sea at an
early age, there are about one hundred and thirty fishing boats of from
twenty to thirty tons each, of which the people—_i.e._ the practical
fishermen—are themselves the owners. At the Sands of Olonne there is a
most extensive sardine-fishery—the capture of sprats, young herrings,
and young pilchards, for curing as sardines, yielding a considerable
share of wealth, as a large number of boats follow this branch of the
business all the year round. There are not less than 13,000 boats on
the coast of Brittany devoted to the sardine trade, and when it is
considered that, according to Mitchell, a sum of £80,000 is annually
expended on cod and mackerel roe for bait in this fishery, my readers
will see that the total value of the French fisheries must be very
considerable. Experiments in artificial breeding are now being made
both with the white fish and the crustaceans, and sanguine hopes are
entertained of having in a short time a plentiful supply of all kinds
of shell and white fish, and as regards those parts of the French
coast which are at present destitute of the power of conveyance,
the apparition of a few locomotives will no doubt work wonders in
instigating a hearty fishing enterprise.
In fact the industry of the French as regards the fisheries has become
of late years quite wonderful, and there is evidently more in their
eager pursuit of sea wealth than all at once meets the eye. No finer
naval men need be wished for any country than those that are to be
found in the French fishing luggers, and there can be no doubt but
that they are being trained with a view to the more perfect manning
of the French navy. At any rate the French people (? government)
have discovered the art of growing sailors, and doubtless they will
make the most of it, being able apparently to grow them at a greatly
cheaper rate than we can do. As regards the French fisheries in the
North Sea, I may mention that the flotilla engaged in 1863, in that
particular mine of industry, consisted of 285 ships, measuring 22,000
tons, and manned by nearly 4000 seamen—the whole, both ships and men,
being an increase over those of the preceding year. This fleet left
the shores of France between the 20th of March and the 12th of April,
and shortly after these dates arrived at Iceland. A very large number
of codfish were taken, and the report to the Minister of Marine says
that the ships of war on the station afforded help to eighty-three
of the vessels, and that the health of the crews was remarkably good
during the whole season, eighteen vessels only requiring the aid of
the surgeon, and these vessels had only two invalids each. This is
instructive as showing the care that is taken in the selection of
healthy crews, and of the pains of their Government to keep them
healthy, and it must be admitted that, so far as physique is concerned,
the French seamen are fine-looking fellows.
The commercial system established in France for bringing the produce
of the sea into the market is of a highly-elaborate and intricate
character. The direct consequence of this system is, that the price of
fish goes on increasing from its first removal from the shore until
it reaches the market. This fact cannot be better illustrated than
by tracing the fish from the moment they are landed on the quay by
the fishermen through various intermediate transactions until they
reach the hands of the fishmonger of Paris. The first agent into
whose hands they come is the _ecoreur_. The _ecoreur_ is usually a
qualified man appointed by the owners of the vessels, the municipality,
or by an association termed the _Société d’Ecorage_. He performs
the functions of a wholesale agent between the fisherman and the
public. He is ready to take the fish out of the fisherman’s hands as
soon as they are landed. He buys the fish from the fisherman, and
pays him at once, deducting a percentage for his own services. This
percentage is sometimes 5, 4, or even as low as 3½ per cent. He
undertakes the whole risk of selling the fish, and suffers any loss
that may be incurred by bad debts or bad sale, for which he can make
no claim whatever upon the owner of the boat. The system of _ecorage_
is universally adopted, as the fisherman prefers ready money with a
deduction of 5 per cent rather than trouble himself with any repayment
or run the risk of bad debts. Passing from the _ecoreur_ we come to the
_mareyeur_—that is, the merchant who buys the fish from the wholesale
agent. He provides baskets to hold the fish, packs them, and despatches
them by railway. He pays the carriage, the town-dues or duties, and
the fees to the market-crier. Should the fish not keep, and arrive in
Paris in bad condition, and be complained of by the police, he sustains
the loss. As regards the transport arrangements, the fish are usually
forwarded by the fast trains, and the rates are invariable, whatever
may be the quality of the fish. Thus, turbot and salmon are carried at
the same rate as monkfish, oysters, and crabs. On the northern lines
the rate is 37 cents per ton per kilometre; upon the Dieppe and Nantes
lines, 25 or 26 cents; which gives 85 or 96 francs as the carriage of
a ton of fish despatched from the principal ports of the north—such as
St. Valery-sur-Somme, Boulogne, Calais, and Dunkerque—and 130 francs
per ton on fish despatched from Nantes.
The fish, on their arrival in Paris, are subjected to a duty. For the
collection of this duty the fish are divided into two classes—viz.,
fine fresh fish and ordinary fresh fish. The fine fish—which class
includes salmon, trout, turbot, sturgeon, tunny, brill, shad, mullet,
roach, sole, lobster, shrimp, and oyster—pay a duty of 10 per cent of
the market value. The duty upon the common fresh fish is 5 per cent.
