CHAPTER X

INTO PICARDY TO MEET THE GERMAN PUSH

Toward the end of March, 1918, just at the time when the American

Expeditionary Forces were approaching the desired degree of military

effectiveness, the fate of civilisation was suddenly imperilled by the

materialisation of the long expected German offensive.

This push, the greatest the enemy had ever attempted, began on March

21st, and the place that Hindenburg selected for the drive was Picardy,

the valley of the Somme, the ancient cockpit of Europe. On that day the

German hordes, scores upon scores of divisions, hurled themselves

against the British line between Arras and Noyon.

Before that tremendous weight of manpower, the Allied line was forced to

give and one of the holding British armies, the Fifth, gave ground on

the right flank, and with its left as a hinge, swung back like a gate,

opening the way for the Germans toward Paris.

There have been many descriptions of the fierce fighting put up by the

French and British to stem the German advance, but the most interesting

one that ever came to my notice, came from one of the few American

soldiers that participated in the defence. Two weeks after the opening

of the battle and at a time when the German advance had been stopped, I

came upon this American in a United States Military Hospital at Dijon.

An interne led me to the bedside of Jimmy Brady, a former jockey from

the Pimlico turf in Baltimore, and now a proud wearer of Uncle Sam's

khaki. In his own quaint way, Jimmy told me the story of what a little

handful of Americans did in the great battle in Picardy. Jimmy knew.

Jimmy had been there.

"Lad," he said, "I'm telling you it was a real jam. I learned one hell

of a headful in the last ten days that I'll not be forgetting in the

next ten years. I've got new ideas about how long this war is goin' to

last. Of course, we're going to lick the Boches before it ends, but I've

sorter given up the picture I had of myself marching up Fifth Avenue in

a victory parade on this coming Fourth of July. I'll say it can't be

done in that time.

"Our outfit from old ---- engineers, and believe me there's none better,

have been working up in the Somme country for the last two months. We

were billeted at Brie and most of our work had been throwing bridges

across the Canal du Nord about three miles south of Peronne. I'm telling

you the Somme ain't a river. It's a swamp, and they just hardly squeeze

enough water outer it to make a canal which takes the place of a river.

"We was working under the British. Their old bridges over the canal were

wooden affairs and most of them had signs on them reading, 'This bridge

won't hold a tank,' and that bridge wouldn't bear trotting horses, and

so on. Some of 'em we tore down must have been put in for scenery

purposes only. We were slamming up some husky looking steel structures

like you see in the States, and believe me it makes me sick to think

that we had to blow 'em all up again before the Boches got to 'em.

"I see by the papers that the battle began on the 21st, but I've got no

more idea about the date of it than the King of Honolulu. They say it's

been on only about ten days, but I couldn't swear it hadn't been on

since New Year's Eve. It sure seemed a long time. As I told you, we were

working just south of Peronne on the main road between St. Quentin and

Amiens. She started on a foggy morning and for two days the music kept

getting closer. On the first day, all traffic was frontward, men, guns,

and camions going up towards the lines, and then the tide began to flow

back.

"Ambulances and camions, full of poor wounded devils, filled the road,

and then came labour battalions of chattering Chinks, Egyptians, and

Fiji Islanders and God knows what. None of these birds were lingering,

because the enemy was sprinkling the roads with shells and sorter

keeping their marching spirits up. Orders came for us to ditch our packs

and equipment all except spades, rifles, belts and canteens, and we set

off toward the rear.

"Do you mind your map of the Somme? Well, we pulls up at Chaulnes for a

breath. It was a big depot and dump town--aeroplanes and everything

piled up in it. We were ordered onto demolition work, being as we was

still classed as non-combatants. I don't know how many billions of

dollars' worth of stuff we blew up and destroyed, but it seemed to me

there was no end of it. Fritz kept coming all the time and they hiked us

on to Aubercourt and then to Dormant, and each place we stopped and dug

trenches, and then they shoots us into camions and rushes us north to a

town not far out of Amiens.

