eager to perform the rites and ceremonies of the little congregation.
The Established Church was that of England, and although in some places
there were special services for the blacks, in others "slaves and dogs"
were refused admission. This exclusiveness threw the slaves into the
hands of the Moravians, Baptists, Methodists, and the agents of the
London Missionary Society. The Church government of some of these was in
the hands of the congregation, and as this was a sort of playing at
"Massa," the slave took to them all the more readily.
No doubt these ministers were very good men, and animated by a great
love for the negroes, but this did not prevent their being misunderstood
by both master and slave. Then many of them were connected with the
anti-slavery society, and however careful they might be not to offend
local prejudices, by speaking against the obnoxious system, as
conscientious men they could not help showing their bias. The
established clergymen, on the contrary, when they preached to the
slaves, told them to "be subject to the powers that be," and to remain
content in the condition where Providence had placed them.
At first most of the planters only sneered at these attempts to convert
the slaves, but when they saw what an attraction the chapels became,
they opposed them openly. Gangs of young fellows would attend, and
sometimes break up the meetings by jeering at the preacher. In 1807 an
ordinance was passed in Jamaica "for preventing the profanation of
religious rites and false worshipping of God, under the pretence of
preaching and teaching, by illiterate, ignorant, and ill-disposed
persons, and of the mischief consequent thereupon." Considering it the
first duty of all magistrates to encourage the solemn exercise of
religion, and whereas nothing tended more to bring it into disrepute
than the pretended preaching and expounding of the Word of God by
ignorant persons and false enthusiasts, to persons of colour and slaves,
it was enacted that, after the 1st of July, no unauthorised person
should presume to teach, preach, offer public prayer, or sing psalms to
any assembly of these people, on pain of a fine of a hundred pounds,
imprisonment for six months, or whipping. Similar punishments were also
to be inflicted on any one preaching in an unlicensed building, as well
as on the owner of a house or yard in which it had been permitted.
Another way of stopping the assembly of slaves was to pass a law against
their meeting at night, and punish them if they left the estate without
a written permission. There were always excuses for this apparent
harshness, as plots had been arranged at nocturnal meetings, some of
which had given a great deal of trouble. Even if a pass were granted to
attend chapel, the estate's authorities could hardly be expected to
follow and see that the slave did not go elsewhere. The missionaries
took it that all this was done to hamper their work, but such was not
the case altogether.
The anti-slavery party became very strong about the year 1820, and every
obnoxious regulation was a text for discourses on the infamy of the
whole system. If a planter were punished, the case was trumpeted over
the country to promote a greater antagonism. How absurd this really was
could only be seen by the West Indians themselves, and if they attempted
to say anything they were put down as liars, becaused they were biassed
in favour of the other side. One writer pertinently remarked that, among
the hundreds of military and naval officers stationed in the West
Indies, not one had borne out the statements of the missionaries, and we
may call attention to the curious fact that Captain Marryat, who was
well acquainted with every colony, speaks always of the negro as a happy
fellow. The genial novelist does not mince matters when he speaks of
oppression on board ship, and it is not to be supposed that he would go
out of his way to screen the planters.
Some of the colonies passed laws against indiscriminate manumissions,
and these were declaimed against as tyranny. Yet their wisdom was so
patent that, under the system, they could only be heartily approved by
every one competent to judge. There is one little fact that stands out
most prominently as a redeeming point, if such a thing be
possible--under slavery there was no poverty--there were no tramps nor
beggars. The owner of the plantation had to feed his people in sickness
and in health, in childhood and old age. If manumissions could be given
by the mere stroke of a pen, many a poor sick or broken-down creature
would have been cast adrift to become a burden upon the community. Now
and again we yet hear some old woman complain that if this were slavery
time, she would not be half-starved as she is to-day, notwithstanding
the poor relief.