This duty is paid after the sale, and is then of course duly entered in
the official register.
All the fish sent to Paris is sold through the agency of auctioneers
(_facteurs à la criee_) appointed by the town, who receive a commission
of 2 or 3 per cent. The auctioneer either sells to the fishmonger or to
the consumer.
It will be seen from the above statement that between the landing
of the fish by the fisherman and the purchase of it by the salesman
at Paris there is added to the price paid to the fisherman 5 per
cent for the _ecorage_; 90, 100, or 130 francs per ton for carriage;
10 or 5 per cent, with a double tithe of war, for town-dues; and 3
per cent taken by the auctioneer—or, altogether, 18 or 13 per cent,
besides the war-tithe and the cost of transport. This is an estimate
of the indispensable expenses only, and does not include a number of
items—such as the profit which the _mareyeur_ ought to make, the cost
of the baskets, carriage from the market to the railway, and from the
custom-house to the market in Paris; and, besides, presumes that the
merchant who buys in the market is the consumer, which is seldom the
case.
Many other considerations must be taken into account, as, for instance,
the quantity of fish not sold, or sold at a low price, the fish which
arrive in Paris in bad condition, and that quantity which never leaves
the fishing town.
Besides all this, if we bear in mind that the fish-despatcher tries to
repay himself for losses incurred, it need not astonish us that he must
put a high price upon the fish he sends to the market.
From these considerations it is evident, I think, that the high price
of fish is not owing to any scarcity in the supply, or that an increase
in the quantity brought to land will effectually reduce the price.
Were the fisherman to give his labour for nothing, and the merchant,
or rather commission-agent, who buys from him to seek no profit, there
is still enough in carriage, toll, and duties, to put a price on the
fish which would place it beyond the power of small purses to reach.
To reduce the price we must lessen these intermediate expenses, and
put the fisherman in direct communication with the Parisian salesman.
This might be possible by the establishment of fishermen’s societies,
directed by skilful business men.
I question very much, however, if the fishermen would agree to such
a plan, as they always prefer ready money and no risk. Another
suggestion is to unite the offices of _ecoreur_ and _mareyeur_ in
one person, or even, as is already done in some quarters, to combine
these two functions with the owner’s own special duties. Undoubtedly,
a much more effectual plan than either of these is a reduction in the
expenses of carriage and duties. The system of transport is manifestly
defective, inasmuch as the rate is a uniform one for fine and ordinary
fresh fish. The expenses of the carriage compel the fisherman in
many cases to retain the ordinary or inferior qualities of fish and
endeavour to make use of them otherwise than for sale by employing them
for the food of their own households, feeding poultry, or manuring
barren land. They in some instances cut off the superfluous parts of
the monkfish—the tail, fins, etc.—to reduce the carriage weight; and
although the fish thus mutilated fetch a less price than they would
otherwise bring, the depreciation of the selling-price is more than
counterbalanced by the reduction in the freight.
It would be difficult to suggest a system which would at once meet the
wishes of the owners of boats, the fish-merchants, and the railway
directors. On the southern and western railway lines in Ireland the
fish are divided into classes. Turbot, sole, plaice, whiting, eels, and
shrimps, are charged two-thirds of the rate for salmon; oysters, crabs,
and lobsters, one-half; and herring and the common fish one-third.
In France, as I have already said, the rate is uniform. The cost of
transport depends upon the distance alone. The Commercial Treaty has
brought foreign fish more abundantly into the market; but those coming
from England, being gutted to make them keep, have no longer the red
gills by which the buyer distinguishes fresh fish; and between a gutted
fish and one with the gills intact the purchaser never hesitates to
choose the latter, without the slightest regard to the place at which
it has been caught. The fish-carrier, again, tries, by cramming as
many fish as possible into the large baskets, to diminish the number of
packages, and thus destroys a number of his fish.
If there is little hope of a reduction of the railway tariffs, there
is still less chance, we think, of any reduction of the town-duties.
They are far too profitable to the city funds. The revenue derived by
the city of Paris from the sale of fish amounted, in 1858, to 894,214
francs; in 1859, to 928,925; and in 1860 it increased to 1,027,920
francs. This sum, however, only includes the dues levied upon fish
carried to the market. There is a separate and distinct duty upon fish
which arrive directly by railway to the consumer. In this case fine
fresh fish are subjected to a duty of 60 francs the 100 kilogrammes;
common fish, 15 francs; ordinary oysters, 5 francs; and Ostend oysters,
15 francs per 100 kilogrammes. The exact revenue accruing to the city
from this source embraces these two duties; and in estimating the full
amount that the merchant must pay for bringing fish into the town and
selling it in the market, we must add to these dues the expense of
cartage, railway fare, the double tithe of war, and the fees to the
crier.