"With about forty men, we marched down the road, this time as

non-combatants no longer. We stopped just east of the village of

Marcelcave and dug a line of trenches across the road. We had twenty

machine guns and almost as many different kinds of ammunition as there

was different nationalities in our trench. Our position was the fifth

line of defence, we was told, but the guns kept getting closer and a

lot of that long range stuff was giving us hell. Near me there was a

squad of my men, one Chink, three Canadians, and we two Dublin

fusileers.

"Then we begin to see our own guns, that is, British guns, beginning to

blow hell out of this here village of Marcelcave right in front of us.

It made me wild to see the artillery making a mistake like that, so I

says to one of these here Dublin fusileers:

"'Whatinell's 'matter wid dose guns firing on our own men up there in

the village? If this is the fifth line, then that must be our fourth

line in the village?'

"'Lad,' says the Dublin fusileer to me, 'I don't want to discourage you

for the life of me, but this only used to be the fifth line. We are in

the first line now and it's up to you and me and the Chink and the rest

of us to keep the Fritzes out of Amiens. At this moment we are all

that's between.'

"We started to the machine guns and began pouring it in on 'em. The

minute some of 'em would start out of the town we would wither them.

Holy mother, but what a beautiful murder it was!

"I didn't know then, and don't know yet, what has become of all the rest

of our officers and men, but I sorter felt like every shot I sent over

was paying 'em back for some of their dirty work. We kept handing it to

'em hot. You oughter seen that Chink talking Mongolian to a machine gun,

and, believe me, he sure made it understand him. I'm here to say that

when a Chink fights, he's a fighting son-of-a-gun and don't let anybody

kid you different.

"Well, our little mob held 'em off till dark and then British Tommies

piled in and relieved us. We needed it because we hadn't had a bite in

seventy hours and I had been lying in the mud and water for twice that

time. Just before relief comes on, two skulking figures comes over the

top. I was thinking that maybe these was Hindus or Eskimos coming to

join our little international party and we shouts out to 'em and asks

'em where they hails from. Both of 'em yelled back, 'Kamerad,' and then

I knew that we'd not only held the fort, but had captured two prisoners

even if they was deserters.

"I marched 'em back that night to the next town and took 'em into a

grocery store, where there was a lot of Tommies helping themselves to

the first meal in days. While we were eating bread and cheese and

sardines and also feeding me two prisoners, we talks to them and finds

out that, as far as they are concerned, the Kaiser will never get their

vote again.

"One Tommy says to one of my prisoners: 'Kaiser no good--pas bon, ain't

it?' and the prisoner said, 'Yah,' and I shoved my elbow into his ribs

and right quick he said, 'Nein.' Then the Tommy said: 'Hindenburg dirty

rotter, nacy pa?' and the Fritz said, 'Yah. Nein,' and then looked at me

and said 'Yah' again. They was not bad prisoners and I marched 'em

twenty miles that night, just the three of us--two of them in front and

me in back with the rifle over me arm.

"And the joke of it was that both of them could have taken the gun and

killed me any minute for all I could have done."

"How do you figure that, Corporal?" I asked.

For reply, Jimmy Brady drew from beneath the blankets a pair of knotted

hands with fingers and thumbs stiffened and bent in and obviously

impossible to use on a trigger. Brady is not in the hospital for wounds.

Four days and nights in water and mud in the battle of battles had

twisted and shrunken him with rheumatism. But he is one rheumatic who

helped to save Amiens.

* * * * *

Upon the heels of the German successes in Picardy, developments followed

fast. Principal among these, was the materialisation of a unified

command of all the armies of the Allies. General Ferdinand Foch was

selected and placed in supreme command of every fighting man under the

Allied flags.

One of the events that led up to this long delayed action, was the

unprecedented action of General Pershing, when he turned over the

command of all the American forces in France to General Foch. He did

this with the words:

"I come to say to you that the American people would hold it a great

honour for our troops were they engaged in the present battle. I ask

it of you in my name and in that of the American people.

"There is at this moment no other question than that of fighting.