It may perhaps be thought that we are attempting the defence of slavery;
we only wish to show that it was not quite so black as it has been
painted. It had its dark side; but, on the other hand, many a bright
gleam can be perceived by those who have seen some who were born into
servitude and heard their stories. They were well fed, had as much
clothing as they really required, were as a matter of policy well
treated as a rule, and were quite as happy as they are to-day.
Magistrates, policemen, and gaols were almost unknown; the planter gave
the negro a slight flogging now and then, and this ended the tale of
his misdemeanours. A bad master might be cruel as a bad husband may be
also, but we should not condemn marriage on account of its abuses. The
great argument against slavery was the degradation it produced on the
minds of both parties. However, we are not writing the history of
slavery, but the story of the West Indies, and must apologise for the
digression.
In 1823 the House of Commons, on a motion of Fowell Buxton, "that the
state of slavery is repugnant to the principles of the British
Constitution, and of the Christian religion," resolved to ameliorate the
condition of the slave by giving him civil rights and privileges. As a
result of this, orders were sent out to abolish the flogging of women,
and discontinue the use of the whip in the field.
Already the West Indian planters were alarmed at the interference of the
British Government, and the overriding of colonial laws by Orders in
Council. In 1819 they had petitioned against being compelled to manumit
their slaves in cases where they wished to buy their freedom, but their
protests went for nothing. Now also they had to submit, although they
did so with a bad grace. The British Government left the carrying out of
the provisions of the resolutions to the colonial legislatures, but at
the same time giving them to understand that there was no option.
In 1811, when the Governor and Court of Policy of Demerara neglected to
issue a proclamation allowing negroes to attend chapel in the evening,
they received a sharp reprimand, and the Governor was superseded; now
they knew that nothing was left but to obey orders.
When, therefore, the despatch containing these resolutions arrived in
Demerara, a meeting of the legislature was at once convened to prepare
the necessary ordinance. There was no attempt to evade this duty or
delay compliance, but such a radical change required great
consideration, especially in regard to the control of females without
the use of the whip. Negresses were, as a rule, less amenable to
discipline than the men, and it was thought that something must be done
to prevent insubordination. Several meetings took place from the 21st of
July, 1823, to early in August, at which the ordinance was prepared and
passed, but up to the 18th of the latter month it had not been
published. Such a delay, however, did not imply any intention of evading
the duty, for three or four weeks often elapse from the time of passing
to the publication of a Bill.
Meanwhile the negroes got an idea that something had been done in
England for their benefit. Like the slaves in Barbados and other
colonies, they heard discussions at their masters' tables, and supposed
that the something which had taken place meant their total emancipation.
"The king had freed them, but the planters refused to carry out the
order." On the East Coast of Demerara there was then a small chapel
belonging to the London Missionary Society, under the charge of the Rev.
John Smith. This chapel was a rendezvous for the negroes of the
neighbouring plantations, who not only came to service, but met
afterwards for a little gossip. Some who could read gave their ideas of
what they had gleaned from their masters' newspapers, while others told
what had been said at the dinner-tables. It does not appear that Mr.
Smith had told them anything of the new resolutions, nor is there
evidence that the deacons of the chapel knew of them. It followed,
therefore, that all the information they had was these garbled reports
of their own people.
On Sunday, the 17th of August, a number of the bolder spirits met after
service and discussed a plot which had been already under consideration,
for a general rising at eight o'clock next evening. Their idea was to
put their masters in the stocks, arm themselves, and, when the Governor
came, demand their supposed rights.
On Monday morning a coloured servant informed his master of the plot, on
which he at once rode off to Georgetown and interviewed the Governor.
Warnings were sent to most of the planters, and preparations made to
suppress the revolt if it took place, but such reports were not
uncommon, and although the whites looked after their weapons they did
not feel much alarm. As a matter of policy it was better to assume
indifference, as anything like desertion of the estates, even so far as
the sending away of women and children, would have encouraged the
negroes.