From the official records of the market sales, we find that for six
years there has been little difference in the price of fish. The tables
of 1852 and 1862 show that mussels, shrimps, mullets, and salmon, are
at the same price; lobsters, sprats, turbot, and shad, are a little
less; and mackerel, whiting, monkfish, sardines, sole, tunny, trout,
barbel, and flounder, are slightly raised. The prices vary so little
that any increase in the revenue must arise from an increased quantity
being brought into the market. Oysters, however, have increased greatly
in price, although the quantity has diminished.
[Illustration: BILLINGSGATE.]
But allowing the French people to cultivate to the very utmost—as they
especially do as regards the oyster—it is impossible they can ever
exceed, either in productive power or money value, the fisheries of our
own coasts. If, without the trouble of taking a long journey, we desire
to witness the results of the British fisheries, we have only to repair
to Billingsgate to find this particular industry brought to a focus. At
that piscatorial bourse we can see in the early morning the produce of
our most distant seas brought to our greatest seat of population, sure
of finding a ready and a profitable market. The aldermanic turbot, the
tempting sole, the gigantic codfish, the valuable salmon, the cheap
sprat, and the universal herring, are all to be found during their
different seasons in great plenty at Billingsgate; and in the lower
depths of the market buildings countless quantities of shell-fish of
all kinds, stored in immense tubs, may be seen; while away in the
adjacent lanes there are to be found gigantic boilers erected for
the purpose of crab and lobster boiling. Some of the shops in the
neighbourhood have always on hand large stocks of all kinds of dried
fish, which are carried away in great waggons to the railway stations
for country distribution. About four o’clock on a summer morning
this grand piscatorial mart may be seen in its full excitement—the
auctioneers bawling, the porters rushing madly about, the hawkers also
rushing madly about seeking persons to join them in buying a lot, and
so to divide their speculations; and all over is sprinkled the dripping
sea-water, and all around we feel that “ancient and fish-like smell”
which is the concomitant of such a place.
No statistics of a reliable kind are published as to the total annual
value of the British fisheries. An annual account of the Scottish
herring-fishery is taken by commissioners and officers appointed for
that purpose; which, along with a yearly report of the Irish fisheries,
is the only reliable annual document on the subject that we possess,
and the latest official report of the commissioners will be found
analysed in another part of this volume. For any statistics of our
white-fish fisheries we are compelled to resort to second-hand sources
of information; and, as is likely enough in the circumstances, we do
not, after all, get our curiosity properly gratified on these important
topics—the progress and produce of the British fisheries. As a proof
of the difficulty of obtaining reliable statistics of our sea-harvest,
I am compelled to have recourse to the quantities of all kinds of fish
carried by the various railways as an indication of what we are doing
on the waters. Large quantities of sea produce are still, however,
carried by water. The supplies brought inland by the various railways
are as follow:—
London and Brighton 5,174 tons.
Great Western 2,885 ”
North British 8,303 ”
Great Northern 11,930 ”
North Eastern 27,896 ”
South Eastern 3,218 ”
Great Eastern 29,086 ”
——————
Making a total of 88,492 tons.
For Ireland the statistics of carriage for the same year are as follow:—
Great Southern and Western 1145 tons.
Midland and Great Western 785 ”
Waterford and Limerick 374 ”
Dublin and Drogheda 1004 ”
—————
Making a total of 3308 tons.
The best index, however, of the quantities of fish taken out of the
British seas is the supply of that comestible required for London
alone. Two attempts have been made to obtain a correct account of the
quantities of each kind used for the commissariat of London. Fourteen
years ago Mr. Mayhew gave a summation of the quantities of fish sold
at Billingsgate, and the number of each kind as detailed is really
astonishing; as 203,000 salmon, nearly four millions of fresh herrings,
and others in proportion. The second attempt to gauge the fish-supply
of the great metropolis was made by a Member of Parliament. In moving
for a commission to inquire into the state of the British fisheries, he
gave the following statistics:—
Codfish 500,000
Mackerel 25,000,000
Soles 100,000,000
Plaice 35,000,000
Haddocks 200,000,000
Oysters 500,000,000
Periwinkles 300,000,000
Cockles 70,000,000
Mussels 50,000,000
Lobsters, daily 10,000
There is likewise a very extensive demand for cured or pickled fish.
Mayhew quoted 1,600,000 dried cod and 50,000,000 of red herrings as
being a portion of the London fish-supply. Eels are also a very large
item, being set down as nearly 10,000,000 per annum; and as for crabs,
prawns, shrimps, sprats, etc., they are required by the ton weight, and
are hawked about London in millions!