Infantry, artillery, aviation--all that we have are yours to dispose

of as you will. Others are coming which are as numerous as will be

necessary. I have come to say to you that the American people would

be proud to be engaged in the greatest battle in history."

The action met with the unqualified endorsement of every officer and man

in the American forces. From that minute on, the American slogan in

France was "Let's go," and every regiment began to hope that it would be

among the American organisations selected to do battle with the German

in Picardy. Secretary of War Baker, then in France, expressed his

pleasure over General Pershing's unselfish offer with the following

public statement on Mar. 30th:

"I am delighted with the prompt and effective action of General

Pershing in placing all American troops at the disposal of the

Allies in the present situation. His action will meet with hearty

approval in the United States, where the people desire their

Expeditionary Force to be of the utmost service to the common cause.

"I have visited practically all the American troops in France, some

of them quite recently, and had an opportunity to observe the

enthusiasm with which the officers and men receive the announcement

that they may be used in the present conflict. Regiments to which

the announcement was made, broke spontaneously into cheers."

Particularly were there cheers when the news spread through the ranks of

the First United States division, then on duty on the line in front of

Toul, that it had been the first American division chosen to go into

Picardy. I was fortunate enough to make arrangements to go with them.

I rode out from old positions with the guns and boarded the troop train

which took our battery by devious routes to changes of scenery,

gratifying both to vision and spirit. We lived in our cars on tinned

meat and hard bread, washed down with swallows of _vin ordinaire_,

hurriedly purchased at station _buvettes_. The horses rode well.

Officers and men, none of us cared for train schedule simply because

none of us knew where we were going, and little time was wasted in

conjecture. Soldierly curiosity was satisfied with the knowledge that we

were on our way, and with this satisfaction, the hours passed easily.

In fact, the blackjack game in the officers' compartment had reached the

point where the battery commander had garnered almost all of the French

paper money in sight, when our train passed slowly through the environs

of Paris.

Other American troop trains had preceded us, because where the railroad

embankment ran close and parallel to the street of some nameless

Faubourg, our appearance was met with cheers and cries from a welcoming

regiment of Paris street gamins, who trotted in the street beside the

slow moving troop train and shouted and threw their hats and wooden

shoes in the air. Sous and fifty centime pieces and franc pieces

showered from the side doors of the horses' cars as American soldiers,

with typical disregard for the value of money, pitched coin after coin

to the scrambling mob of children. At least a hundred francs must have

been cast out upon those happy, romping waves of childish faces and

up-stretched dirty hands.

"A soldier would give his shirt away," said a platoon commander, leaning

out of the window and watching the spectacle, and surreptitiously

pitching a few coins himself. "Hope we get out of this place before the

men pitch out a gun or a horse to that bunch. Happy little devils,

aren't they? It's great to think we are on our way up to meet their

daddies."

Unnumbered hours more passed merrily in the troop train before we were

shunted into the siding of a little town. Work of unloading was started

and completed within an hour. Guns and wagons were unloaded on the quay,

while the animals were removed from the cars on movable runways or

ramps. As each gun or wagon reached the ground, its drivers hitched in

the horses and moved it away. Five minutes later we rode out of the

yards and down the main street of the town.

Broad steel tires on the carriages of the heavies bumped and rumbled

over the clean cobbles and the horses pranced spryly to get the kinks

out of their legs, long fatigued from vibrations of the train. Women,

old and young, lined the curbs, smiling and throwing kisses, waving

handkerchiefs and aprons and begging for souvenirs. If every request for

a button had been complied with, our battery would have reached the

front with a shocking shortage of safety pins.

Darkness came on and with it a fine rain, as we cleared the town and

halted on a level plain between soft fields of tender new wheat, which

the horses sensed and snorted to get at. In twenty minutes, Mess

Sergeant Kelly, from his high altar on the rolling kitchen, announced

that the last of hot coffee had been dispensed. Somewhere up ahead in

the darkness, battery bugle notes conveyed orders to prepare to mount.

With the rattle of equipment and the application of endearing epithets,

which horses unfortunately don't understand, we moved off at the sound

of "forward."