The signal was given by a fire near the chapel, on which the slaves
assembled in great mobs, over-powered their masters, put them in the
stocks, and took all the firearms and other weapons they could find. The
Governor was already in the neighbourhood with a small party of
cavalry, and on seeing the signal proceeded to inquire into its meaning.
On the way he was met by an armed mob, who, on being asked what they
wanted, answered, "Our right!" He told them of the new law, and promised
a full explanation on the morrow if they would disperse and come to him
at a neighbouring plantation. There was a slight hesitation for a few
moments, but presently, with cries of "No! no!" and the blowing of
shells, they drowned his voice. Then some of the more moderate advised
him to go away, which he was obliged to do, as his whole company
numbered hardly a dozen.
Bearing in mind the disasters of the Berbice insurrection, the people of
Georgetown were much alarmed. Placing their women and children on board
vessels in the river, the men prepared to resist to the death. Martial
law was proclaimed, and every person, without distinction, called upon
to enrol at once in the militia, all exemptions being cancelled. They
responded heartily, and soon the town put on an appearance as if
deserted, except at those places where guards were stationed. The stores
were closed, the slaves kept indoors, and, save for the arrival and
departure of mounted orderlies, not a sound could be heard. Even the
negroes themselves, in their kitchens and outbuildings, were overawed,
and hardly spoke above a whisper.
The Methodist ministers came forward and enrolled themselves in the
militia, but they were not called upon to perform any duty. The Rev.
John Smith, however, took no notice of the proclamation, although he
admitted having seen it. On the evening of the revolt he went for a walk
with his wife, and on his return found that the manager's house was
being attacked by a mob of slaves. He succeeded by expostulation in
preventing their doing much injury, and even rescued the manager from
their hands, but instead of sending notice of the rising to the
neighbouring estates he went quietly home. As far as he knew no one had
been warned of the revolt, and he was certainly remiss in his duty when
he did nothing whatever. When, on the following day, he was visited by a
militia officer, and ordered to enrol himself in accordance with the
Governor's proclamation, he refused on the ground of his exemption,
although he knew that all exemptions had been cancelled.
As usual the rebels had no proper leaders, and for some reason or
other--the missionaries ascribed it to religious teaching--they did not
burn the houses or destroy the crops. One or two whites who resisted
were wounded, one at least fatally, but here again the insurgents were
forbearing. Fortunately they were soon suppressed, and this no doubt
prevented such atrocities as had been committed elsewhere. What with the
soldiers, the militia, and crews of vessels in the river, the force
brought against them was overwhelming. Only one attempt was made to
fight, but the first volley of the troops sent the rioters scattering
into a cotton field. In about two days the insurrection was over, and
then came the hunt for fugitives, who as usual took to the swamp at the
back of the estates. A large body of Indians was employed, and in the
end most of them were captured, some to be hanged at once and others
after sentence by court-martial.
Mr. Smith's behaviour was considered as something more than
suspicious--he was believed to have had knowledge of the plot, and
charged with an intention to side with the negroes if he saw any
prospect of their success. On his refusal to take part in the defence of
the colony he was taken prisoner, and after the negroes had been tried
and sentenced, his case was brought before a court-martial. He was
charged with promoting discontent among the slaves, conspiring to bring
about a revolt, knowing of the plot the day before and not reporting it,
and holding communication with one of the leaders after it had broken
out without attempting to capture him. The case created a great stir,
public opinion being universal that he was the prime mover in the whole
affair.