Off on our left, a noiseless passenger train slid silently across the

rim of the valley, blue dimmed lights in its coach windows glowing like

a row of wet sulphur matches. Far off in the north, flutters of white

light flushed the night sky and an occasional grumbling of the distant

guns gave us our first impression of the battle of battles. Every man in

our battery tingled with the thrill. This was riding frontward with the

guns--this was rolling and rumbling on through the night up toward the

glare and glamour of war. I was riding beside the captain at the head of

the column. He broke silence.

"It seems like a far cry from Honolulu with the moon playing through the

palm trees on the beach," he said quizzically, "to this place and these

scenes and events to-night, but a little thing like a flip of coin

decided it for me, and I'm blessing that coin to-night.

"A year ago January, before we came into the war, I was stationed at San

Antonio. Another officer friend of mine was stationed there and one day

he received orders to report for duty at Honolulu. He had a girl in San

Antonio and didn't want to leave her and he knew I didn't have a girl

and didn't give a damn where I went, or was sent, so long as it was with

the army. He put up the proposition of mutual exchange being permitted

under regulations.

"He wanted to take my place in San Antonio and give me his assignment in

Honolulu, which I must say looked mighty good in those days to anybody

who was tired of Texas. I didn't think then we'd ever come to war and

besides it didn't make much difference to me one way or the other where

I went. But instead of accepting the proposition right off the reel, I

told Jim we'd flip a coin to decide.

"If it came tails, he would go to Honolulu. If it came heads, I would go

to Honolulu. He flipped. Tails won. I'm in France and poor Jim is out

there in Honolulu tending the Ukulele crop with prospects of having to

stay there for some time. Poor devil, I got a letter from him last week.

"Do you know, man knows no keener joy in the world than that which I

have to-night. Here I am in France at the head of two hundred and fifty

men and horses and the guns and we're rolling up front to kick a dent in

history. The poor unfortunate that ain't in this fight has almost got

license to shoot himself. Life knows no keener joy than this."

It was a long speech for our captain, but his words expressed not only

the feeling of our battery, but our whole regiment, from the humblest

wagon driver up to the colonel who, by the way, has just made himself

most unpopular with the regiment by being promoted to a Brigadier

Generalship. The colonel is passing upward to a higher command and the

regiment is sore on losing him. One of his humblest critics has

characterised the event as the "first rough trick the old man ever

pulled."

Midnight passed and we were still wheeling our way through sleeping

villages, consulting maps under rays of flashlights, gathering

directions some of the time from mile posts and wall signs, and at other

times gaining knowledge of roads and turns and hills from sleepy heads

in curl wrappers that protruded from bedroom chambers and were

over-generous in advice.

The animals were tired. Rain soaked the cigarettes and made them draw

badly. Above was drizzle and below was mud. There were a few grumbles,

but no man in our column would have traded places with a brother back

home even if offered a farm to boot.

It was after three in the morning when we parked the guns in front of a

chateau, brought forward some lagging combat wagons and discovered the

rolling kitchen had gone astray. In another hour the animals had been

unhitched but not unharnessed, fed and watered in darkness and the men,

in utter weariness, prepared to lie down and sleep anywhere. At this

juncture, word was passed through the sections that the battery would

get ready to move immediately. Orders were to clear the village by six

o'clock. Neither men nor horses were rested, but we moved out on time

and breakfasted on the road.

The way seemed long, the roads bad and the guns heavy. But we were

passing through an Eden of beauty--green fields and rolling hills

crested by ancient chateaux. At times, the road wound down through

hillside orchards, white and pink with apple blooms. Fatigue was heavy

on man and beast, but I heard one walking cannoneer singing, "When It's

Apple Blossom-time in Normandie." Another rider in the column recalled

the time when his father used to give him ten cents for standing on the

bottom of an upturned tin basin and reciting, "Over the mountains

winding down, horse and foot into Frederickstown."

"The jar of these guns as they grind over the gravel is enough to grind

the heart out of you," said a sweating cannoneer who was pressing a

helping shoulder to one of the heavies as we negotiated a steep hill.

"What in hell you kicking about," said the man opposite. "Suppose you

was travelling with one of them guns the Germans are using on Paris--I

mean that old John J. Longdistance. You'd know what heavy guns are then.

They say that the gun's so big and takes so many horses to haul it, that

the man who drives the lead pair has never spent the night in the same

town with the fellow who rides wheel swing."

A young reserve lieutenant with mind intensely on his work, combined for

my benefit his impressions of scenery with a lesson in artillery

location. His characterisation of the landscape was as technical as it

was unpoetical.

"A great howitzer country," was the tenor of his remarks. "Look at the

bottom of that slide. Fine position for one fifty-five. Take that gully

over there. That's a beaut of a place. No use talking. Great howitzer

country."

During the afternoon, a veterinarian turned over two horses to a French

peasant. One was exhausted and unable to proceed, and the other suffered

a bad hoof, which would require weeks for healing. News that both

animals were not going to be shot was received with joy by two men who

had ridden them. I saw them patting the disabled mounts affectionately

on the neck and heard one of them say,

"'Salright, old timer--'salright. Frenchy here is going to take care of

you all right. Uncle Sam's paying the bill and I am coming back and get

you soon's we give Fritzie his bumps."

An hour later, a young cannoneer gave in to fatigue and ignored orders

to the extent of reclining on gun trail and falling asleep. A rut in the

road made a stiff jolt, he rolled off and one ponderous wheel of the gun

carriage passed over him. One leg, one arm and two ribs were broken and

his feet crushed, was the doctor's verdict as the victim was carried

away in an ambulance.

"He'll get better all right," said the medico, "but he's finished his

bit in the army."

The column halted for lunch outside of a small town and I climbed on

foot to the hilltop castle where mediaeval and modern were mixed in mute

melange. A drawbridge crossed a long dry moat to cracked walls of rock

covered with ivy. For all its well preserved signs of artistic ruin, it

was occupied and well fitted within. From the topmost parapet of one

rickety looking tower, a wire stretched out through the air to an old,

ruined mill which was surmounted by a modern wind motor, the tail of

which incongruously advertised the words "Ideal power," with the

typical conspicuity of American salesmanship.

Near the base of the old mill was another jumble of moss-covered rocks,

now used as a summer house, but open on all sides. At a table in the

centre of this open structure, sat a blond haired young American soldier

with black receivers clamped to either ear. I approached and watched him

jotting down words on a paper pad before him. After several minutes of

intent silence, he removed the harness from his head and told me that he

belonged to the wireless outfit with the artillery and this station had

been in operation since the day before.

"Seems so peaceful here with the sun streaming down over these old

walls," he said.

"What do you hear out of the air?" I asked.

"Oh, we pick up a lot of junk," he replied, "I'm waiting for the German

communique now. Here's some Spanish stuff I just picked up and some more

junk in French. The English stations haven't started this afternoon. A

few minutes ago I heard a German aeroplane signalling by wireless to a

German battery and directing its fire. I could tell every time the gun

was ordered to fire and every time the aviator said the shot was short

or over. It's kinder funny to sit back here in quiet and listen in the

war, isn't it?" I agreed it was weird and it was.

In darkness again at the end of a hard day on the road, we parked the

guns that night in a little village which was headquarters for our

regiment and where I spent the night writing by an old oil lamp in the

Mayor's office. A former Chicago bellhop who spoke better Italian than

English and naturally should, was sleeping on a blanket roll on the

floor near me. On the walls of the room were posted numerous flag-decked

proclamations, some now yellow with the time that had passed over them

since their issue back in 1914. They pertained to the mobilisation of

the men of the village, men whose names remain now only as a memory.

But in their place was the new khaki-clad Chicago bellhop snoring there

on the floor and several thousand more as sturdy and ready as he, all

billeted within a stone's throw of that room. They were here to finish

the fight begun by those village peasants who had marched away four

years before when the Mayor of the town posted that bulletin. These

Americans stood ready to go down to honoured graves beside them.