His trial lasted over a month, at the end of which he was found guilty
and sentenced to be hanged. This sentence, however, seems to have been
given to satisfy the people; it was not published, nor was it intended
to be executed without reference to the home Government. This is proved
by the report in the "Royal Gazette" of the colony, which stated that
the trial was over, but the nature of the proceedings was such as to
render it imperative on the Governor to transmit them for His Majesty's
consideration. The public were not informed of the verdict, but it is
not to be supposed that they were ignorant of the result of the trial;
on the contrary, the sentence met with their approval, and they
complained of the delay in carrying it out, as compared with the hasty
executions of the negroes. Mr. Smith was ultimately reprieved, on the
understanding that he removed himself from the West Indies, and engaged
never to come back to Guiana or go to any of the islands. But the poor
missionary was sick, and under treatment before the insurrection, and it
may be presumed that the worry of the trial hastened his end. He died in
prison before the king's answer arrived, and was buried at night to
prevent a hostile demonstration.
We have been thus particular in giving the facts of the Demerara East
Coast Insurrection, because it made such an impression in England. The
anti-slavery party used the case of the "Martyr" Smith as a watchword,
and it was a prime factor in hurrying on emancipation. The immediate
result was an Order in Council to enable slaves to contract legal
marriage, to hold property, to buy their freedom on a valuation by
disinterested parties, and to put them under a Protector, whose duty was
to see that their rights were not infringed. They were now citizens,
their only civil disabilities being compulsory labour and a tie to the
plantation or their masters.
This, however, did not satisfy the anti-slavery party, and they went on
with their struggle for total emancipation, in which they at last
succeeded. In 1833 an Act of Parliament was passed, by which, after the
1st of August, 1834, slavery was to give place to an apprenticeship of
four or six years, according to the status of the slave, the former
term for house-servants and the latter for labourers on the
plantations, or "predials." Every child born after that date was to be
entirely free, and here came in one of the greatest blemishes of the
law. These poor infants belonged to nobody; their mothers cared little
for them, and it could not be expected that the planters would pay to
keep up the old system of superintendence. Even those who had been
instrumental in getting the law passed now began to make comparisons
between the position of the child-bearing woman under the old and new
systems. Hitherto they were unable to find words harsh enough to use in
condemning slavery--now they began to find that it had its good points.
Then the new system required new administrators, and, to prevent any
suspicion of bias, magistrates were brought from England. Yet these very
same unbiassed gentlemen ordered flogging for the men and the treadmill
and dark cell for the women. The Quaker delegates sent out to inspect
the result of their work were horrified. They said that the cat was
worse than the old whip, and that the apprenticeship system caused ten
times more suffering than slavery.
And such was really the case. The negroes could no longer be kept under
subordination--they even claimed entire freedom at once. Several
disturbances took place before they could be made to understand that
they had to work seven and a half hours every day, to pay for their
homes, provision grounds, and other allowances. In Demerara the Governor
addressed them as erring children, telling them that they could not
all be masters, and that every one must work. They had never seen a
white man handle the shovel or the hoe--he was free--now they had
attained to the same condition, the same coveted freedom from hard
labour must be theirs also. True, there were free negroes, some of whom
had learnt trades, but even they were above working in the field. Why
should free negroes work? Certainly not for their wives and children.
The women got their allowances, and the planter had hitherto looked
after the children. The negro had no house rent to pay, his two suits of
clothing came regularly every year, and if he was sick the doctor
attended to him. Except to deck himself with finery, he had no use for
money; a few would work overtime when they wanted something of that
sort, but the majority did as little as possible.
[Illustration: THE FIRST OF AUGUST.
(_From Madden's "West Indies."_)]
In 1838, when the house servants were to be freed, while the predials
must serve two years longer, the difficulties of such an arrangement
became insurmountable. A daughter or wife might be entirely free, and
the father or husband an "apprentice." Then came the difficulty of
classification, which the commissioners appointed to arrange the
divisions necessarily decided against the opinion of one or the other
disputant, driving him to appeal. All this rendered a continuance of the
system impossible, and slavery was terminated altogether on the 1st of
August, 1838, the planters receiving from the British people twenty
millions sterling as compensation, being about one-third of the
estimated value of the slaves.
The French had received such a lesson from the revolt of Hayti that
they did little for their negroes. However, after the downfall of Louis
Philippe in 1848, the revolutionary Government abolished slavery
throughout the colonies, without compensation.