Our division was under the French high command and was buried in the

midst of the mighty preparations then on foot. Our ranks were full, our

numbers strong, our morale high. Every officer and man in the

organisation had the feeling that the eyes of dashing French

comrades-in-arms and hard fighting British brothers were on them. Our

inspiration was in the belief that the attention of the Allied nations

of the world and more particularly the hope and pride of our own people

across the sea, was centred upon us. With that sacred feeling, the first

division stood resolute to meet the test.

Some of the disquieting news then prevalent in the nervous civilian

areas back of the lines, reached us, but its effect, as far as I could

see, was nil. Our officers and men were as unconcerned about the reports

of enemy successes as though we were children in the nursery of a

burning house and the neighbourhood was ringing with fire alarms. German

advances before Amiens, enemy rushes gaining gory ground in Flanders,

carried no shock to the high resolve that existed in the Allied reserves

of which we were a part.

Our army knew nothing but confidence. If there was other than optimism

to be derived from the current events, then our army was inclined to

consider such a result as gratifying, because it could be calculated to

create a greater measure of speed and assistance from the slowly

functioning powers in America. The reasoning was that any possible

pessimism would hurry to the wheel every American shoulder that had

failed to take up its individual war burden under the wave of optimism.

The army had another reason for its optimism. Our officers knew

something about the dark days that had preceded the first battle at the

Marne. They were familiar with the gloomy outlook in 1914 that had led

to the hurried removal of the French government from Paris to Bordeaux.

Our men recalled how the enemy was then overrunning Belgium, how the old

British "Contemptibles" were in retreat, and how the German was within

twenty miles of the French capital.

In that crisis had come the message by Foch and the brilliant stroke

with which he backed it up. What followed was the tumble and collapse of

the straddling German effort and the forced transformation in the

enemy's plans from a war of six weeks to a war of four years.

Our army knew the man who turned the trick at the Marne. We knew that we

were under his command, and not the slightest doubt existed but that it

was now our destiny to take part in another play of the cards which

would call and cash the German hand. Our forces in the coming

engagements were staking their lives, to a man, on Foch's ace in the

hole.

That was the deadly earnestness of our army's confidence in Foch. The

capture of a hill top in Picardy or the loss of a village in Flanders

had no effect upon that confidence. It found reinforcement in the

belief that since March 21st, America had gained a newer and keener

appreciation of her part in the war.

Our army began to feel that the American people, more than three

thousand miles away from the battle fronts, would have a better

understanding of the intense meaning that had been already conveyed in

General Pershing's words, "Confidence is needed but overconfidence is

dangerous." In other words, our soldiers in the field began to feel that

home tendencies that underrated the enemy's strength and underestimated

the effort necessary to overcome him, had been corrected. The army had

long felt that such tendencies had made good material for Billy Sunday's

sermons and spread-eagle speeches, but they hadn't loaded guns or placed

men in the front line.

We felt that this crisis had brought to America a better realisation of

the fact that Germany had not been beaten and that she was yet to be

beaten and that America's share in the administration of that beating

would have to be greater and more determined than had heretofore been

deemed necessary. It was the hope of the army that this realisation

would reach the people with a shock. Shocks were known to make

realisations less easy to forget. Forgetfulness from then on might have

meant Allied defeat.

Lagging memories found no billet in the personnel of that First

Division. Its records, registering five hundred casualties, kept in mind

the fact that the division had seen service on the line and still had

scores to settle with the enemy.

Its officers and men, with but few exceptions, had undergone their

baptism in German fire and had found the experience not distasteful. The

division had esprit which made the members of every regiment and

brigade in it vie with the members of any other regiment and brigade.

If you had asked any enlisted man in the division, he would have told

you that his company, battery, regiment or brigade "had it all over the

rest of them."

That was the feeling that our division brought with them when we marched

into Picardy to meet the German push. That was the spirit that dominated

officers and men during the ten days that we spent in manoeuvres and

preparations in that concentration area in the vicinity of the ancient

town of Chaumont-en-Vexin in the department of the Oise. It was the

feeling that made us anxious and eager to move on up to the actual

front.

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