[Illustration: A RELIC OF THE SLAVERY DAYS--OLD SLAVE BUYING FISH.]
After freedom had been secured in the British colonies the slaves in
neighbouring places naturally became discontented. There were not many
desertions from the islands, but in Guiana, where the Dutch negroes were
slaves on one side of the river Corentyne, and the British free on the
other, the runaways from the former caused a great deal of trouble to
the Dutch. Whenever an opportunity occurred, a party of slaves stole a
boat and made off to the British side, until the Surinam planters became
much alarmed. Ultimately a Dutch gunboat was stationed at the boundary
river, and this put an end to the migration.
Some of the islands were much affected, especially those of the Danes,
which were frequented by British vessels, and were largely English in
their sympathies. Here the negroes soon learnt what had happened, and
began to express dissatisfaction with their own position. However,
Denmark saw that something had to be done, and in 1847 enacted laws for
gradual emancipation in her islands. From the 28th of July of that year
all children born of slaves were to be free, and at the end of twelve
years from that time slavery was to cease altogether.
This did not satisfy the negroes, who became more discontented, and in
1848 an insurrection took place on the island of St. Croix. On the 2nd
of July it was rumoured that the slaves would refuse to work next day,
and in the evening the whites were alarmed by the ringing of bells and
blowing of conch shells. At first it was considered as an alarm of fire,
but on inquiry the whites found that the negroes had revolted, and were
demanding their freedom. Later, people came in from the country
districts with the news that there were noisy demonstrations, but that
as yet no actual violence had been committed. So little alarm was as yet
felt that no precautions were taken, although some persons became
uneasy.
Next morning the negroes streamed into Christiansted in great numbers,
and commenced to demolish the police office. An officer coming into town
was attacked by a woman with an axe, which fortunately missed him, but
the crowd was so good-humoured that, on his treating the matter coolly
he was allowed to pass: this apparent good feeling made the authorities
hesitate in taking extreme measures, even when the mob came round the
fort, shouting and calling for freedom. Now, however, they began to
collect trash for the purpose of setting fire to a house, and the
Stadthauptman and a Roman Catholic priest went among them to try
remonstrances. All the answer they got was that the slaves could not
fight the soldiers, but they intended to burn and destroy everything if
freedom were not given them. One of the mob carried a British flag as an
emblem of liberty, and several English sailors were reported as forming
part of the crowd. Soon all their good-humour was gone, and they
commenced plundering the stores, the whites running away to vessels in
the harbour.
About three o'clock in the afternoon the Governor arrived from St.
Thomas, and went among the crowd telling them that they were free, at
the same time ordering them to disperse quietly. For a few hours there
was a lull, but next morning they reassembled in the country districts
as if in doubt whether the Governor really meant what he had said. Some
planters now brought their families to town, leaving their houses to be
plundered. Parties of soldiers were sent out, and hundreds of prisoners
were taken, the mobs, which in some cases numbered two or three
thousand, dispersing at their appearance. Martial law was declared,
Porto Rico sent six hundred Spanish troops, the insurrection was at last
quelled, and peace restored. The Governor stood his trial in Denmark, to
be acquitted, and to have his declaration of complete emancipation
confirmed.
Slavery still continued in the Dutch possessions until 1863, and even
then it was only replaced by compulsory labour for ten years, leaving
the final emancipation until 1873. Yet with all that there were no
disturbances to hurry on the process or cause trouble. In Cuba a law was
passed in 1870 to give freedom to all above the age of sixty, as well as
to children born after the passing of the Act. This, however, was not
enforced on account of internal dissensions, and although Porto Rico
gave her slaves their liberty on the 23rd of March, 1873, the Cuban
Emancipation Bill was not passed by the Spanish Senate until February,
1880, and under that law slavery only came to an end on the 6th of
October, 1886.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
XV.
RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION.